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The Education of the Early Capetians

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Joel T. Rosenthal
Joel T. Rosenthal*
Affiliation:
State University of New York at Stony Brook
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Extract

Historians concerned with the eleventh and twelfth centuries have for long been intrigued by the problem of the ‘Capetian miracle.’ By this is meant the process whereby the Capetian dynasty maintained itself, despite many obstacles and weaknesses, and converted its feeble hold upon the tottering throne of France into the powerful kingship of Philip Augustus and the awe-inspiring monarchy of St. Louis. The early Capetians were not men of outstanding ability. No great warriors or legal innovators appeared in the family for several centuries. A list of the great secular figures of the eleventh and twelfth centuries would not contain any of their names. But against this dreary picture the warning given by Robert Fawtier must be remembered: ‘It is tempting but rash to conclude that they were men of no significance. For they accomplished a difficult task which was yet indispensable for the future of the monarchy. They lasted.’

Type
Miscellany
Information
Traditio , Volume 25 , 1969 , pp. 366 - 376
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 The research for this paper was done while on a Research Training fellowship from the Social Science Research Council. The kings dealt with are Hugh Capet (987–996), Robert II the Pious (996–1031), Henry I (1031–1060), Philip I (1060–1108), Louis VI (1108–1137), and the early years of Louis VII (1137–1180). This paper owes a special debt to the Raleigh Lecture of 1935: Galbraith, V. H., The Literacy of the Medieval English Kings (London 1935; reprinted from Proceedings Brit. Acad. 21 [1935] 202–38). Citations are to the pages in the separate offprint.Google Scholar

2 Most scholars who have studied them have quite successfully withstood the temptation to glorify them. Though many names could be mentioned, it seems adequate to quote Charles Petit-Dutaillis: ‘The early Carpetians had no conscious objectives and [the story of their relations with the Church] provides us with many examples of their fickle passions, their childish versatility, their peasant-like tricks, their complete inability to follow any political line, or even to be faithful to their allies.’ The Feudal Monarchy in France and England (London 1936) 22. This does seem both extreme and not too accurate.Google Scholar

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6 While virtually everyone who has worked on the early Capetians has agreed that the domain was really the key to their power, the exhaustive study is Newman, W. M., Le domaine royal sous les premiers Capétiens (Paris 1937).Google Scholar

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9 Walter Map, in the late twelfth century, said: ‘The highborn of our country disdain letters, or delay to apply their children to them. Slaves, on the other hand, the which we call peasants, are eager to nourish their base born and degenerate children in the arts….’ Quoted, Galbraith, , op. cit. 4.Google Scholar

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24 Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France [= RHF] 10 (1760) 576. Also, HLF 7.326: ‘vir pietate egregius et egregie eruditus.’ Google Scholar

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26 For Gerbert: Lattin, H. P., The Letters of Gerbert (New York 1961). The great scholar's letters are a disappointment for our purposes, as they mostly cover his complicated and shifting political machinations, rather than his educational and intellectual activities.Google Scholar

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29 Robert II's mother Adelaide may have been largely responsible for directing him to the schools: HLF 7.326. Alfred the Great's mother first inspired him, according to the story told by Asser. Women, more removed from the pressures of military life and with time on their hands, were certainly prominent as patrons of letters in the twelfth century.Google Scholar

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32 Fliche, , op. cit. 12. The mere existence of a paedagogus says little about the students' actual education, apart from indicating some exposure to the teachings of the Church. William the Conqueror, whom Galbraith says was illiterate, had a tutor, styled ‘pedagogus’ also: Douglas, D., William the Conqueror (London 1964) 37.Google Scholar

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34 Ibid. cxvi: These five formulae were used: (1) ‘manu nostra’ (2) ‘manu propria’ (3) ‘adstipulatione nostrae manus’ (4) ‘proprii signi subscriptione’ (5) ‘manus nostre subter ea decrevimus roborari subscriptionibus.’ Google Scholar

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39 This was not considered such a short education at that — an important point to keep in mind. M. Bloch quotes a German poet who held that ‘he who has stayed at school until the age of twelve and never ridden a horse is only fit to be a priest’: Feudal Society (Chicago 1961) 293–4.Google Scholar

40 Op. cit. 5.Google Scholar

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42 From Max Weber (ed. Gerth, H. H. and Mills, C. W.; London 1948) 235.Google Scholar

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33 There is a general treatment of the nature of French royal power, pp. 7–47.Google Scholar

44 Bloch, , op. cit. 92.Google Scholar

45 Ibid. 96: ‘The last word has assuredly not yet been said on the subject of the part played in the elaboration of the Charlemagne theme by this great community, the allies and counsellers of the Capetian kings.’ Google Scholar

46 Ibid. 108.Google Scholar