Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
When in 1922 Clemens Blume published the fifty-fifth volume of the Analecta Hymnica, almost a hundred years of development in the field of Latin hymnology reached its final stage. Although the idea of collecting hymns was not an outcome of the growing interest in literature in the nineteenth century, the first extensive work in this field was not begun earlier than about the middle of that century. A study of the origins of this research and of certain aspects of the work in its earliest stages, while not to be attempted here, would be of great interest — and instructive as well; for it appears that many errors and many misconceptions of the subject go back directly to the lack of a methodical and scientific approach on the part of the earlier hymnologists.
1 Revue Bénédictine 52 (1940) 15–84, especially 30 (analysis), 61f. (a poem ‘In die Apostolorum’).Google Scholar
2 Bernard, J. H. - Atkinson, R., The Irish Liber Hymnorum (HBS 13, 14; London 1898).Google Scholar
3 Dreves, G. M., Hymnarius Moissiacensis (AH 2; Leipzig 1888).Google Scholar
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5 M. Dreves, G., Godescalcus Lintpurgensis (Hymnologische Beiträge 1; Leipzig 1897).Google Scholar
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7 Misset, E.-W.H. Weale, J., Thesaurus Hymnologicus (= Weale, Analecta Liturgica II; 2 vols. Lille-Bruges 1888-1901).Google Scholar
8 M. Dreves, G. - Blume, Cl., Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi (55 vols. Leipzig 1886-1922); Vol. 40 was edited by M. Bannister, H., who also appears as co-editor of Vols. 47, 53, 54.Google Scholar
9 Chevalier, U., Repertorium Hymnologicum (6 vols. Louvain-Brussels 1892-1921).Google Scholar
10 Blume, C., Repertorium Repertorii (Leipzig 1901).Google Scholar
11 Julian, J., A Dictionary of Hymnology (rev. ed. with new suppl. London 1907).Google Scholar
12 Becker, Ph., ‘Vom christlichen Hymnus zum Minnesang,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 52 (1932), 1-39, 145-177.Google Scholar
13 2 vols. Berlin 1905.Google Scholar
14 London 1890 and later printings.Google Scholar
15 London 1861.Google Scholar
16 New York 1901.Google Scholar
17 London 1867.Google Scholar
18 London 1940.Google Scholar
19 London 1866.Google Scholar
20 Dublin 1938.Google Scholar
21 New enlarged ed. New York 1948.Google Scholar
22 Philadelphia 1912.Google Scholar
23 2nd ed. Oxford 1953.Google Scholar
24 In the series, S. Mason, A. (ed.), Cambridge Patristic Texts; Cambridge 1922.Google Scholar
25 Budapest 1893.Google Scholar
26 Two parts: AH 51, 52 (Leipzig 1908, 1909).Google Scholar
27 Two parts; the second in two volumes: AH 53-55 (Leipzig 1911-1922). AH 51-55 are the work of Blume, 53-54 in collaboration with Bannister, H. M. The introductions to the three volumes of the Prosarium are especially valuable for the discussion of the literary form of the sequence, the analysis of its development by periods, and the characterization of the full-blown sequence of Adam of St. Victor.Google Scholar
28 To illustrate this change in Blume's attitude it will be enough to refer to certain features in AH 55. Apart from his introduction, where he discusses the relationship of South-German and French sequences, Blume adds in this volume notes to many sequences, explaining their pattern, referring to certain interconnections, supplying interpretation of the texts, etc. Compared with the procedure of the early volumes of AH, these features show the editor's new orientation. Typical explanatory remarks are found on pp. 270, 284, 287, 288, 290, 298, 302, 308, 310, 320, 323, 325, 330, 335, 336, 353, 364, 381, 391, 408, 409, 410, etc. Cf. also pp. xi, 17, 22,58, 76, 79, 81, 98, 117, 118, 138, 141-42, 146, 147, 153, 173, 178, 179, 183-84, 223, 242, 255, 274, 277, 304, 359 etc.; and also AH 53 ix (introduction by Blume-Bannister): ‘Die Analecta Hymnica … lieferten und liefern … die Bausteine für die einzelnen Teile des zukünftigen Baues … Der eigentliche Bau mit dem so herbeigeschafften Material, an dem alsdann noch manches zu meisseln und auszubessern und anderes zu sortieren sein wird, hat erst mit der von Anfang an geplanten Geschichte der Hymnodie zu beginnen,’Google Scholar
29 The term ‘hymn’ is applied in this study, in a general sense, to a wide variety of types: hymns of the breviary, processional hymns, sequences, tropi, ‘Pia Dictamina,’ rhythmical prayers, rhythmical offices (‘Reimoffizien’), etc. Cf. Manser, A., ‘Hymnen,’ LThK 5.221-223.Google Scholar
30 Kleinschmidt, B., Die heilige Anna (Düsseldorf 1930).Google Scholar
31 Meisen, K., Nikolauskult und Nikolausgebrauch im Abendlande (Düsseldorf 1931).Google Scholar
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33 Kleinschmidt, B., Der hl. Antonius (Düsseldorf 1931).Google Scholar
34 Cf. Sz, J.övérffy, Der heilige Petrus in der Hymnendichtung des Mittelalters (Habilitationsschrift, Univ, of Fribourg; typescript, Fribourg-Hauterive 1950).Google Scholar
35 Dreves, AH 3.16f. Dreves, ibid. 14-17, identifies Albert, prior of the Prague char treuse 1386-1392, with the author of the poems contained in a late-fourteenth-century MS of the Prague University library, and (103-168) publishes these poems as the work of Albertus Pragensis. See Autore, S. in DHGE 1 (Paris 1912) 1442 s.v. Albert (29). On Conrad, see Raby, , Christian-Latin Poetry 2 455.Google Scholar
36 Cf. Aarne, A., Verzeichnis der Märchentypen (F[olklore] F[ellows] C[ommunication] 3; Hels nki 1910); Aarne, A.-Stith Thompson, The Types of the Folk-tales (FFC 74; Helsinki 1928).Google Scholar
37 Thompson, Stith, Motif-index of Folk-literature (FFC 106-109, 116-117; Helsinki 1932-1936). Also issued as Indiana University Studies, Nos. 96-97, 100-101, 105-106, 108-112 (1932-1936).Google Scholar
38 A few aspects of the analysis of hymns are discussed by Sz, J.övérffy, ‘Zur Analyse der Christophorus-Hymnen: Spuren von Gemeinschaftstradition und volkstümlicher Heiligenverehrung,’ to appear in Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 74 (1955) 1–35.Google Scholar
39 AH 14a.39; cf. 44.270.Google Scholar
40 Ibid. 14a. 128. Cf. Th. Graesse, Jacobi a Voragine Legenda Aurea (Breslau 1890) 784–785.Google Scholar
41 AH 4.142, 4.143.Google Scholar
42 Ibid. 12.200.Google Scholar
43 Cf. Klapper, J., Exempla aus Handschriften des Mittelalters (Sammlung mittellateinischer Texte 2; Heidelberg 1911) 62–63.Google Scholar
44 Mone, F. J., Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters III (Freiburg im Breisgau 1855) 92; AH 55.324.Google Scholar
45 Günter, H., Die christliche Legende des Abendlandes (Religionswissenschaftliche Bibliothek 2; Heidelberg 1910) 99; Saintyves, P., Essais de folklore biblique (Paris 1922) 59-137: ‘La verge fleurie d'Aaron ou le bâton sec qui reverdit.’Google Scholar
46 Paul. Aemil. Sanctorius (d. Archbishop of Urbino 1635), Acta Petri Apostoli, S. 32 ‘Illud quoque miraculum summa in fama est. Nam, cum duos ipse ex discipulis, Gregorium et Martialem (etsi alii Frontonem dicunt…) ad enuntiandam populis Christi veritatem dimisisset,… Gregorius, cum inediam ferre non posset, itineris labore exanimatus, fato fungitur; tristisque Martialis, carissimo orbatus comite, flensque ad Petrum revertitur,… quem Petrus statim repetere iter, scipionemque, cui innitebatur, admovere defuncti cadaveri jubet…; factoque ut illi Petrus injunxerat, statim Gregorius jam XL dierum intervallo, e vivis exemptus, lucem solemque adspexit.’ — These Acta of Peter, S., first published at Rome in 1597 (along with those of St. Paul by the same author), are reprinted in the Bollandists’ Acta Sanctorum — in the original edition: Iun. VII (Antwerp 1717) 2-16; in the Carnandet reprint: Iun. VII (Paris-Rome 1867) App. 2*-15*. The text is cited here by the sections observed in both these printings of the AS.Google Scholar
47 Lietzmann, H., Petrus und Paulus in Rom (2nd ed. Berlin 1927) 229ff., 236.Google Scholar
48 A. Lipsius, R., Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden (Brunswick 1883-1890) passim (see the Sachregister). — The work is in three volumes: I, II 1, II 2 plus Ergänzungsheft. Following the usage of the Register, volumes II 1 and II 2 will be called respectively II and III.Google Scholar
49 AH 18.12; 39.89.Google Scholar
50 Ibid. 24.197.Google Scholar
51 Ibid. 14b.245.Google Scholar
52 Ibid. 12.106.Google Scholar
53 Ibid. 19.126.Google Scholar
54 Ibid. 11.138.Google Scholar
55 Ibid. 37.214.Google Scholar
56 Ibid. 44.216.Google Scholar
57 Ibid. 37.252.Google Scholar
58 Ibid. 34.266.Google Scholar
59 Ibid. 12.230.Google Scholar
60 Ibid. 44.256.Google Scholar
61 Ibid. 53.346.Google Scholar
62 Ibid. 18.253.Google Scholar
63 Ibid. 13.41. Cf. Saintyves, P., En marge de la Légende dorée (Paris 1930) 143: St. Ansgarius’ vision.Google Scholar
64 AH 37.177; 42.162; 22.43.Google Scholar
65 Ibid. 18.37.Google Scholar
66 Ibid. 44.127.Google Scholar
67 Ibid. 34.191.Google Scholar
68 Ibid. 17.127.Google Scholar
69 Ibid. 7.180, 182; cf. 19.207, 208. On the title of AH 7, Prosarium Lemovicense, cf. Blume-Bannister, ibid. 53.vii.Google Scholar
70 Ibid. 43.254.Google Scholar
71 Ibid. 24.271.Google Scholar
72 Ibid. 28.174, 12.227. Of a sequence on Sts. Savinianus and Pontianus (AH 55.330f) Blume says: ‘Die Heimat … ist … Sens, wo Sabinianus … wirkte und zwar in der 2. Hälfte des dritten Jahrhunderts, während die Legende sie [Savinianus and Pontianus] zu Aposteljüngern stempelt.’ Savinianus seems to have had several legends, different from each other. One particular stage of development of his legends is thus described by Günter: ‘Um Troyes (St.-Savine) verehrte man einen hl. Savinianus— ohne Historia. Oder sollte seine Geschichte Verwandtes bereits geboten haben? Ich weiss nicht. Kurz, als St. Christophorus aus dem Osten kam,… entsprach er den Bedürfnissen derer von Troyes, und so stellt sich heute uns St. Savinianus in allen wesentlichen Zügen als das getreue Abbild des grossen Christoph dar: er stammt aus Samon, bekommt den glühenden Helm aufgestülpt, wird auf einem zwölf Ellen langen Rost — secundum staturam ejus — gebrannt, und im Feuer mit Öl überschüttet; der Kaiser stürzt zu Boden; der Heilige wird mit Pfeilen beschossen,… Savinianus ist bis ins kleinste der hl. Christophorus… Wann die Übertragung erfolgte, wird schwer zu sagen sein’ (Christliche Legende [cit. supra n. 45] 144-145).Google Scholar
73 AH 39.294.Google Scholar
74 Ibid. 19.208.Google Scholar
75 St. Domnio of Salona and not St. Domnius. Cf. Dreves, AH 45a.54; Delehaye, H.S.J.(, in Analecta Bollandiana 47 (1929) 78–83.Google Scholar
76 Cf. Saintyves, , En marge (cit. supra n. 63) 335f.Google Scholar
77 AH 3.109.Google Scholar
78 Ibid. 43.204.Google Scholar
79 See Haase, F., ‘Julian von Le Mans,’ LThK 5.710.Google Scholar
80 Hist. Franc. 1.30 (ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH, Scr. rer. Merov. 1.12 [1937–1942] 23). The first sentence is stated by Gregory to have come from a Passio S. Saturnini. Google Scholar
81 Bigelmair, A., ‘Maternus,’ LThK 6.1019f.Google Scholar
82 AH 44.256.Google Scholar
83 Cf. P. Kirsch, J., ‘Silvanus,’ LThK 9.558; Delehaye, H., ‘Sanctus Silvanus,’ Analecta Bollandiana 25 (1906) 158–162.Google Scholar
84 Manitius, M., Bildung, Wissenschaft und Literatur im Abendlande vom 800 bis 1100 (Crimitschau 1925) 49.Google Scholar
85 See van Gennep, A., La formation des légendes (Paris 1929) 127.Google Scholar
86 Manitius, , Bildung 57.Google Scholar
87 Coens, M., ‘La Vie ancienne de Front, S. de Périgueux,’ Anal. Boll. 48 (1930) 324–360.Google Scholar
88 Ibid. 331 and 331 n. 3.Google Scholar
89 See the refs. in DACL 14.1 (1939) 655.Google Scholar
90 Fillion, L., art.’ Pierre (Saint),’ in Vigouroux, F., Dictionnaire de la Bible 5 (Paris 1912) 370.Google Scholar
91 R. James, M., The Apocryphal New Testament (2nd ed. Oxford 1926) 300f., 302.Google Scholar
92 Lipsius, , Apokr. Apostelgesch . (cit. supra n. 48) II 203; cf. ibid. 278, 306; III 10, 15, 404.Google Scholar
93 AH 22.227.Google Scholar
94 Lipsius II 251, 409, 412, etc.Google Scholar
95 Allemang, G., ‘Martial,’ LThK 6.978.Google Scholar
96 Bigelmair, in LThK 6.1019.Google Scholar
97 Coens, ‘S. Front’ (cit. supra n. 87) 348.Google Scholar
98 Ibid, 349.Google Scholar
99 Cf. Sanctorius, Acta Petri, S. (cit. supra n. 46) 32: ‘Enimvero, quid tale umquam Judaeus vidit? commemoret licet Eliae atque Elisei miracula. Quid? nulla hic circumplicatio manuum, non flatus in ora ingestus, non pectora calcata pectoribus, non praesentia cantusve verborum, nec madefacta lymphis corpora; sed sicca virga vitales in extinctos afflantur aurae.’Google Scholar
100 Acts 8.9ff. especially 20: ‘Pecunia tua tecum sit in perditionem, quoniam donum Dei existimasti pecunia possideri.’Google Scholar
101 Cf. Lipsius, Apokr. Apostelgesch. passim; James, Apocr. NT 288, 304ff., 470, 485, etc,Google Scholar
102 Cf. Lipsius, passim, esp. vol. II; Sanctorius, Acta Petri, S. 59-75.Google Scholar
103 AH 55.324.Google Scholar
104 Ibid. 55.316.Google Scholar
105 Ibid. 14a.60, 2.88: ‘Beatus Christi famulus,’ and AH 17.66: ‘Principis ecclesiae.’ Cf. II, Lipsius 406, 408, 414.Google Scholar
106 Cf. Lipsius II 257; W. Hackwood, F., Christ Lore (London 1902) 194; Graesse, Legenda Aurea (cit. supra n. 40) 182.Google Scholar
107 Cf. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 371; James 304f.; Lipsius passim, in especial II 7, 9, 44, 48, 62, 176, 215, 218, 220, 236, 281.Google Scholar
108 It is stated that the conflict of St. Peter and Simon Magus influenced the legend of St. Patrick; see Frenken, G., Wunder und Taten der Heiligen (Munich 1925) 104f. The matter remains doubtful.Google Scholar
109 Also Chevalier, U., Poésie liturgique du moyen âge (Paris 1893) 195f. Google Scholar
110 Sanctorius, Acta Petri, S. 63-65; Lipsius, Apokr. Apostelgesch. II 188, 198, 201, 206, 253, 265, 267, 277, 368, 418; James, Apocr. NT 325-28.Google Scholar
111 Sanctorius 65: James 325-328, 329.Google Scholar
112 Legenda Aurea 372. See G. Turcio, further, ‘San Pietro e i cani,’ Ecclesia 7 (1948) 297–299, with consideration of representations in art, from the fourth to the fifteenth century.Google Scholar
113 In a sequence published by Bannister from a 15th-cent. Prosarium of Poissy (Seine-et-Oise), MS Egerton, B.M. 2701 (AH 40.271), we find a strophe that, in spite of the wide geographical separation, deserves comparison with the passage in question in the Ripoll MS: Ripoll MS Dat gregibus documenta sacra Atque Dei monimenta pia Aegraque corpora salvificat Functaque somata vivificat. Or have we here the simple workings of chance? Poissy MS Dulce gregi / praebet edulium Umbra morbos / curat languentium In plerisque / mortis dominium / demolitur.Google Scholar
114 According to one of these additions, St. Clement's father was bewitched by Simon Magus and disenchanted by St. Peter (see Greven, J., Die Exempla aus den Sermones feriales et communes des Jakob von Vitry [Sammlung mittellateinischer Texte 9; Heidelberg 1914] 45). St. Clement's family story embraces many episodes and is recorded also in the Golden Legend (cf. Graesse 777-782). An allusion to this story appears in a rhymed ‘Gaude’-prayer from a 16th-cent. MS of Liège (AH 29.102): Gaude, Clemens, praesul Christi, Qui per Petrum invenisti Parentes mirifice. Google Scholar
115 AH 37.244. Cf. Saintyves, En marge (cit. supra n. 63) 98.Google Scholar
116 Chevalier, Poésie liturgique 195-197.Google Scholar
117 AH 55. 317, strophe 17; cf. ibid. 322, strophe 20: ‘magus crepat’ and AH 39.251, strophe 8b. Cf. Sanctorius 75; James 332.Google Scholar
118 The same motif is repeated in several other hymns together with the alliteration. E. g. ‘Nero fremens furibundus’ (AH 40.272) and variations, ‘Nero fremit iracundus / et pro mago furibundus’ (ibid. 10.289).Google Scholar
119 Legenda Aurea (cit. supra n. 40), 374-375.Google Scholar
120 Legenda Aurea 374; James 470.Google Scholar
121 Legenda Aurea, loc. cit.; James 333.Google Scholar
122 Lipsius, Apokr. Apostelgesch. II 92, 111, 118, 139.Google Scholar
123 James 334ff.Google Scholar
124 Cf. Delehaye, H., Les légendes hagiographiques (3rd ed.: Subsidia Hagiographica 18; Brussels 1927) passim; Günter, Christliche Legende (cit. supra n. 45) 148, 153, etc.Google Scholar
125 Cf. Sanctorius 87; James 470.Google Scholar
126 Reprinted in many collections. I quote only: AH 2.55; Mone (cit. supra n. 44), III 88; Walpole (cit. supra n. 24) 94-97. Walpole states that the word ‘volens’ used of St. Peter in this hymn (‘sed volens mortem subegit asperam’ line 19f.) refers to the ‘Quo vadis’ legend (cf. ibid. 92-93 and n. on line 19). I have some doubts in this respect; but, in any case, the single word can not be regarded as a legendary motif of full value. Thus, this passage can be eliminated as an echo of legends in early hymns.Google Scholar
127 AH 2.54; Walpole 395-397. For the later history of the hymn, see Paris, P., ‘Hymne,’ in Bricout, J. (ed.), Dictionnaire pratique des connaissances religieuses 3 (Paris 1926) 836–838.Google Scholar
128 Bede's comment on Acts 8.13 (‘Tum Simon et ipse credidit’) goes beyond the Biblical data and refers to certain ‘historiae’ concerning Simon Magus (Expositio Actuum Apostolorum … ed. Laistner, W.M.L. [Cambridge, Mass. 1939] 36 f., esp. 37.1-2). Non-Biblical allusions to Simon Magus are also contained in a letter quoted by Bede as Ceolfrid's (Hist. eccl. 5.21: 1.343 Plummer; cf. 2.335, 354) but believed by Plummer (2.332) to be Bede's own. — Cf. in general also Grant Loomis, C., ‘The Miracle Traditions of the Venerable Bede,’ Speculum 21 (1946) 404–418.Google Scholar
129 Cf. P. Ker, W., The Dark Ages (Edinburgh-London 1923) 142. According to Ker, Bede was a typical representative of his time: ‘It is unfair to the seventh century not to take Bede's works as representing the learning and intelligence of the time. He did not in his reading or writing go beyond the sources or the models that were commonly accessible’ (141).Google Scholar
130 Relevant data were collected from the surviving poems of the Carolingian period. St. Peter is mentioned, e.g., in MGH, P(oetae) L(atini) A(evi) C(arolini) I (ed. Dümmler, E.; 1881): pp. 5, 60, 113, 116, 127, 136, 199, 230, 247, 307, 311, 315, 330, 334, 335, 338, 341, 476, 479, 523, 535, 562, 571, and in a few other pages not registered in the Index: 90, 98 128 (cf. AH 27.228) 136 (cf. AH 2.53), 140, 210, 245, 258, etc. (but no trace anywhere of the legends dealt with above); II (also ed. Dümmler; 1884): pp. 5, 35, 78, 85, 126, 151, 161, 170, 192, 205, 207, 211, 217, 221, 224, 226, 227, 229, 231, 233, 249, 251, 255, 393, 408, 426, 427, 447, 481, 509, 511, 513, 515, 518, 520, 522, 523, 533, 540, 581, 585, 586, 588, 590, 591, 596, 655, 679, 680, 686, etc. The texts vary widely in character but little appears that is in the nature of a hymn; this is true also of the further volumes of PLAC: III (ed. Traube, L.; 1886-1896): pp. 84, 87, 134, 170, 174, 175, 187, 192, 203, 207, 210, 222, 237, 253, 263, 379, 411, 458, 474, 475, 502, 556, 569, 570, 592, 634, 636, 639, 652, 661, 731, 740, 741; IV. 1 (ed. von Winterfeld, P.; 1899); IV.2, 3 (ed. Strecker, K.; 1914-1923): pp. 18, 42, 71, 136, 154, 199, 207, 240, 331, 332, 337, 398, 413, 418, 481, 490, 502, 503, 533, 564, 565, 575, 720, 767, 777, 969, 1014, 1049, 1050, etc. Among the few hymns published in PLAC, we may note: Paulinus Aquileiensis, ‘O Petre, petra ecclesiae,’ and ‘Felix per omnes’ (both I 136); Hrabanus Maurus, ‘Sanctorum pariter’ (II 250).Google Scholar
131 In PLAC I-IV no more than two poems deal with the Simon Magus legend; neither is a hymn and the allusion in each case is brief: Sedulius Scottus, ‘De virtutitus petri Apostoli’ (lines 24, 29f.: III 188); Johannes Diaconus, ‘Versiculi de Cena Cypriani’ (epilogus, strophe 5, line 4: IV 2.900 [quoted infra, n. 159]). We may regard the ‘Versiculi’ as a precursor of a type of poem often recorded later, in the time of the church reform movement after the eleventh century; cf. also PLAC I 258, lines 41-46.Google Scholar
132 Traube, L., ‘O Roma nobilis,’ Abhandl. der Königl. bayer. Akad. der Wiss. 1. Cl. 19.2 (1891) 299–309, re-editing the text (p. 300), also found AH 51.219f. and elsewhere. For an example of the now general acceptance in principle of Traube's dating (yet see the following note), see Manitius, M., Geschichte der lat. Literatur des Mittelalters I (München 1911) 635f. On various aspects of the hymn see the recent article of M. Peebles, B. (‘O Roma nobilis,’ American Benedictine Review 1 [1950] 67-92), whose assistance in connection with this poem and in many other ways I here gladly acknowledge.Google Scholar
133 The original dating (Niebuhr's) in the last years of the Roman empire was approved by Manitius in his earlier work, Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart 1891) 378. Blume's mature opinion (cf. AH 51.219 for the earlier) was that the poem comes from the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century (Ein Jahrtausend lateinischer Hymnendichtung [Leipzig 1909] II 347; cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry 2 234 n. 2).Google Scholar
134 Cf. AH 49.130 (no. 294) and 11.192 (no. 353).Google Scholar
135 AH 7.187.Google Scholar
136 AH 19.208; the legendary tradition of St. Mark's activity in Aquileia is reflected in the earliest examples of Carolingian court poetry, e.g. ‘Carmen de Aquilegia’ (PLAC II 151), and a hymn attributed to Paulinus II (PLAC I 140 = AH 50.143); cf. supra, p. 283. Yet these records of conversion, baptism and the like attributed to St. Peter are read in other poems but never in hymns. Cf. the ‘Martyrologium’ by Wandalbertus Prumiensis, lines 271-274 (PLAC II 585).Google Scholar
137 Ibid. 27.145f.Google Scholar
138 Ibid. 7.102.Google Scholar
139 Ibid. 22.43; 14a.103.Google Scholar
140 Ibid. 53.300f. Only a few of the earliest examples of the kind have been given here. A complete list would not, however, yield a more exact impression.Google Scholar
141 This period is always referred to as a period of change with little explanation. Thus Julian declares: ‘The greatest change, however, which took place at this period in Church Song had relation to the Blessed Virgin… A similar change and revolution took place in and after the 14th century in the Western Church with the hymnody which related to the Apostles, Saints, Martyrs, Confessors, and Virgins… Several [sequences] are of St. Peter and the other Apostles singly, most of which are narratives of their lives and martyrdom… Several are of Peter and Paul jointly, two or three of which are in our early English books’ (Dictionary [cit. supra n. 11] 650f.).Google Scholar
142 St. Petronilla is mentioned without details of her legend in some texts of the Carolingian period, PLAC II 207, 218, 586. Alcuin refers to her as ‘Petronilla patris praeclari filia’ (PLAC I 341), and Wandalbertus inserted her name in his ‘Martyrologium,’ lines 304, 566 (PLAC 586, 594).Google Scholar
143 AH 39.249f., composed very likely in the twelfth century.Google Scholar
144 Ibid. 10.289-290; 34.261.Google Scholar
145 The reference is vague: ‘Petrus, virtute sancta / vincens Simoniaca monstra, / triumphat in gloria’ (strophe 4a).Google Scholar
146 Manitius, Bildung (cit. supra n. 84) 29.Google Scholar
147 Harster, W., Walther von Speier, ein Dichter des 10. Jahrhunderts (Munich 1877), and Harster, W., Vualtheri Spirensis Vita et Passio Christophori Martyris, S. (ibid. 1878); cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry 2 209.Google Scholar
148 Cf. Fliche, A., La chrétienté médiévale (Histoire du Monde 7; Paris 1929) 188ff. Raby characterizes the period as follows: ‘The tenth century had seen the life of the Church at a low ebb… The sense of danger produced a strong movement towards reform from within the Church. It was a movement whose driving force was the monastic ideal of the separation of the Church from the world as understood by the monks of Cluny’ (op. cit. 250).Google Scholar
149 Fliche 269ff., 281ff., 318ff.; Tellenbach, G., Church, State and Christian Society at the Time of the Investiture Contest (Oxford 1940) 126–161; Southern, R. W., The Making of the Middle Ages (London 1953) 118-169.Google Scholar
150 Ulich, R. - Manitius, M., Vagantenlieder: Aus der lateinischen Dichtung des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Jena 1927) ii. On the recurrence of the simony theme, cf. Wesselski, A., Mönchslatein (Leipzig 1909) 124; Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (2 vols. Oxford 1934) II 27, where account is taken of lines in the De simonia of Petrus Pictor (early 12th cent.) as a typical outburst against Rome, ‘the headquarters of simony’ (‘iam totam Romam sibi vindicat ambitus eris…’), also II 49ff. (esp. 53), for the diatribe on simony in Bernard of Cluny's De contemptu mundi.Google Scholar
151 Cf. Dobiache, O.-Rojdestvensky, Les poésies des Goliards (Paris 1931) 74, 76, 78, 82, 86, 92, 97, 100, 111, etc.Google Scholar
152 Luke 22.35-38.Google Scholar
153 On the MS, see V. Zingerle, I. in Sitzungsb. Wien 54 (1866) 293–340; for the poem ‘De duobus gladiis,’ p. 309 (on ‘B1. 15a’).Google Scholar
154 It is interesting to compare a passage from Petrus Pictor: Sic Magus in Petrum transit vice pontificali, inque Magum Petrus migrat vice simonali… (quoted by Raby, Secular Latin Poetry II 27).Google Scholar
155 AH 33.284; 15.270, strophes 12-13.Google Scholar
156 Ibid. 15.262f.: ‘Hymnus confundens Gregorium, alias Errorium, olim papam.’ This, of course, comes from the imperial, anti-reform camp.Google Scholar
157 AH 40.270 (cit. supra, n. 145).Google Scholar
158 Cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry 2 250-252.Google Scholar
159 It is characteristic that a Carolingian poem recording the Simon Magus story deals also with problems of Church reform. We read in the poem by Johannes Diaconus (cf. supra n. 131):Google Scholar
(‘Versiculi de Cena Cypriani,’ epilogus, strophe 2, lines 1-4; strophe 3, line 1; strophe 5, lines 3-4: PLAC IV 899f.). One should advert to the fact that there is no exact indication of whether the poet refers to the legend of Simon Magus or only to the scene described in the Acts (cit. supra n. 100). Cf. also PLAC I 258 (lines 41-46). — We may suppose that the tradition of quoting Simon Magus and his legend as prototype of abuses in the Church and especially of ‘simony’ is older than the Church reform movement of Cluny. Even if it is so, the final amalgamation of the two ideas is completed only after the spread of the reform. A parallel case is that of the ‘Goliardic’ poetry, whose authors had forerunners as early as the ninth century according to Jarcho B. I., ‘Die Vorläufer des Golias,’ Speculum 3 (1928) 577.
160 A survey of the relationship of thirty-one St. Peter-sequences written between the 11th and the 16th cent. will be published in a separate study. Most of the sequences referred to above belong to the group dealt with in this forthcoming work.Google Scholar
161 von der Leyen, Fr., Das deutsche Märchen (Leipzig 1917) 29; Das Märchen (Wissenschaft und Bildung 96; Leipzig 1925) 110ff., 157.Google Scholar
162 B. Taylor, A., An Introduction to Medieval Romance (London 1930) 214.Google Scholar
163 Zuidweg, J.J.A., De Duizend en Een Nacht der Heiligenlegenden (Amsterdam 1948) 183.Google Scholar
164 Taylor, , Introduction 210.Google Scholar
165 The best Latin edition is that of Graesse (cit. supra n. 40); its French translation: Th. Wyzewa, de, La Légende dorée (2nd ed. Paris 1930).Google Scholar
166 Hug, W., ‘Quellengeschichtliche Studie zur Petrus- und Paulus-Legende der Legenda Aurea’ Historisches Jahrbuch 49 (1929) 604–624.Google Scholar
167 Cf. Rosenfeld, op. cit. (supra n. 32) 473.Google Scholar
168 According to Zuidweg, op. cit. 182, this legend must be regarded as one of the most phantastic stories in the Golden Legend. In addition to the Golden Legend, we find a number of prose and metrical (or rhythmical) narratives dealing with the Simon Magus legend hardly less extensively than does Jacobus: e.g. Harster, G., Novem vitae sanctorum metricae… (Lipsiae 1887) 1–14 (a double ‘Passio’ and a series of ‘Epigrammata’ found in two 11th-ccnt. Munich MSS).Google Scholar
169 Graesse, , Legenda Aurea 369.Google Scholar
170 Ibid. 370.Google Scholar
171 Ibid. 370-371.Google Scholar
172 ‘Ejus martirium Marcellus, Linus papa, Hegesippus et Leo papa scripserunt’ (ibid. 369); cf. also 371, 372, 373 (‘ut refert Leo’).Google Scholar
173 Ibid. 374f.Google Scholar
174 Ibid. Google Scholar
175 . Ibid. 376f.Google Scholar
176 AH 3.109, strophe 9.Google Scholar
177 Graesse, , Legenda Aurea 369f. — A group of aetiological stories is attached to St. Peter's tears: see Dähnhardt, O., Natursagen (Leipzig 1909) II 199; S. Rappoport, A., Medieval Legends of Christ (London 1934) 187.Google Scholar
178 Graesse 343.Google Scholar
179 Ibid. 70-78. In St. Peter's place, the Holy Ghost is mentioned.Google Scholar
180 Ibid. 457.Google Scholar
181 Blume's opinion is thus expressed: ‘Leider mussten auch jetzt noch alle Dichtungen, für die er als Autor in Betracht kommen kann, mit einem die Unsicherheit verratenden «Ascribitur» versehen werden’ (AH 55.vii). On Adam and the sequences ascribed to him, see Raby, , Christian-Latin Poetry 2 345-375. The most recent edition of Adam's sequences with German translations: Fr. Wellner, Adam von St. Victor: Sämtliche Sequenzen (Wien 1937).Google Scholar
182 AH 54.xv (of a list of 45 sequences comprising all that in any way can be thought of as having been composed by Adam): ‘welche derselben wirklich von ihm stammen, das zu ermitteln bleibt noch immer eine schwierige, aus inneren Kriterien allein wohl nie lösbare Aufgabe der Hymnologie.’Google Scholar
183 AH 55.318.Google Scholar
184 For the manuscripts preserving ‘Gaude Roma,’ see AH 55.314f.; two or three of them might be from the 12th cent., unlike those recording ‘Roma Petro glorietur’ (cf. ibid. 322). As regards ‘Tu es Petrus,’ see supra. Google Scholar
185 Cf. Wrangham, D. S., The Liturgical Poetry of Adam of St. Victor (London 1881) II 250: ‘Here Adam leaves the Scripture history and follows the Golden Legend, “De Sancto Petro Apostolo,” which, according to Gautier, is filled with marvels too fabulous to be reproduced.’Google Scholar
186 AH 53.335f.; from Benevento. The development of the regular St. Peter sequences and their forerunners are discussed in my forthcoming survey (cf. supra n. 160).Google Scholar
187 The Simon Magus episode is reduced in extent to a minimum in one of these sequences for the Feast of St. Peter's Chains, and it is very difficult to determine if it is derived from the legend or (as is more likely) from the scene in the Acts: Discipulo gratiae Sub obtentu veniae Offertur spes copiae Temporalis… (AH 10.289).Google Scholar
188 ‘Alma virtus’ (AH 8.205), ‘Sion laude debita’ (39.250), ‘Corde puro’ (55.319), ‘Senatores caelestis’ (40.267), ‘Sanctorum devotio’ (10.288), ‘Summa summi’ (8.204), ‘Senatores summi regis’ (40.274), etc. (see supra n. 160).Google Scholar
189 Included: AH 3.49f. (on St. Peter alone); supplying only negative evidence: ibid. 48f. (on Sts. Peter and Paul).Google Scholar
190 Ibid. 3.179f.Google Scholar
191 St. Etto (Etho) hymns: AH 45a.56; 52.172. St. Firminus: 13.144. St. Fulgentius: 43.147. St. Servatius: 4.233. St. Ursula: 10.321. St. Willibald: 23.296.Google Scholar
192 St. Geminianus sequence: AH 37.173 (No. 196, strophe 6a).Google Scholar
193 St. Etto hymn: AH 52.172. On the motif: Saintyves, En marge (cit. supra n. 63) 27-33 et passim. Google Scholar
194 Cf. Saintyves, En marge 219-281; Delehaye, H., Cinq leçons sur la méthode hagiographique (Subsidia Hagiographica 21; Brussels 1934) 138; also (too recent to be considered here) Moretus Plantin, H., Les passions de saint Lucien et leurs dérivés céphalophoriques (Namur-Louvain-Paris 1954).Google Scholar
195 Cf. AH 11.209: Fert caput abscissum stadiis tribus haec ad asylum Petri vel Pauli, quo libat illud ibi. See Saintyves, , En marge 263, 270, 275, 525; Günter, Christliche Legende (cit. supra n. 45) 155.Google Scholar
196 Cf. AH 28.159: Quam post almam Ad vitae palmam Transtulit cum laetitia Capite secto Corpore erecto Ad Petri aedificia. Cf. Saintyves, En marge 250, 278, 526; Günter, Christliche Legende 155.Google Scholar
197 St. Benedict hymns: AH 40.152; 50.273; 19.88. St. Maurus: 12.190; 37.230; 9.226.Google Scholar
198 St. Francis of Assisi: AH 40.189; 10.175; 26.44. St. Jerome: 33.92.Google Scholar
199 Cf. Lietzmann, Petrus and Paulus 2 (cit. supra n. 47) 136; MacCulloch, J. A., Medieval Faith and Fable (London 1932) 89.Google Scholar
200 AH 40.283; 28.36.Google Scholar
201 Ibid. 29.148. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 196-197.Google Scholar
202 St. Pancratius hymn: AH 8.197, strophes 6a-6b.Google Scholar
203 St. Clement hymns: ibid. 27.145-146; 14a.128. Cf. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 784f.Google Scholar
204 St. Necterius: AH 12.200 (No. 367, strophe 2).Google Scholar
205 E.g. ‘Ad te cunctipotens’ (AH 7.205f.), ‘Alleluja festivum’ (34.258f.), ‘Alleluja nostra’ (9.240f.), ‘Almiflua turba’ (37.238), ‘Laudes Christo’ (34.260), ‘Pollet alma’ (9.241), ‘Pretiosa solemnitas’ (53.332), ‘Principis ecclesiarum’ (53.335f.), ‘Psallat vox’ (44.241f.), etc.Google Scholar
206 ‘O princeps apostolorum’ by Eusebius Bruno (d. 1081) (AH 48.82-83); ‘Apostolorum principem’ (23.259-260). Besides these, the St. Peter hymns in early Irish hymnody: ‘Audite fratres,’ ‘Sanctus Petrus,’ and ‘Sancte Petre’ (51.347-9, 349, 349f.). Cf. Kenney, J. F., The Sources for the Early History of Ireland I (New York 1929) 267 (No. 94), 670 (No. 524), 725 (No. 579 [xi]), 728 (No. 587).Google Scholar
207 A few examples: ‘Angelico fretus’ (AH 49.143), ‘Angelus excuteret’ (ibid. 146), ‘Petro ad ostium pulsanti’ (ibid. 10), the Prosula ‘Apostolorum princeps’ (47.291), etc.Google Scholar
208 On the popularity of the Golden Legend, see F. Seybolt, R., ‘Fifteenth Century Editions of the Legenda Aurea,’ Speculum 21 (1946) 327–338, and ‘The Legenda Aurea, Bible and Historia Scholastica,’ ibid. 339-344.Google Scholar