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Notes on an Eleventh-Century Missal, Walters Manuscript 11
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
Extract
In his excellent description and analysis of Walters MS 11, Dr. Leo F. Miller gives little or no attention to what is at times the most vexing problem a liturgical manuscript can present, viz., for what church was the codex written? He determines the predominantly Ravennate character of the ‘martyrologium’ prefixed to the sacramentary-missal which constitutes the body of the book, but in general hesitates to assign the manuscript to Ravenna itself, because ‘it contains none of the liturgical uses proper to that city's ancient liturgy, to which the people clung so tenaciously until they were abolished by Archbishop Julius della Rovere,’ and adds: ‘would a Ravenna calendar lack such great names as Peter Chrysologus and Iohannes Angeloptes?’ It will not be amiss, therefore, to look about for other clues which may help us solve the problem. An initial clue may, indeed, be said to stand out in the calendar itself: March 21. Natale S. Patris nostri Benedicti. This formulation, which is found normally only in Benedictine calendars, taken together with the proper mass for the feast of the saint on fo1.37, leaves little room for doubt concerning the character of the church for which the book was intended, even as the blessing of the weekly reader, inserted after the Canon of the Mass (fol.12r), clearly indicates that the book at one time served a monastic church. Our problem, therefore, is to identify the abbey or priory, if possible, and here again there exists an important clue. In the ‘Missa pro Congregatione In honore (sic) sanctae Mariae,’ St. Ambrose is mentioned in both collect and postcommunion, as he is also in the ‘Nobis quoque peccatoribus’ and in the embolism after the Pater noster. There can be no question that the saint mentioned in the two prayers—Defende, quaesumus and Copiosa—is normally the patron of the monastery, and that this particular mass-formulary has in this book been adapted for use in a church dedicated to the famous bishop of Milan. It would be interesting, therefore, to find in the province of Ravenna a monastery dedicated to St. Ambrose, so remote, too, perhaps from the metropolitan city as not to be obliged or inclined to keep all its local observances. Such a monastery did, indeed, exist—Sancti A mbrosii de Rancla (Ranclo; the modern Ranchio), situated about seven kilometers north-northwest of Sarsina, the episcopal city of the diocese to which it belonged, a suffragan see of Ravenna—and although no chronicle or annals, recounting the inner and outer history of the abbey would seem to be extant, the archives of the diocese, meagerly published, to be sure, do give us for the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries an occasional glimpse of its fortunes, at times perhaps even more.
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References
page 328 note 1 ‘Missal W.11 of the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore,’ Traditio 2 (1944) 123–54.Google Scholar
page 328 note 2 Ibid. 130. Additional comments on the ‘martyrologium’ will be found in footnote 21 below, but see especially Note III, pages 338–40.Google Scholar
page 328 note 3 Miller (op. cit. 138) is somewhat too cautious in seeing special significance in the tract only of this formulary. Even without a proper tract, the occurrence of the formulary itself would be a strong indication of monastic use.Google Scholar
page 328 note 4 Strittmatter, A., ‘The Monastic Blessing of the Weekly Reader in Missal W.11 of the Walters Art Gallery,’ Traditio 3 (1945) 392–4.Google Scholar
page 328 note 5 Miller, , op. cit. 154, 134f. See Note II below.Google Scholar
page 328 note 6 See Appendix below.Google Scholar
page 328 note 7 It appears three times in Cottineau’s, Dom L. H. Répertoire topo-bibliographique des Abbayes et Prieurés (Macon 1939): II 2584 (St. Ambrogio), 2402 (Ranchio), 2410 (de Rauchia). In the first and second entries reference is made to Lubin, , Abbatiarum Italiae Brevis Notitia … (Romae 1693): in the first (St. Ambrogio), to page 12; in the second (Ranchio), to page 314, where Lubin refers also to the Italia of J. A. Magini (Bologna 1620), in which on map 36 (Romagna olim Flaminia) both the abbey and the village (castle ?), Rancio (sic), are shown. The third contains a reference to the Regesta of Leo X (ed. Hergenroether, J., Friburgi Br. 1884) 5166, an act of 30 October 1513. See also Kehr, P. F., Italia Pontificia V, Aemilia sive Provincia; Ravennas (Berolini 1911) 119f.Google Scholar
page 329 note 8 The text was published by Schneider, Fedor, ‘Toskanische Studien,’ Quellen und Forschungen, aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 11 (1908) 41f. from tom.6 of the Raccolta di varie coseantiche concernenti il Vescovado ed altre cose di Sarsina, di Filippo Antonini, a volume put together by Bishop Braschi in 1706.Google Scholar
page 329 note 9 This is the form of the name found in Cappelletti, G., Le Chiese d’Italia II (Venezia 1844) 496 and 518 (xxvi). I use it in preference to Ughelli’s form, Albardus (see the following note).Google Scholar
page 329 note 10 Ughelli, F., Italia Sacra 2 2 (Venetiis 1717) 656D: ‘Albardus (sic) post Henricum sic adnotatum reperio inter Episcopos Sassinae in Arce Caeulana: Dicitur Ambrosii coenobia subdita quondam Emisisse manu libera facta pater, Annua dum Baebi templo stipendia solvant; Tristibus inde gravis litibus orta leges (seges ?). Since the series of inscriptions to which this belongs, was placed beneath the portraits of the bishops of Sarsina in the lifetime of Angelo Peruzzi, who ruled the diocese from 1581 to 1600, it is not rash to assume that they are based on the documents which were then being so assiduously studied by his vicar general, Filippo Antonini. Concerning these portraits and inscriptions, see also Cappelletti, G., op. cit. 484. The inscription quoted above is printed ibid. 496.Google Scholar
page 329 note 11 See the text published by Kehr, Paul, ‘Nachträge zu den Papsturkunden Italiens,’ Nachrichten von der kgl. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Göttingen , philol.-hist. Kl. 1910, 248–50. Quite probably, both this document and that of 3 April 1041 (see note 8 above) were known to the author of the spurious diploma of Conrad II confirming the possessions and privileges of the diocese of Sarsina (n.93 in Bresslau’s edition, MGH, Diplomata Regum et Imperatorum Germaniae 4 [Hannover and Leipzig 1909] 127–30, where previous editions of the text—Ughelli, loc. cit. 655f.; Cappelletti, , ibid. 491f.—are also mentioned).Google Scholar
page 329 note 12 Fabre, Paul, Le Liber Censuum de l'Église Romaine II (Paris 1905) 114. Concerning the name ‘Bobium’ as an alternative designation of Sarsina, see Fabre’s article, ‘Le Patrimoine de l'Église romaine dans les Alpes Cottiennes,’ Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’École française de Rome 4 (1884) 398ff.Google Scholar
page 329 note 13 Op. cit. I (Paris 1889–1910) 77: ‘In Bobiensi Episcopatu. Monasterium Sancti Ambrosii xii denarios papienses.’ Google Scholar
page 330 note 14 Op. cit. I 99, where see also footnote 4.Google Scholar
page 330 note 15 Fantuzzi, M., Monumenti Ravennati de’ Secoli di Mezzo 6 (Venezia 1804) 257, number 8 in a list of ‘Monumenti Sarsinati citati da Filippo Antonini nella Storia di Sarsina.’ Google Scholar
page 330 note 16 See n.13 in Fantuzzi’s list cited in the preceding note, also the following inscription reproduced by Ughelli, , loc. cit. 657B, and Cappelletti, II 498: Ter decies centum libris emit, aspice, Ceulam; Bagnolum evicit; Rancla datur monachis. Eligit archipatrem; donat diplomata Caesar; Hinc Tetii Castrum, mons emiturque Petrae. In the famous Descriptio of the province of Romagna, drawn up in the year 1371 for the Cardinal Anglic de Grimoard, brother of Pope Urban V, the following five ‘castra’ are mentioned under the caption, Tenet Abbas Ranclae: ‘C. Mercoris, C. Castagneti, C. Petrellae Abbatis, C. Ranclae, C. Rullati.’ Under the caption, Tenet Abbas Ranclae, & Tosolinus de Nobilibus de Omonio, is mentioned ‘Castrum Cinotii.’ The ‘Castrum Ranclae’ is described briefly as follows: ‘… est in quadam Vallae (sic) super flumen Borelli, in quo est turris fortissima, in quo sunt focul.[aria] L‘(Fantuzzi, , op. cit. 5, 61f.). The history of the ‘Castrum Ranclae’ would seem to be as obscure as that of the neighboring abbey. In the Chronicum Faventinum of Magister Tolosanus, we read that in the year 1207 the people of Faenza under the leadership of Gerardo di Rolandino, their podestà, rendered valuable assistance to the count of Rancla, who was then engaged in a conflict with his neighbor, Bertoldo di Linaro (ed. Rossini, G. [RIS2 28 i; Bologna 1936–9] c. cxxviii 119, 5–22; indice cronologico, 341). In March 1278, the troops of Forlì, led by Guido da Montefeltro, reduced to subjection the castle of Ranchio which had revolted from them and gone over to Rodulfino de Ganaçese and to the lords of Valbona (Petri Cantinelli Chronicon , ed. Torraca, Francesco RIS2 28 ii; Città di Castello 1902] 13, 21–9; indice cronologico, 205). In Filippo Antonini’s Dell’ Antichità di Sarsina (1605), which is accessible to me only in S. Havercamp’s Latin translation (Sassina Antiqua, in Graevius’, J. G. Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiae 7 ii; Lugduni Batavorum 1722), Ranchio is mentioned as one of thirteen places belonging to the Aldobrandini family. According to G. Rossini (see his note to the passage cited above from Magister Tolosanus), the medieval ‘Rangla’ is to-day the parish of St. Bartholomew in Ranchio, concerning which I find nothing in the guide-books. But Ranchio and several other places mentioned above are clearly shown on the map inserted between pages 384 and 385 in the guide-book, Emilia e Romagna, published by the Touring Club Italiano (Milano 1935).Google Scholar
page 330 note 17 Fantuzzi, , op. cit. 3 (Venezia 1802) 332 (in a list of ‘Memorie Ravennati e di Romagna estratte de Monumenti dell’ Archivio Vaticano,’ which begins on page 329 and extends to page 379); 6, 257 n.14; and the following inscription printed by Ughelli, , loc. cit. 660B, and by Cappelletti, II 500: Rufinum Augusto Baebi commendat & Urbi Gregorius, servent illius imperium. Abbatem & clerum Ranclae sententia frenat; Emit Fazanum; nulla tributa ferunt.Google Scholar
page 330 note 18 Fabre, P., ‘La perception du cens apostolique dans l’Italie centrale en 1291,’ Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 10 (1890) 369–83; but especially the conclusion of his note 4 cited in footnote 14 above.Google Scholar
page 330 note 19 See note 7 above.Google Scholar
page 331 note 20 See note 7 above.Google Scholar
page 331 note 21 It is proper to add at this point that both feasts of St. Ambrose, the anniversary of his death (4 April) and that of his ordination (7 December), are entered in the calendar by the original hand in red, as are only three other feasts: Assumptio S. Mariae, Festivitas Omnium Sanctorum, Nativitas domini secundum carnem S. Anastasiae. The entry for 17 May: S. Potentiane. Dedicatio templi S. Michaelis Archangeli, also in red, was added by a later hand. Partly because of the color—partly, too, because of the blurred condition of the text—this entry was scarcely decipherable in Dr. Miller's microfilm (op. cit. 126, footnote 15). For the sake of accuracy, also, I may be permitted to add at this point that the second half of the entry for June 18 (xiiii kal. Jul.), which was also illegible in the microfilm (ibid. 127), reads: ord(i) -n(a) t(io) S. Ap(o) l(li) n(a) r(is) . From the abbreviation here used (Aplnr), it is clear that the abbreviation, Apl, which Dr. Miller not unnaturally read as Apostoli (July 30, ibid. 127, 130), lacks the final nr because of lack of space. The correct reading, therefore, is Octaba S. Apollinaris. Google Scholar
page 331 note 22 Magistretti, Marcus, Manuale Ambrosianum ex codice saec. xi olim in usum Canonicae Vallis Travaliae I (Mediolani 1905) 181–96.Google Scholar
page 331 note 23 Id. Beroldus sive Ecclesiae Ambrosianae Mediolanensis Kalendarium et Ordines saec. xii (Mediolani 1894) 1–14.Google Scholar
page 331 note 24 See his Vita published by the Bollandists, ASS Augusti VI 189–95. The list of bishops of Sarsina, published by Cappelletti II 518–20 (see note 9 above), includes two others distinguished by the title ‘saint’: Rufinus (c.420) and Apollinaris (c.850), but neither their names nor that of Vicinius are to be found in the index of the Roman Martyrology. The place-name, Sassina, likewise, does not appear in the index topographicus to either the Hieronymian or the Roman Martyrology. (Of L. Testi's work, San Vicinio vescovo di Sarsina nella storia e nella tradizione con la serie cronologica dei vescovi di Sarsina [n.d.], I must say, as does Paul Kehr [see end of note 7 above], ‘non vidi.’) Google Scholar
page 331 note 25 I do not mean to imply that the manuscript was written at Ranchio. That would be a rash assertion. The strong Ravenna coloring of the calendar rather prompts one to suspect that it was done at a scriptorium in or near that city. In fact, from the calendar, one is inclined to believe that the abbey of S. Ambrogio di Ranchio was founded from one of the monasteries of the metropolitan city itself. Future investigation along this line may lead to interesting results. (A tentative statement will be found in Excursus D below.) Google Scholar
page 332 note 1 Op. cit. 134.Google Scholar
page 332 note 2 Gerald Ellard, S.J., ‘Interpolated Amen’s in the Canon of the Mass,’ Theological Studies 6 (1945) 382–4.Google Scholar
page 332 note 3 Maurice, D. V., ‘Les saints du Canon de la messe au moyen-âge,’ Ephemerides liturgicae 52 (1938) 353–84.Google Scholar
page 332 note 4 Micrologus de ecclesiasticis observationibus, 12 and 13 (Hittorpius, Melchior, De catholicae Ecclesiae divinis officiis ac ministeriis [Romae 1591] 385–6; Gerbert, Martinus, Monumenta veteris liturgiae Alemannicae II [Typis SanBlasianis 1779] 331f.; PL 151, 984–5). Especially pertinent is the following passage in c. 13 (Quid superfluum sit in Canone) : ‘Aliorum vero Sanctorum nomina annumerare non debemus, nisi quos in Canone invenimus antiquitus descriptos, excepto post, Pater noster, in illa oratione, ubi iuxta ordinem quorumlibet sanctorum nomina internumerare possumus’ (PL 151, 984D).Google Scholar
page 332 note 5 Miller, op. cit. 134.Google Scholar
page 332 note 6 A list of manuscripts in which the name of St. Nicholas is included in any one of these three prayers is given below in Excursus A. Google Scholar
page 333 note 7 Meisen, Karl, Nikolauskult und Nikolausbrauch im Abendlande (Forschungen zur Volkskunde, hrsg. Schreiber, von Georg, Heft 9–12; Düsseldorf 1931) 50ff.: ‘I. Hauptteil. Der kirchliche Kult des hl. Nikolaus im Abendlande während des Mittelalters.’ Google Scholar
page 333 note 8 Op. cit. (see note 3 above) 365f.Google Scholar
page 333 note 9 Miller, , op. cit. 135.Google Scholar
page 333 note 10 For a list of the manuscripts in which St. Michael is mentioned in the embolism after the Pater noster, see Excursus B, below.Google Scholar
page 333 note 11 Ebner’s list (op. cit. [Exc. A below] 427 note 7) includes three, perhaps four, eleventh-century books (Monza 99, 100; Casanatense 1907; Bologna, Bibl. dell’ Univ. 2247, which may belong to the century following). To these must now be added, as belonging to the same period, our Walters book and the sacramentary of Frontale –see Excursus C). To a later century belong the sacramentary of Fonte Avellana (see footnote 13) and Barb. lat. XII. 6 (see Excursus B no. 26), a manuscript which was once the property of Cardinal Santorio.—It is not amiss in this connection to recall the comment of the famous Durandus on the petition for peace included in the Libera: ‘Ad impetrandum ergo pacis gratiam, imploratur mater Salomonis, idest, viri pacifici, et Michael nuntius pacis, et Baptista praeco pacis, et tres Apostoli testes pacis …’ (Rationale Divinorum Officiorum IV 49, 4 [Venetiis 1577] 127v).Google Scholar
page 333 note 12 PL 151, 835 BC; concerning this manuscript see Excursus C, below.Google Scholar
page 333 note 13 Despite certain discrepancies between Ebner's description (op. cit. 133) of Cod. Scans. 131, Ord. 4, Lett. D of the Bibl. Comunale of Ravenna and the text published by the Camaldolese annalists, I am inclined to believe that this is the manuscript which they edited, and that it is identical with codex 341 of the Biblioteca di Classe, described by S. Berticoli (Mazzatinti, G., Inventari dei manoscritti delle Biblioteche d'Italia 4 [Forlì 1894]: Ravenna, Bibl. di Classe, 219).Google Scholar
page 333 note 14 For a tentative statement concerning the provenance of both manuscripts, the sacramentary of Frontale and Walters MS 11, see Excursus D, below.Google Scholar
page 333 note 15 Florence, Bibl. Laur. Plut. xvi 8 (s.xii in.) has the name of the Baptist after ‘Andrea’ (Bandini I 181). Having no access to the supplement of Bandini's great catalogue to which Ebner refers, I cannot ascertain whether the Baptist is mentioned after ‘Maria’ or ‘Andrea’ in Aedil. 122 (s.x) and 123 (s.xi) of the same library. I am equally uninformed concerning Monte Cassino MS 127 (s.xi/xii) and Rome, Bibl. Angelica S.1.19 (s.xii/xiii). Leroquais, whose index is quite complete on points of this kind, gives no hint of the occurrence of the Baptist's name in the Libera in any one of his nine hundred odd manuscripts (op cit. [Exc. A below] III 377), a fact which would seem to indicate that Durandus’ comment quoted above at the end of footnote 11 was written either before he left Italy in 1291 to devote himself to the affairs of his diocese of Mende, or, if written after 1291, was a reminiscence of the long years spent by the author in Italy.Google Scholar
page 333 note 16 One exception, indeed, must be made with reference to the Communicantes, viz., the clause inserted by order of Pope Gregory III in the year 732 after ‘omnium sanctorum’ in Masses celebrated in the oratory of the Holy Saviour, installed by him in the Basilica of St. Peter (Duchesne, L., Le Liber Pontificalis I [Paris 1886] 417, 10–15; see also the editor’s notes 12–14, page 422f.). This clause, to be sure, did not mention any single saint by name, but one can see how easily it might serve as the occasion of the rubric found in ‘Ordo Romanus IV’ (see references in footnote following): ‘Si fuerit natale Sanctorum, hic (sc. after ‘Cosmae et Damiani’) dicat, Sed et diem natalliti beati ill. vel beatorum ill. celebrantes, et omnium Sanctorum, quorum meritis precibusque concedas, etc.’ The variants of Gregory Ill’s interpolation, which came to be extensively used, but was never universally adopted, are discussed at length by Dom Maurice in his article cited in footnote 3 above, pages 366–70.Google Scholar
page 334 note 17 Hittorp, Melchior, op. cit. (footnote 4 above) 682; Menardus, Hugo, Sancti Gregorii Magni … Liber Sacramentorum, PL 78, 283f. (ex. cod Paris. lat. 820); Baluzius, Stephanus, Capitularia regum Francorum (Nova editio … curante Petro de Chiniac, Parisiis 1780) II (= Mansi 18B) 1366–8; Mabillon, J., Museum Italicum II (Luteciae Parisiorum 1689) ‘Ordo Romanus IV,’ 559–60; 61f. (PL 78, 1380; 983f.); Gerbert, M., Monumenta Veteris Liturgiae Alemannicae II 165f. (cf. 337). A full bibliography and a list of twenty-four manuscripts in which this ‘ordo’ occurs, is to be found in Michel Andrieu’s Les Ordines Romani du haut moyen âge I (Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense 11; Louvain 1931) 6f. where it appears as ‘ordo VII.’ Google Scholar
page 334 note 18 I quote Hittorp’s text, with which that of Ménard and Mabillon is almost identical (‘quales’ for ‘quos’); Baluzius and Gerbert read ‘nominat quales’ (interesting, too, is their reading after ‘Andrea’: ‘et sancto Stephano protomartyre tuo, et beatis Confessoribus tuis Hilario, Martino atque Benedicto’) and omit ‘deinde infert’ (see references in preceding note).Google Scholar
page 334 note 19 Eisenhofer, L., Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik II (Freiburg i. Br. 1933) 199; Maurice, Dom V., op. cit. 378f.Google Scholar
page 338 note 1 Lanzoni, F., Le diocesi d’Italia (Studi e Testi 35 [2nd ed.]; Faenza 1927) 737–49.Google Scholar
page 338 note 2 Ehrensberger, Hugo, Libri liturgici Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae manuscripti (Friburgi Br. 1897) 97–91; Poncelet, A. S. J., Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum Bibliothecae Vaticanae (Subsidia Hagiographica 11; Bruxellis 1910) 34–41.Google Scholar
page 338 note 3 Delehaye, H., ‘L’hagiographie ancienne de Ravenne,’ Analecta Bollandiana 47 (1929) 1–30. especially the concluding section, 21ff.; Lucchesi, G., Note agiografiche sui primi vescovi di Ravenna (Faenza 1941).Google Scholar
page 338 note 4 Given the striking sentence with which Père Delehaye opens his study cited in the preceding footnote, ‘L’hagiographie de Ravenne est écrite sur les murs de ses basiliques,’ it will not be amiss to refer at this point to a recently published, brilliant essay in interpretation of the mosaic of St. Apollinaris in the basilica of Classe: von Simson, O. G., Sacred Fortress, Byzantine Art and Statecraft in Ravenna (Chicago 1948) 50ff.Google Scholar
page 338 note 5 As Delehaye, op. cit. 29, points out, the relics of Eleucadius and Marcianus, the second and third successor respectively of Apollinaris, could not be found, since the remains of the former had been removed to Pavia by Astulphus in 751, and the latter was believed to have suffered martyrdom at Tortona. Lucchesi, , op. cit. 108, offers the same explanation with reference to Eleucadius, but disagrees with Delehaye—and Lanzoni, , op. cit. 821ff., for he believes that the remains of Marcianus too had been removed by the Lombards. More important than either of these, perhaps, is the commentary of A. Testi Rasponi on Agnellus’ statement in his life of the archbishop Maximian (I reproduce the spelling of the critical edition): ‘Corpus vero beati Probi, cum ceteris sanctorum potificum corporibus, iste sanctus vir (sc. Maximianus) aromatibus condivit et bene locavit, et in fronte ipsius eclesiae beati Probi et Eleuchadii et Caloceri effigies tesselis variis decoravit et sub pedibus eorum invenietis’ (Codex Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis, RIS2 II, iii [Bologna 1924] 199f., especially 200, 16–55).Google Scholar
page 339 note 6 The Vita S. Probi begins in Vat. lat. 1190 on fol. 189, immediately after the Passio of St. Theodore and immediately immediately before that of St. Victor, these two saints being commemorated in the Walters calendar on November 9th (‘Theodoti’!) and 12th respectively (Ehrensberger, , op. cit. 88–90; Poncelet, , op. cit. 36–9).Google Scholar
page 339 note 7 See Note I above.Google Scholar
page 339 note 8 Delehaye, H., Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris, Bruxellis 1902 [= DS]) 825f.; Martyrologium Romanum … scholiis historicis instructum edd. H. Delehaye etc. (Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Decembris, Bruxellis 1940 [= DM]) 297.Google Scholar
page 339 note 9 DS 233f.Google Scholar
page 339 note 10 Achelis, H., ‘Die Martyrologien, ihre Geschichte und ihr Wert,’ Abhdl. d. kgl. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Göttingen , philol.-hist. Kl., N.F. 3 iii (1900) 162f.Google Scholar
page 339 note 11 One is inclined to think, first of all, of a survival or adaptation of the Byzantine commemoration of Saints Joseph and James, the brother of the Lord, and David, prophet and king, on the Sunday after Christmas, which might have been conveniently fixed in a Latin calendar on 29 December. But the question then arises: how did Joseph, the foster-father of Jesus (or Joseph the Just of Acts 1, 23; see Dmitrievski, , Opisanie liturgicheskikh rukopisei I, Tυπικά [Kiev 1895] 37, and David come to be omitted? The omission of the latter is all the more striking, striking, since he is mentioned in so many Western martyrologies on this very date. In any event, the retention here in Walters MS 11 of the commemoration, Iacobi fratris domini, may very well serve to explain the feast of St. James found on this same date in certain North Italian, chiefly Ambrosian, books (in some manuscripts, the Or Ordinatio episcopatus S. Iacobi, a title derived apparently from the entry for 27 December in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum [see Delehaye, H., Commentarius perpetuus in M. H. ad recensionem H. Quentin (= Acta Sanctorum Novembris, t.ii pars posterior), Bruxellis 1931, 11f.] or some allied document). The following is a list of the manuscripts which have come to my knowledge: (1) Milan, Bibl. Ambros. A 24 bis inf., s.ix/x, the famous sacramentary of Biasca (E 73); (2) ibid. A 24 inf., s.x, Lodrini in Lepontiis (Valle Leventina) (E 72); (3) ibid. Tesoro della Cattedrale, a sacramentary of the tenth or eleventh century (E 91); (4) Ivrea, Bibl. Capit. 19, written between 1075 and 1090 (E 52); (5) Milan, Bibl. Capit. 2102, s.xi (Magistretti, , op. cit. [Note I above, footnote 22] I 196: Ordinatio; but the interesting office published in vol. ii 74–7 is entitled, Nat.); (6) Bologna, Bibl. dell’ Univ. 2679, s.xi ex., a missal from the region about Venice, perhaps from the diocese of Aquileia (E 19: Ordinatio); (7) Milan, Bibl. Ambros. I 152 inf., s.xii (Magistretti, , Beroldus [Note I above, footnote 23] 14: Ordinatio). Google Scholar
page 339 note 12 See the critical apparatus to 27 April, DS 631ff.Google Scholar
page 339 note 13 The Marina whose Vita, written by another hand, is found on the last two folios of this manuscript (Ehrensberger, , op. cit. 91; Poncelet, , op. cit. 41 n.83), would seem to be another saint, who is commemorated in the Roman Martyrology on 18 June (see Delehaye’s note ad loc. DM 244). As for the absence of a Vita or Passio of St. James the Less, since the sequence of the Lives contained in this manuscript ends with 21 December, we can scarcely expect to find one for the 29th of the month.Google Scholar
page 340 note 14 Bishop Liberius III of Ravenna was buried, according to Agnellus, , in monasterio S. Pulionis quem (!) suis temporibus edificatum est non longe a porta que dicitur Nova (Agnellus op. cit. 63; concerning the special meaning of the word ‘monasterium’ in Agnellus: ‘qualunque chiesa destinata al culto privato, dove cioè il vescovo non celebrava publicamente, assistito dal suo clero,’ see Testi Rasponi's commentary, op. cit. 61 n.5, 14–35).Google Scholar
page 340 note 15 DM 419.Google Scholar
page 340 note 16 Ehrensberger, , op. cit. 90; Poncelet, , op. cit. 38 n.54.Google Scholar
page 340 note 17 I take the title from Cod. Patmiacus 266 (s.ix/x) as edited by Dmitrievski, , op. cit. (note 11 above) 69.Google Scholar
page 340 note 18 Five Greek monasteries situated in and about Ravenna are included in Cottineau’s list (op. cit. [Note I above, footnote 7] 2412ff., 2176; see also Lubin, , op. cit. 316ff., where four only are mentioned): St. Lawrence in Caesarea, St. Mamas, St. Mary in Cosmedin, the Holy Spirit, and St. Mary ad Blachernas (this last would not seem to have been known to Lubin under this name, nor does he seem to have known its earlier history, op. cit. 273, S. Mariae de Palatiolo) . Of these five, St. Mamas’ does not seem to find a place anywhere in Agnellus (certainly the name does not appear in Holder-Egger’s index), nor does Fabbri, Girolamo, Le sagre memorie di Ravenna antica I [Venice 1664] 231f., in his discussion of this church, give any indication that it belonged to the period of the Exarchate. As for the monastery of the Holy Spirit, as it is called by these authors, it would seem to have been founded originally in the old Arian cathedral under the title of St. Theodore (Agnellus, ed. Holder-Egger, [MGH, Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum saec. vi–ix] 119; see also Rasponi, Testi op. cit. 217, 66–96, and Fabbri, op. cit. 347). In addition to the question of the relations between these Greek monasteries and their Latin neighbors, there is that also of the survival of old traditions in Greek monasteries which were re-colonized by Latin monks in the ninth and tenth centuries (see Testi Rasponi’s commentary, op. cit. 218, 24–8). Of special interest is Charles Diehl’s survey, Études sur l'administration byzantine dans l'Exarchat de Ravenne (568–751), Paris 1888, Livre III, ch. ii: ‘L’hellénisme dans l’Italie byzantine,’ 255ff.Google Scholar