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The Disputed Election at Langres in 1138

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Giles Constable
Giles Constable*
Affiliation:
State University of Iowa
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Extract

Among the many disputed episcopal elections of the twelfth century, there are few that present both as many problems and as many points of interest as that at Langres in 1138. The diocese of Langres had since the time of the Carolingian emperors been among the most important in France. As early as 872 Charles the Bald, at the request of bishop Isaac, granted jointly to the cathedral of St. Mamas at Langres and to St. Stephen at Dijon the right, previously held by the local count, to coin money. In 967, the lay count was officially replaced by the bishop, although most of his rights were subinfeudated to a vidame. ‘Par Langres,’ wrote Ferdinand Lot, ‘suzeraine du Langogne, du Dijonnais et de ses annexes (Atuyer, Oscheret, Mémontois), du Boulenois, du Bassigny, du Lassois, du Tonnerrois, etc., c'est-à-dire de la moitié de la Bourgogne française, le roi pouvait exercer, à l'occasion, une grande influence en cette région.’ In 1179, the bishop recovered direct control over his rights as count and became tenant-in-chief of the crown for all his lands and powers, whereas among his own vassals he numbered the duke of Burgundy and the count of Champagne. Later, between 1179 and 1356, he rose to the rank of duke and was recognized as the third ecclesiastical peer of the realm, taking precedence over his own metropolitan, the archbishop of Lyons, at the coronation of the king. Already in the first half of the twelfth century, the diocese of Langres compared in power and size to the great ecclesiastical principalities of the Holy Roman Empire. It included practically all the present bishoprics of Langres and Dijon and extended almost to the towns of Troyes and Auxerre to the north and west and beyond Dijon to the south. Within its boundaries lay not only the great old Benedictine abbeys of Bèze and of St. Bénigne and St. Stephen at Dijon, but also Molesme, the mother-house of Cîteaux, and the newly-founded Cistercian monasteries of Clairvaux and Morimund.

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Traditio , Volume 13 , 1957 , pp. 119 - 152
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Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

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28 Such, for instance, as Hermann Wurm, Gottfried, Bischof von Langres (Würzburg 1886). Google Scholar

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33 GC 4.574–5 and n. 23 above. Google Scholar

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37 MGH SS 5.44. The two manuscripts are Dijon 448 (previously 269) and Montpellier 48. Google Scholar

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39 GC 4.646, instrumenta 171. Google Scholar

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43 Roussel, , Diocèse de Langres IV 184; Petit, Ducs de Bourgogne II 35.Google Scholar

44 GC 4.583. Google Scholar

45 On the many forms of his name see Roussel, , Diocèse de Langres II 366 (who calls him Ulric de Choiseul, on what basis I do not know) and Cartulaires de Molesme II 682 (index s.v.).Google Scholar

46 Chifflet, Pierre, S. Bernardi Clarevallensis abbatis genus illustre assertum (Dijon 1660) 503–7; cf. Leopold Grill, ‘Der hl. Bernhard von Clairvaux und Morimond, die Mutterabtei der österreichischen Cistercienserklöster,’ Festschrift zum 800-Jahrgedächtnis des Todes Bernhards von Clairvaux (Österreichische Beiträge zur Geschichte des Cistercienserordens; Vienna-Munich 1953) 39–40.Google Scholar

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50 Grill, however, suggests that he supported Bernard in the controversy and calls him a ‘besonderer Vertrauensmann’ of the abbot of Clairvaux, in Festschrift 96–7. Google Scholar

51 Chartes de Clairvaux 17–18; ‘Pontio de Reuellis archidiacono Lingonensi’ on a charter of Bishop Manasses dated 1189: Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Montiéramey, ed. Lalore, C. (Collection des principaux cartulaires du diocèse de Troyes 7; Paris-Troyes 1890) 115; cf. Chartes de Saint-Bénigne II 301.Google Scholar

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55 Cartulaires de Molesme II 265–6; Chronique de Saint-Pierre de Bèze, ed. Bougaud, E. and Garnier, J. (Analecta Divionensia 9; Dijon 1875) 455; Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 258 (see Appendix B).Google Scholar

56 27 April 1134, Cartulaire de Montiéramey 44;— 1135, GC 4 instrumenta 168; Chartes de Clairvaux 14; — 1136, GC 4 instrumenta 168; Petit, Ducs de Bourgogne II 223; — 1138, Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 335; — 1141, ibid. I 233 (see Appendix B) and 357; Claude Fyot, Histoire de l'église abbatiale et collégiale de Saint Estienne de Dijon (Dijon 1696), preuves 100; — 1145, Cartulaire de Jully-les-Nonnains 263; — 1146, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Basse-Fontaine, ed. Lalore, G. (Collection de principaux cartulaires du diocèse de Troyes 3; Paris-Troyes 1878) 122; Petit, Ducs de Bourgogne II 239; — 1147, ibid. II 247; Pérard. Recueil 122; Fyot, Saint Estienne, preuves 101; Chartes de Clairvaux 31, 33, 35, 39, and 47; — 1138/9–47, Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 332; — 1149, ibid. I 452; — 1151, GC 4 instrumenta 173; — 1152, Cartulaires de Molesme II 386; — 1153, ibid. II 532; — 1154, GC 4 instrumenta 175; — 1155, Chartes de Clairvaux 52; — 1157, Cartulaires de Molesme II 386; — 1159, ibid. II 268 and 380; etc. Google Scholar

57 Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 257–8 and 233 (see Appendix B).Google Scholar

58 Grill is of the opinion that the dean's party probably included the archdeacon Fulco, whose archdeaconry lay in the rich southern part of the diocese (Dijonnais) and who may have been the eldest son of Ulric of Aigremont and therefore brother of the provost Ulric: Festschrift 96 and n.12. But this is conjectural, and the fact that the archdeacon Fulco and Fulco the son of Ulric of Aigremont appear on the same charter in 1126 (Chifflet, Bernardi … assertum 503–4; GC 4 instrumenta 159) suggests that they were not the same person. Google Scholar

59 GC 4.115–8. Google Scholar

60 See the papal documents of 3 November 1134–5 (JL 7668), 23 April 1138 (JL 7890a) and 28 April 1139 (JL 8022), and Peter's own charters: of 1131–6 in Samuel Guichenon, Histoire de Bresse et de Bugey (Lyons 1650) preuves 223; — ca. 1135, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Savigny, ed. Bernard, A. (Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France; Paris 1853) 507–8; — 1131–9, Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny, ed. Bernard, A. and Bruel, A. V (Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France; Paris 1894) 382–3; Pierre Chifflet, Histoire de l'abbaye royale et de la ville de Tournus (Dijon 1664), preuves 422; — ca. 1138, Cartulaire lyonnais, ed. Guigue, M.-C. (Collection de documents inédits pour servir à l'histoire du Lyonnais; Lyons 1885) 34; and 1139, ibid. 35–6, which must record an earlier confirmation by Peter, since in the region of Lyons it was the custom to date the new year from Easter (Giry, Diplomatique [n. 22 above] 121), which in 1139 fell on 23 April, when Peter was already without question on his way to the Holy Land.Google Scholar

61 Epp. 2.2 and 2.18 (Bibl. Clun. 713–8 and 751–2). Google Scholar

62 Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum 15.15, in Recueil des historiens des Croisades: Historiens occidentaux 1.1 (Paris 1844) 682.Google Scholar

63 Ibid. 15.11 and 15 (ed. cit. 674 and 681–2). The obituaries are printed in Obituaires de la province de Lyon 1: Diocèse de Lyon 1, ed. Guigue, Georges and Laurent, Jacques (Recueil des historiens de la France: Obituaires 5; Paris 1933) 80, 300, and 444 (obituary of Leigneux, which dates Peter's death on II kal. jun. [31 May]); cf. Reinhold Röhricht, Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem (Innsbruck 1898) 223 and Martin, J.-B., Conciles et bullaire du diocèse de Lyon (Lyons 1905) 146–7 and bibliography cited there.Google Scholar

64 Bibl. Clun. 696.Google Scholar

65 JL 8326 RHGF 15.396; Martin, Conciles 147–8, no. 548, cf. Peter's letter 4.6 (Bibl. Clun. 817–8). Google Scholar

66 ‘ … sub anathemate interdicimus, ne canonici de sede episcopali ab electione episcoporum excludant religiosos uiros, sed eorum consilio honesta et idonea persona in episcopum eligatur ’: C.-J. Hefele, Histoire des conciles, ed. and tr. H. Leclercq V 1 (Paris 1912) 733. Georg von Below, Die Entstehung des ausschliesslichen Wahlrechts der Domkapitel (Historische Studien, ed. W. Arndt 11; Leipzig 1883) 6, argued that this referred to the abbots and priors of monasteries in the diocese (cf. review by Ernst Bernheim, in Historische Zeitschrift 54 [1885] 105); and this is the view of Imbart de la Tour, Élections épiscopales (n. 12 above) 525; Hefele-Leclercq, Conciles V 1.733 (‗les uiros religiosos, c'est-à-dire les moines et les chanoines réguliers’); Knowles, in Cambridge Hist. Journal 5.163 and Talbot, ibid. 10.1. Elphège Vacandard, Vie de Saint Bernard (Paris 1895) II 26 n. 2, however, inclined towards a broader interpretation of the ‘uiri religiosi’: ‘Il faut sûrement entendre aussi par ces expressions les évêques de la province, représentés par le métropolitain et deux ou trois suffragants,’ as does Watkin Williams, Saint Bernard of Clairvaux (Manchester 1935) 159–60, who defines them as ‘more generally, men of sound faith and exemplary piety.’Google Scholar

67 See p. 121 above; Mathieu, Abrégé (n.13 above) 71; J.-H. Pignot, Histoire de l'Ordre de Cluny (Autun-Paris 1868) III 187; Daguin, A., in Mémoires … de Langres 3.32–3; Bouton, in Bernard de Clairvaux (n. 19 above) 205.Google Scholar

68 See p. 120 and n. 5 above. Google Scholar

69 Bibl. Clun. 776.Google Scholar

70 Bernard, , ed. cit. I 380–1.Google Scholar

71 JL 7900. Google Scholar

72 Bernard, , ed. cit. I 604–5.Google Scholar

73 JL 7890a; M.-C. Guigue and Georges Guigue, Bibliothèque historique du Lyonnais (Lyons 1886) I 26–7, where it is misdated 24 April; Martin, Conciles 145, no. 538. Google Scholar

74 PL 179.344f. Google Scholar

75 Roussel, , Nouvelle étude 393–6.Google Scholar

76 Pignot, , Cluny III 188; Petit, Ducs de Bourgogne II 35.Google Scholar

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78 Manrique, Angelo, Annales cistercienses I (Lyons 1642) 1138 8.10, p. 349; Mabillon, Annales VI 276 and note to Bernard's ep. 164 (ed. cit. I 890–1). They argued that (a) Peter would never have referred to the abbot of Vézelay as a simple monk of Cluny; (b) the news, which Peter says in ep. 2.28 came as a rumor, was brought in ep. 1.29 by the canons of Langres; and (c) Peter vigorously opposed the election of the abbot, whereas he supported that of the monk. Above all, Alberic was already cardinal-bishop of Ostia at the time the monk was elected bishop of Langres.Google Scholar

79 Bernard of Clairvaux 160.Google Scholar

80 Roussel suggested this identification several times but did not connect William with the Provençal family of Sabran or with St. Saturnin. He said at different times that William was a monk at Cluny (Diocèse de Langres IV 184) or at Vézelay (Nouvelle étude 179) and that he either died before his consecration (Diocèse de Langres IV 185) or returned to Cluny after his deposition (Nouvelle étude 393). Roussel also mentions (Nouvelle étude 397) a charter issued by William as bishop of Langres and supposedly in Daguin, Évêques de Langres (which had not yet been published at that time). See also Cartulaires de Molesme I 280 n. 2 and Bouton, in Bernard de Clairvaux (n.19 above) 206 n.50. Google Scholar

81 See Appendix A on William of Sabran.Google Scholar

82 The question of whether royal investiture should precede or follow the consecration has given rise to some dispute. Luchaire, A., Manuel des institutions françaises (Paris 1892) 510 maintained that under and after Louis VI, ‘la consécration épiscopale précède désormais l'investiture …’ (but cf. his Histoire des institutions monarchiques de la France sous les premiers Capétiens [2nd ed. Paris 1891] II 80–1, where he expresses the opposite opinion and cites this letter of Peter the Venerable). At this period in England, however, the royal consent and investiture usually came first. ‘In der Regel erst nach Erfüllung dieser politischen Pflicht, gegen die überdies schon mehrfach Widerspruch erhoben wurde, ward ihm dann die Bischofsweihe zu teil,’ wrote Heinrich Böhmer, Kirche und Staat in England und in der Normandie im XI. und XII. Jahrhundert (Leipzig 1899) 380–1. Esmein and Monod held that investiture should precede consecration also in France: see Monod, . Pascal II (n.10 above) 94–5, where he complains of the paucity of sources on this subject; cf. Gerd Tellenbach, Church, State, and Christian Society at the Time of the Investiture Contest, tr. Bennett, R. F. (Studies in Medieval History, ed. Barraclough, G.; Oxford 1940) 124 and Augustin Fliche, La réforme grégorienne et la reconquête chrétienne (Histoire de l’Église, ed. Fliche, A. and Martin, V. 8; Paris 1946) 347–56. This view is confirmed by the present case. The Cluniac bishop-elect was confirmed and invested by the king before he was consecrated, and the legitimacy of this procedure was never questioned.Google Scholar

83 Bibl. Clun. 695.Google Scholar

84 Albert Boudon-Lashermes, Le vieux Puy: Le grand pardon de Notre-Dame et l'église du Puy de 992 à 1921 (Le Puy 1921) 3–4. Google Scholar

85 RHGF 15.634 n.c and Achille Luchaire, Études sur les actes de Louis VII (Paris 1885) 63. Google Scholar

86 His biographers comment on his exhaustion after the journey: Vita I, lib. 7 ex Exordio Magno Cisterciensi 14 (ed. cit. II 2340) and lib. 7 fragmenta ex Herberto 13 (ibid. II 2393). According to H.-B. de Warren, he came by way of the abbey of Aulps, which is situated on the Dranse, between Geneva and Mont-Blanc : Bernard de Clairvaux (n. 19 above) 592. Google Scholar

87 Annales 1138 7.2, p. 345.Google Scholar

88 The letter was probably written when Bernard had already returned to Clairvaux, since Peter had heard that the case had been laid before ‘tribunalibus iudicum vel cathedris pontificum’ and refers to Bernard's remoteness as one of the reasons for not visiting him in person. Google Scholar

89 Manrique, , Annales 1138 7.1, p. 345.Google Scholar

90 Bernard, ep. 164 (ed. cit. I 378). Google Scholar

91 Bernard says in his ep. 164 that the messenger had only four days in which to carry the appeal to prevent the consecration. Google Scholar

92 Manrique, , Annales 1138 3.4, p. 338; Williams, Bernardof Clairvaux (n.66 above) 161; etc.Google Scholar

93 Decretum C. 2 q. 6 c. 25, ed. Friedberg, Emil, Corpus iuris canonici I (Leipzig 1879) 473.Google Scholar

94 De consideratione 3.2.7–8 (ed. cit. I 1043–5); cf. Vacandard, Saint Bernard (n.66 above) II 453–4.Google Scholar

95 Speaking of the later twelfth century, Cheney, C. R. observed that ‘the worst feature of this [operation of ecclesiastical justice] was the door opened to frivolous appeals and frauds,’ From Becket to Langton (Ford Lectures 1955; Manchester 1956) 63. On fraudulent appeals, see John of Salisbury. epp. 14–15, 64, 84, and 132 in the edition of Millor, W. J. II. Butler, E. and Prookc, C. N. L. I (Nelson's Medieval Texts; London etc. 1955) intro. xxxiii.Google Scholar

96 De consid. 3.2.8 (ed. cit. I 1044).Google Scholar

97 It is possible that the pope, anxious to avoid further delay, had given his decision appellatione remota; but the earliest example known to Brooke, C. N. L. of such a clause prohibiting further appeal was in a bull of Innocent II dated 1143: John of Salisbury, Letters I intro. xxxv.Google Scholar

98 See GC 4.1070–1; Cte. de la Rochette, Histoire des évêques de Mâcon (Mâcon 1866–7) II 115–55 and Cartulaire de Saint-Vincent de Mâcon, ed. Ragut, M. C. (Mâcon 1864) ccxciv. These all end his episcopate in 1143, but his successor Pontius appears on a charter dated 1140 in Chartes de Cluny V 419–21.Google Scholar

99 PL 172.1273–1308. Mabillon (Annales VI 248), the authors of the Histoire littéraire (11.711–2), and Georges Guigue and Jacques Laurent (Obituaires de Lyon [n. 63 above] 81 n.3, 234 n.2, and 249 n.2) believed that as early as 1136 he entered Cluny, where he died in 1139–40. But he still appears as bishop on a document dated from Autun on 28 November 1138 (Cartulaire de l'église d'Autun, ed. de Charmasse, A. [Documents inédits pour servir à l'histoire de l'Autunois 1; Autun-Paris 1865–80] I 95–6) and on another dated 30 June 1139, although the dating of this document is not certain, since the epact and the concurrent are not correct for the year 1139 (Chartes de Cluny V 416–8).Google Scholar

100 Bernard, , ed. cit. I 383.Google Scholar

101 Hüffer, , Bernard von Clairvaux (n.9 above) 191–2 and 209–20.Google Scholar

102 Bernard, , ed. cit. I 379.Google Scholar

103 I can find no evidence for the assertion of Vignier and Charlier, the author of Langres saincte (both cited by Roussel, Diocèse de Langres IV 185 and Nouvelle étude 391–3) that Dean Falco of Lyons and Dean Robert of Langres tried to be elected bishop at this time. Following his unsuccessful candidacy, Dean Robert is said to have become an anchorite in the Ardennes (rather than bishop of Autun) and to have died ca. 1150 in the odor of sanctity. This may be connected with a curious exemplum found in several late-medieval collections where a hermit, who had formerly been dean of Langres and had died on the same day as St. Bernard, appeared to the then bishop of Langres in a vision and informed him that of the thirty thousand who had died that day only St. Bernard and himself were admitted to heaven. Herolt gives as his source for this tale the Vita Bernardi S. (cf. Vita I, lib. 7 fragmenta ex Herberto 18 [ed. cit. II 2398]). In MS London, British Museum, Royal 15 D. v (late fifteenth century) 305v, the story is told of the former dean of St. Paul's and the bishop of London (arising, no doubt, from a confusion of Lingonensis with Londiniensis). More interesting is the version in MS British Museum, Addit. 33956 (fourteenth century) 19r, where an ‘archdeacon poisons two successive bishops, hoping each time to succeed his victim; after the second disappointment he repents and does penance in the desert for the rest of his life. Just after death he appears to a bishop and says that of the thousand who died that day he and ‘Frater Bernardus’ of Clairvaux have gone to paradise, three others to purgatory, and all the rest to hell.’ The similarity of the event described here indicates that it may refer to the diocese of Langres and the use of ‘Frater Bernardus’ suggests that it reflects an early tradition. On these versions, see Catalogue of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum III, by Herbert, J. A. (London 1910) 446, 626, and 702. A similar story is told in the Sermones parati part I, serm. 154, of a prior who did penance as a hermit for thirty-five years after an unsuccessful attempt to bribe the electors in an episcopal election and who later was apparently confused with Prior Godfrey (ibid. part I, serm. 109): cf. Hauréau, B. ‘Mémoire sur les recits d'apparitions dans les sermons du moyen âge,’ Mém. Inst. de France 28. 2 (1876) 255–6.Google Scholar

104 Vita prima 1.14.69 (ed. cit. II 2140); see Williams, Watkin, Studies in St. Bernard of Clairvaux (London 1927) 8–9 on the high authority of this biography. The author died in 1147–8.Google Scholar

105 GC 4.572. Google Scholar

106 Cf. The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux, tr. Bruno Scott James (London 1953) 258 n.1. Google Scholar

107 On Godfrey's name, see Cartulaires de Molesme I 283. His exact relationship to St. Bernard is not known, but it was not distant: see Chomton, Abbé, Saint Bernard et le Château de Fontaines-lès-Dijon (Dijon 1891–5) II 56–60; Chaume, in Bernard et son temps (n. 47 above) I 82–92; and Fossier, R., ‘La fondation de Clairvaux et la famille de Saint Bernard,’ Mélanges Saint Bernard (XXIVe Congrès de l'Association bourguignonne des Sociétés savantes; Dijon 1954) 26–7.Google Scholar

108 Note to Bernard, ep. 170 (ed. cit. I 891); GC 4.577. Google Scholar

109 Chartes de Clairvaux 45 n.1 and passim. Google Scholar

110 GC 4 instrumenta 170–1. This important document records the dates successively set for the hearing of the case, beginning with the feast of Sts. Simon and Jude (28 October 1138), the Sunday before Palm Sunday the following year (9 April 1139), a day in the week following Easter, at Tonnerre (23–9 April 1139), an unknown date at Châtillon-sur-Seine, the day of the anniversary of St. Mamas (17 August 1139), the day after the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin (9 September 1139), the diocesan synod in October (1139), and finally its settlement on the day before the feast of Sts. Peter and Paul (28 June) 1140. Google Scholar

111 Bernard, , ed. cit. I 386.Google Scholar

112 Wurm, , Gottfried von Langres (n. 28 above) 13 n.5 and Vacandard, Saint Bernard (n.66 above) II 35 n.1.Google Scholar

113 Cartulaires de Molesme I 280; Chanoine Marcel, ‘Les séjours de Saint Bernard à Langres,’ Saint Bernard et son temps (n.47 above) I 229; Bouton and Warren in Bernard de Clairvaux (n.19 above) 636 and 593.Google Scholar

114 Cartulaire de l'Yonne , I 334–5. Quantin also assigns to the year 1138 an undated grant by Bishop Godfrey to Abbot Gervase of St. Germain of Auxerre, witnessed among others by Abbot Guichard of Pontigny (ibid. I 332). Since Gervase died in 1147 (GC 12.380–1) and Guichard in 1165 (GC 12.442), it seems that this document cannot be dated more closely than 1138/9–1147.Google Scholar

115 Bernard, , ed. cit. I 384.Google Scholar

116 Cf. Peter the Venerable, ep. 1.34 (Bibl. Clun. 704 C-D). See also the times given for the trip from Canterbury to Rome in Poole, R. L., ‘The Early Correspondence of John of Salisbury,’ Studies (n.22 above) 263–4 and in my ‘The Alleged Disgrace of John of Salisbury in 1159,’ The English Historical Review 69 (1954) 69.Google Scholar

117 MGH SS 5.44; see p. 124 above. Google Scholar

118 Pérard, , Recueil (n.49 above) 111 and 134.Google Scholar

119 Bernard, , ed. cit. I 386.Google Scholar

120 GC 9.83. Google Scholar

121 Annales VI 267 and 275; Bernard, ed. cit. I 891–2.Google Scholar

122 Archives administratives de la ville de Reims I (Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France; Paris 1839) 296 n.1.Google Scholar

123 Martin, S. Deutsch, Die Synode von Sens 1141 und die Verurteilung Abälards (Berlin 1880) 53; Gaston Humbert, Institutions municipales et administratives de la ville de Reims sous l'anden régime (Paris 1910) 12; Sikes, J. G., Peter Abailard (Cambridge 1932) 230. None of these authors appear to have made an independent examination of the problem.Google Scholar

124 Molinier, , Obituaires (n. 18 above) 81.Google Scholar

125 Vacandard, , Saint Bernard (n.66 above) II 36 n.1; Warren, in Bernard de Clairvaux (n. 19 above) 593. Slight support is given to this earlier date by Otto of Freising, who wrote that Rainald died ‘eodem tempore’ as Louis VI (1 August 1137), Henry I (1 December 1135), and Count Geoffrey [= William] of Poitou (9 April 1137): Chronica, ed. Hofmeister, A. (MGH SS in usum scholarum; Hanover-Leipzig 1912) 340–1.Google Scholar

126 MGH SS 6.451. Google Scholar

127 Annales Remenses et Colonienses . MGH SS 16.733; Vacandard, E., ‘Chronologie Abélardienne; La date du concile de Sens: 1140,’ Revue des questions historiques 50 (new series 6; 1891) 241–2.Google Scholar

128 MGH SS 6.447. Google Scholar

129 Giry, , Diplomatique (n. 22 above) 117–8; Cartulaires de Molesme I 67; Poole, in Studies (n. 22 above) 13–20.Google Scholar

130 Cartulaires de Molesme I 64.Google Scholar

131 English Bishops’ Chanceries 1100–1250 (Manchester 1950) 82.Google Scholar

132 Gandilhon, Alfred, Catalogue des actes des archevêques de Bourges antérieurs à Van 1200 (Bourges-Paris 1927) clxx.Google Scholar

133 Léonce Celier, Catalogue des actes des évêques du Mans jusqu'à la fin du XIII e siècle (Paris 1910) lxiv. Google Scholar

134 GC 10 instrumenta 22–47; Chartes de Cluny V 451–2 and 519–20; Mabillon, Annales VI 390. Google Scholar

135 Cf. MS Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, N. a. 1. 400 (chartulary of St. Jean at Sens) pp. 224 (document of 1111), 19 (1132), 20 (1133), etc. Google Scholar

136 Cf. documents in the archives of St. Bavo at Ghent. Google Scholar

137 Cf. Robert, Ulysse, Bullaire du pape Calixte II (Paris 1891) I xlvii-xlviii; Giry, Diplomatique (n.22 above) 679; Harry Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre für Deutschland und Italien II 2, ed. Klewitz, H.-W. (Berlin-Leipzig 1931) 422 n. 4; and Cheney, C. R., Handbook of Dates for Students of English History (Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 4; London 1948) 33–4.Google Scholar

138 Actes … de Bourges xxxv. The ‘beginning of the pontificate’ here apparently refers to the election.Google Scholar

139 Fyot, , Saint Estienne (n. 56 above) preuves 100.Google Scholar

140 GC 4 instrumenta 175. Google Scholar

141 Ibid. 175 n.a.Google Scholar

142 Cartulaires de Molesme II 387.Google Scholar

143 Ibid. I 64 n.1.Google Scholar

144 Pérard, , Recueil (n.49 above) 111–2, repeated 134–5; reprinted in part in RHGF 14.403.Google Scholar

145 See n. 22 above. Google Scholar

146 GC 4 instrumenta 170–1, presuming that this charter is correctly dated; cf. n. 110 above. Google Scholar

147 Godfrey's trip to Rome after the diocesan synod in October 1139 (GC 4 instrumenta 171, cf. n. 110 above) may have been to obtain papal confirmation after his consecration. Google Scholar

1 Molinier, A., Géographie historique de la province de Languedoc au Moyen Age (Toulouse 1889, extrait du tome XII de la nouvelle édition de l’Histoire générale de Languedoc) 261–3.Google Scholar

2 GC 6 instrumenta 299; Luchaire, Actes … de Louis VII (n.85 above) 218. Google Scholar

3 See in particular Charvet, G., ‘Étude généalogique sur la première maison d'Uzès,’ Comptes rendus de la Société scientifique et littéraire d'Alais 2 (1870) 33–160; Armorial général ou régistres de la noblesse de France, Registre VII, supplémentaire 2 (Paris 1898) 112–5; Georges de Manteyer, La Provence du premier au douzième siècle (Mémoires et documents publiés par la société de l'École des Chartes 8; Paris 1908) 408–14. The genealogies given in these works, of which that in the Armorial général is very much the most complicated, are not reliable. I have not seen a copy of Baron du Roure, Notice historique sur une branche de la famille de Sabran (? Paris 1888).Google Scholar

4 1066: ‘Willelmo et Emenone fratre eius de Sabran,’ GC 6 instrumenta 178 and Chartes de Cluny IV 519; — 1107: ‘Willelmo de Sabrano, Emenoni fratri ejus,’ JL 6117, Bullaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Gilles, ed. Goiffon, Abbé (Nîmes 1882) 42; cf. a grant dated 18 December 1095–7 by William of Sabran and his wife and witnessed among others by Emenon of Sabran, Cartulaire du chapitre de l'église cathédrale Notre-Dame de Nîmes, ed. Germer-Durand, E. (Nîmes 1874) 293–4.Google Scholar

A third member of the family in the eleventh century was Gibellinus de Sabrano, who appears with William of Sabran in 1088 as witness to a grant by Raymond of Saint-Gilles to the abbey of St. Andrew at Avignon: DeVic and Vaissete, Languedoc (n. 5 below) V 708. He was indentified by the authors of the Gallia Christiana with Archbishop Gibelin of Arles (1080–1112), who was sent as papal legate to the Holy Land and became patriarch of Jerusalem in 1109/10 (GC 1.556). ‘Virum sapientiae radiis choruscum,’ he was described by William of Tyre, ‘omnique morum honestate fulgidum‘: Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum 11.12, ed. cit. (n. 62 above) 473. This identification was apparently accepted by Paul Riant, who refers to the patriarch as Gibelin de Sabran in his Études sur l'histoire de l'église de Bethléem I (Genoa 1889) 12; but it is questioned by J.-H. Albanés and U. Chevalier, Gallia Christiana novissima : [3] Arles (Valence 1901) 183 n. 1; and the patriarch's family is not referred to by Fritz Kühn, Geschichte der ersten lateinischen Patriarchen von Jerusalem (Leipzig 1886) 47–54 or by Reinhold Röhricht, Regesta regni Hierosolymitani (Innsbruck 1893) 13. It is improbable that the archbishop of Arles would have subscribed in 1088 simply as Gibellinus de Sabrano, and unless further evidence comes to light the identification must be considered ‘not proved’.

5 Claude DeVic and Joseph Vaissete, Histoire générale de Languedoc, new ed. III (Toulouse 1872) 482 and 512f. Google Scholar

6 Manteyer, , Provence 409 n.4, to which can be added an appearance in 1088: GC 1 insirumenta 140.Google Scholar

7 JL 6116, 6117, and 6161; Bullaire de Saint-Gilles 38–47. For an account of the affair see Ménard, L., Histoire … de la ville de Nismes I (Paris 1750) 191–4.Google Scholar

8 JL 6915. Google Scholar

9 JL 7125–7; Bullaire de Saint-Gilles 59–68; Robert, Bullaire de Calixte II (n.137 above) I 356–60 and 367, II 276–9. Google Scholar

10 Manteyer, , Provence 409 n. 10, to which can be added charters of ca. 1132, Liber instrumentorum memorialium: Cartulaire des Guillems de Montpellier, ed. Germain, A. (Montpellier 1884–6) 152, and of 1143, GC 1 instrumenta 97.Google Scholar

11 Layettes du Trésor des Chartes I, ed. Teulet, A. (Paris 1863) 50.Google Scholar

12 GC 1.485–6; J.-H. Albanés, Gallia Christiana novissima 1 (Montbéliard 1899) 704–5; Manteyer, Provence 409, who was of the opinion that Peter was a brother of Rostaing and Emenon and that all three were sons of William the crusader, but there is no proof of this. Google Scholar

13 GC 1.812. Google Scholar

14 Chartes de Cluny V 463.Google Scholar

15 Bibl. Clun. 1727 and 1730; Beaunier-Besse 4.256–7.Google Scholar

16 GC 6.660 and 620; DeVic and Vaissete, Languedoc IV 868. Google Scholar

17 Manteyer, , Provence 409–11. The authors of the Armorial général refer to a document of 1158 in which a William of Sabran senior appears as witness before William of Sabran the constable. They suggest that this was another William, the eldest son of William the crusader, the brother of Rostaing, Peter, and Emenon, the father of William the constable, and that he was born ca. 1080, was threatened with excommunication in 1107, was excommunicated in 1122–4, and reappeared on this charter after a silence of over thirty years (Armorial général 7.2.115). This is not probable. William the constable was the brother of Gerard Amic (GC 1 instrumenta 149; Layettes I 74, cf. 83 and 88), who was certainly the son of Constance (Manteyer, Provence 411 n.1), and both were therefore the sons of Rostaing of Sabran. The William senior on the 1158 charter may be the prior of St. Saturnin.Google Scholar

18 Charvet, , in Comptes rendus … d'Alais 2. 88–90 and 113.Google Scholar

19 JL 7194; Bullaire de Saint-Gilles 69–70. Google Scholar

1 See nn. 41, 49, and 55–7 above. Google Scholar

2 Stein, , Cartulaires (n. 23 above) 526, no. 3836; Beaunier-Besse 12.270–4. I have been unable to consult the article by Ernest Petit, ‘A propos de la perte de livres et de manuscrits tonnerrois,’ Annuaire historique du département de l'Yonne 39 (1876) 32.Google Scholar

3 Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 231–3.Google Scholar

4 Petit, , Ducs de Bourgogne (n.40 above) II 38. n.3 and 225; Vacandard, cited by Marcel, in Bernard et son temps (n.113 above) I 229 n.5. Émile Lesne, Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France V: Les écoles de la fin du VIII e siècle à la fin du XII e (Mémoires et travaux des facultés catholiques de Lille 50; Lille 1940) 87 apparently accepted the date 1116.Google Scholar

5 Roserot, , Répertoire (n.15 above) 143, no. 348.Google Scholar

6 Cartulaires de Molesme I 89.Google Scholar

7 GC 4.715; cf. Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 296–9 and 384–5. Google Scholar

8 GC 4 instrumenta 170–1. Google Scholar

9 GC 4.392. Google Scholar

10 JL 8124; Cartulaire d'Autun (n.99 above) II 13–4, where it is misdated 1140. Google Scholar

11 The bull of Pope Innocent dated from Lyons ‘III nonas octobris, pontificatus nostri anno tercio’ (Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 287–8) and ascribed by Quantin to Innocent II in 1132 may at first sight appear to be a forgery, since Innocent II was at Nonantula on 5 October 1132 (JL 7597). The style of the date, however, and the perfect observance of the cursus in the text show this to be a genuine bull of Innocent IV, who was at Lyons on 5 October 1245, in the third year of his pontificate: see Delisle, Léopold, ‘Mémoire sur les actes d'innocent III,’ Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes 19 (1858) 60–4.Google Scholar

12 Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 215–6.Google Scholar

13 GC 4 instrumenta 160 and Cartulaire de l'Yonne I 271–2. Google Scholar

14 Cartulaires de Molesme II 266; Cartulaire du prieuré de Saint-Étienne de Vignory, ed. d'Arbaumont, J. (Langres 1882) 31; cf. Pérard, Recueil (n.49 above) 228.Google Scholar

15 Giry, , Diplomatique (n.22 above) 542; Cartulaires de Molesme I 53–4.Google Scholar