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Gratian Slept Here: The Changing Identity of the Father of the Systematic Study of Canon Law

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 July 2017

John T. Noonan Jr.
John T. Noonan Jr.*
Affiliation:
University of California, Berkeley
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Extract

Who was Gratian? It is hardly necessary to justify the interest of such a question. The Concordia discordantium canonum is one of the most influential law books of all time — a teacher's case book which became, for over 700 years, the law of the Catholic Church; a book which is at the roots of Western legal thought, ecclesiastical and lay; a vast storehouse of prior legislation and judgments, a set of masterful hypotheticals, and a rich commentary distinguished by its shrewdness and wisdom. In any time, in any land, its author would be honored for his achievement and sought after for his skill. His book was composed in a literate age in a milieu which valued learning, and even more than learning, valued law. Surely the composer has left some traces of himself and not vanished into the mists of myth.

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Articles
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Traditio , Volume 35 , 1979 , pp. 145 - 172
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Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 Specific references for each of the statements in this and the following paragraph will be given below when the evidence for each of them is considered. The following additional abbreviations will be used: BMCL = Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law; Friedberg, = Decretum Magistri Gratiani, ed. Friedberg, Emil (Leipzig 1879); Kehr, = Italia pontificia , ed. Kehr, Paul F. (Berlin 1961–1975); Mittarelli, = Mittarelli, Giovanni and Costadono, Anselmo, Annates Camaldulenses Ordinis Sancti Benedicti (Venice 1858), 8 vols; Repertorium = Kuttner, Stephan, Repertorium der Kanonistik (Vatican City 1937); RHD = Revue d'histoire de droit; Robertson = Materials for the History of Thomas Becket , edd. Robertson, J. C. and Shephard, J. B. (London 1875–1885); RS = Rolls Series = Public Record Office, Rerum britannicarum medii aevi scriptores (London 1848–); Sarti, = Sarti, Mauro and Fattorini, Mauro, De Claris Archigymnasii bononiensis professoribus a saeculo XI ad saeculum XIV (Bologna, 1888–1896), 2 vols; SG = Studia Gratiana; ZSS = Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung. Google Scholar

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18 Mittarelli III 332–34.Google Scholar

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30 Rufinus in his Summa (ed. Singer, H. [Paderborn 1902]) at C. 14 q. 1 declares, ‘Perfectio absoluta est utpote monachorum qui mundum penitus reliquerunt.’ Schulte took this glorification of monks to be ‘an unanswerable argument’ that Rufinus was a monk. He was too hasty, as Singer (introduction to Rufinus, LXX) shows. Paucapalea declares in his Summa at D.28 ‘summitatem capitis rudimus.’ Schulte noted that he was speaking of monastic tonsure and inferred that he himself must have been a monk: Schulte, I 110. Schulte ignored the fact that personification is a mode of speech in Paucapalea, as when at C. 33 q. 1 he imagines himself lusting for another's wife and then having the chance to marry her. This passage does not prove that Paucapalea was a layman, and the other does not prove he was a monk. With both Rufinus and Paucapalea, Schulte in good faith, but inaccurately, drew conclusions about monastic status from his understanding of the text before him. How can we exclude similar reasoning being engaged in by the man who wrote the Summa parisiensis? These examples of rash inferences about monkishness, made by a modern historian, suggest the possibility that the writer of the Summa parisiensis had not heard about Gratian's monkishness from anyone, but simply made an inference from his text. In both cases Gratian's position is very pro-monastic. In the first case, Gratian ‘enititur probare quod monachi possunt accusare’ — ‘he is struggling to prove that monks can be plaintiffs’; in the second ‘he wants’ (vult) certain possessions ‘conferri monasteriis in perpetuum.’ It is no aspersion on the honesty of the author of the Summa parisiensis to suggest that he may have made an unwarranted factual inference from this special pleading.Google Scholar

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52 The dating depended on the assumption that Rufinus, criticizing Rolandus, was criticizing the man who became pope in 1159: see Rufinus, , Summa, ed. Singer, CXL. It has been shown that the Rolandus who became pope was distinct from the scholar Rufinus attacks: Noonan, John T. Jr., ‘Who Was Rolandus?’ in Law, Church and Society (edd. Pennington, Kenneth and Somerville, Robert; Philadelphia 1977) 21–48.Google Scholar

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67 MS Florence, Bibl. Naz., Conv. soppr. 6. IV (1736). On its relation to Paucapalea, see Noonan, John T. Jr., ‘The True Paucapalea?’ forthcoming in Fifth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Proceedings. Google Scholar

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110 Ibid. 52 (C. 16 q. 5 c. 17).Google Scholar

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