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THE CAROLINGIAN RENEWAL IN EARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE THROUGH HRABANUS MAURUS'S COMMENTARY ON MATTHEW

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2020

OWEN M. PHELAN
OWEN M. PHELAN*
Affiliation:
Mount St. Mary's University
*
[email protected]
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Abstract

Hrabanus Maurus's Commentary on Matthew provides a lens through which to view the centrality of biblical studies to Carolingian reform initiatives. The commentary sits amid a burst of interest in Matthew's Gospel in the first quarter of the ninth century. It also occupies a central place in Hrabanus's program for clerical education and renewal. Hrabanus imagined the work as a user-friendly reference guide or introductory text and structured the commentary with highly sophisticated and complementary indexing, organizing, and searching features to privilege ease of use. Hrabanus's design allows for quick appreciation and simple interpretation of the Gospel's overall narrative structure, its principal episodes, and its individual verses. Moreover, Hrabanus took painstaking effort to document the numerous patristic sources upon which he drew in building the commentary, as well as to acknowledge when he contributed thoughts of his own. The manuscript record, epistolary remarks, sermon texts, and literary references — including in the vernacular — testify to broad dissemination and use of the commentary by Hrabanus's network of patrons, peers, and students across Frankish Europe. Attention to the structure, content, and influence of the commentary expands scholarly appreciation of Hrabanus's genius beyond his achievements as an abbot and bishop or as a prolific biblical exegete, to include resourcefulness and practicality in teaching. Moreover, the study illumines the close association Carolingian leaders saw between biblical studies and broader cultural renewal along with the networks connecting leaders across the Frankish world as they reflected upon and promoted reform.

Keywords

Hrabanus Maurusmedieval exegesismanuscriptsCarolingianGospel of MatthewmonasticismFuldavernacularpreaching
Type
Research Article
Information
Traditio , Volume 75 , 2020 , pp. 143 - 175
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University 2020

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Footnotes

I would like to thank Mount St. Mary's Seminary, and our rector, Msgr. Andrew Baker, for a summer faculty development grant that funded research for this article. I am grateful to Martin Zangl for his hospitality and patience. I would also like to thank Lynda Coon, Cinzia Grifoni, Michael Heintz, the anonymous readers at Traditio, and the scholars of the First Millennium Network for criticism of this paper in various drafts. Remaining errors of fact, language, or judgment are mine alone.

References

1 Bibliography on Hrabanus is substantial. For some orientation, consult Hrabanus Maurus in Fulda mit einer Hrabanus-Maurus-Bibliographie (1979–2009), ed. Marc-Aeilko Aris (Frankfurt am Main, 2010); and Raban Maur et son temps, ed. Philippe Depreux (Turnhout, 2010). On Fulda, see Raaijmakers, Janneke, The Making of the Monastic Community of Fulda c. 744–c. 900 (Cambridge, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the Mainz region more generally, see Innes, Matthew, State and Society in the Early Middle Ages: The Middle Rhine Valley, 400–1000 (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar. On Carolingian ecclesiastical organization, see Reynolds, Roger E., “The Organization, Law and Liturgy of the Western Church, 700–900,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History: Volume 2: c. 700-c. 900, ed. McKitterick, Rosamond (Cambridge, 1995), 587–621CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 See Contreni, John, “Learning for God: Education in the Carolingian Age,” Journal of Medieval Latin 24 (2014): 89–129CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “The Carolingian Renaissance: Education and Literary Culture,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History: Volume 2: c. 700-c. 900, 709–57; and Riché, Pierre, Écoles et enseignement dans le Haut Moyen Age, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1999)Google Scholar.

3 See, for example, Garrison, Mary, “The Franks as a New Israel? Education for an Identity from Pippin to Charlemagne,” in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Hen, Yitzhak and Innes, Matthew (Cambridge, 2000) 114–61Google Scholar. For Hrabanus, in particular, see Mayke de Jong, “The Empire as Ecclesia: Hrabanus Maurus and Biblical Historia for Rulers,” in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, 191–226. More generally, see the collected essays in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. C. Chazelle and B. van Name Edwards (Turnhout, 2003). See also Contreni, John, “Carolingian Biblical Culture,” in Johannes Scottus Eriugena: The Bible and Hermeneutics, ed. Steel, Carlos, van Riel, Gerd, and McEvoy, James J. (Leuven, 1996), 1–23Google Scholar; and idem, “Carolingian Biblical Studies,” in Carolingian Essays, ed. Uta-Renate Blumenthal (Washington, D.C., 1983), 71–98.

4 See the comments and edition in Martin, T., “Bemerkungen zur ‘Epistola de litteris colendis’,” Archiv für Diplomatik 31 (1985): 227–72Google Scholar.

5 On Alcuin, see the magisterial Bullough, Donald A., Alcuin: Achievement and Reputation (Leiden, 2004)Google Scholar.

6 Martin, “Bemerkungen,” 246–250; and Wallach, Luitpold, Alcuin and Charlemagne: Studies in Carolingian History and Literature (Ithaca, 1959), 198–226Google Scholar.

7 Martin, “Bemerkungen” 250–252. On Baugulf more generally, see Raaijmakers, The Making of the Monastic Community (n. 1 above), 72–98.

8 Generally, see Magnou-Nortier, Elisabeth, “L'Admonitio generalis: Étude critique,” Jornades internacionals d'Estudi sobre el Bisbe Feliu d ‘Urgell, ed. Perarnau, J. (Barcelona, 2000), 195–242Google Scholar.

9 Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Grossen 68, 70, 80, ed. Hubert Mordek, Klaus Zechiel-Eckes and Michael Glatthaar, MGH, Fontes iuris 16 (Hannover, 2012), 220, 222–24, and 234–38. The connection Charlemagne and Alcuin envisioned between presbyteral service and preaching is evident throughout. In chapter fifty, the Isidorean translation of the canons of Neocaesarea are reworked to highlight such a connection. Compare Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Grossen 50, 204; and Concilium Neocaesariense LV [XI], in Ecclesiae occidentalis monumenta iuris antiquissima canonum et conciliorum graecorum interpretationis latinae, ed. C. H. Turner (Oxford, 1907), 2:132–4.

10 Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Grossen, 47–63; and especially the earlier Scheibe, Friedrich-Carl, “Alcuin und die Admonitio generalis,” Deutsches Archiv 14 (1958): 221–29Google Scholar.

11 Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Helmst. 496a. A digitized copy is viewable at http://diglib.hab.de/?db=mss&list=ms&id=496a-helmst (accessed 27 July 2020). See also Divina Officia: Liturgie und Frömmigkeit im Mittelalter, ed. Patrizia Carmassi (Wolfenbüttel, 2004), 251–54; and Mordek, Hubert, Biblioteca capitularium regum Francorum manuscripta: Überlieferung und Traditionszusammenhang der fränkischen Herrschererlasse (Munich, 1995), 949–52Google Scholar.

12 On the reform councils of 813, see Hartmann, Wilfried, Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit im Frankenreich und in Italien (Paderborn, 1989), 128–40. On the 812Google Scholar circular letter and the replies by officials like Bishop Theodulf of Orléans, see Phelan, Owen M., The Formation of Christian Europe: The Carolingians, Baptism, and the Imperium Christianum (Oxford, 2014), 147–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keefe, Susan A., Water and the Word: Baptism and the Education of Clergy in the Carolingian Empire (Notre Dame, IN, 2002), 1:52–66Google Scholar; and Beyer, Glenn C. J., Charlemagne and Baptism: A Study of Responses to the Circular Letter of 811/812 (San Francisco, 1999)Google Scholar.

13 On the richness of the resources at Fulda's library, see Lapidge, Michael, The Anglo-Saxon Library (Oxford, 2006), 81–85 and 151–53Google Scholar. On the robust school culture supported by Fulda and her dependents, see Hildebrandt, M. M., The External School in Carolingian Society (Leiden, 1992), 119–27Google Scholar.

14 Expositio, preface, 2: “Cum enim fratres, qui euangelium nobiscum legere disponebant, conquererentur, quod in Matthaeum non tam plenam et sufficientem expositionem haberent sicut in ceteris euangelistis … ad legendum habebant, eorum precibus coacta est paruitas nostra praesens opus adgredi.”

15 Claudius of Turin's commentary on Matthew was completed in 815. A modern critical edition remains to be published, although an edition of the prefatory letter addressed to Justus, abbot of Charroux in the diocese of Poitiers, is printed in Claudius of Turin, Epistola 2, ed. E. Dümmler, MGH, Epistolae 4 (Berlin, 1895), 593–96. A partial edition of the first four books was completed by Bruce Alan McMenomy, “The Matthew Commentary of Claudius, Bishop of Turin: A Critical Edition of the Sections Pertaining to Matthew 1–4” (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Los Angeles, 1993). Paschasius Radbertus began to compose his massive commentary on Matthew in the 820s and would work on it for more than two decades: Radbertus, Paschasius, Expositio in Matheo libri xii, ed. Paulus, Beda, CCM 56–56B (Turnhout, 1984)Google Scholar. The Pseudo-Bede commentary lacks a modern critical edition, but an early modern edition can be found in PL 92.9–132.

16 See Hartmann, Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit, 105–15 and 155–61.

17 Concilium Rispacense 4, ed. A. Werminghoff, MGH, Concilia 2.1 (Hannover, 1906), 198: “Et hoc consideret episcopus, ut ipsi presbyteri non sint idiothae, sed sacras scripturas legant et intellegant.” On the meeting and its context, see Davis, Jennifer R., Charlemagne's Practice of Empire (Cambridge, 2015), 243–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Expositio, preface, 1: “si dignum iudicaueris ad legendum, fratribus sub tuo regimine constitutis illud tradas, non quasi pernecessarium, cum multi me scriptores in illo uestigio praecesserint, sed quasi magis commodum, cum plurimorum sensus ac sententias in unum contraxerim, ut lector pauperculus, qui copiam librorum non habet aut cui in pluribus scrutari profundos sensus patrum non licet, saltem in isto sufficientiam suae indigentiae inueniat.”

19 Hammer, Carl I., “Country Churches, Clerical Inventories and the Carolingian Renaissance in Bavaria,” Church History 49 (1980): 5–17, at 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A parish church at Thannkirchen had a commentary on Matthew in its inventory in 855. More common are homiliaries, on which see below.

20 Expositio, preface, 4: “Omnia uero ad utilitatem fratrum et ad commoditatem legentium parare sategimus, optantes, ut ad plurimorum perueniant profectum.”

21 On a recent initiative to improve our understanding of the translation of Christian Greek works into Latin, see Bruce, Scott G., “The Lost Patriarchs Project: Recovering the Greek Fathers in the Medieval Latin Tradition,” Religion Compass 14 (2020): 1–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Berschin, Walter, Greek Letters in the Latin Middle Ages from Jerome to Nicholas Cusa, trans. Frakes, Jerold C. (Washington D.C., 1988), 128–30Google Scholar on Fulda and Hrabanus.

22 Expositio, preface, 2: “Scripsit quoque praedictus uir beatus Hieronimus petente Eusebio in hoc euangelium commentarium, sed pro breuitate temporis, ut eius sermonibus dicam, omissa ueterum auctoritate, quos nec legendi nec sequendi facultas sibi data est, historicam interpretationem digessit breuiter et interdum spiritalis intellegentiae flores miscuit, perfectum opus reseruans in posterum.”

23 For more, see the introduction in Jerome, Commentary on Matthew, trans. Thomas P. Scheck (Washington D.C., 2008), 3–47.

24 Generally, see Clark, Elizabeth A., The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate (Princeton, 1992)Google Scholar.

25 Expositio, preface, 3: “Horum ergo lectioni intentus, quantum mihi pro innumeris monasticae seruitutis retinaculis licuit et pro nutrimento paruulorum, quod non paruam nobis ingerit molestiam et lectionis facit iniuriam, ipse mihi dictator simul, notarius et librarius existens, in scedulis ea mandare curaui, quae ab eis exposita sunt, uel ipsis eorum syllabis uel certe meis breuiandi causa sermonibus.”

26 Expositio, preface, 3: “Totumque opus in libros octo distinxi, illud maxime obseruans, ubicumque potui, ut, ibi Euangelista sermones Domini consummatos esse referebat, ibi librorum terminos constituerem. Disposui etiam per ipsos libros duos ordines capitulorum: unum, quem in ipso euangelio sub Matthaei nomine titulatum repperi; alterum, quem huic operi praeponendum nouiter condidi. Quos utique coloribus, ne confusionem lectori facerent, distinguere curaui, priorem atramento, alterum minio conscribens.”

27 That the Gospel of Matthew consistently describes Jesus as fulfilling the Law and prophets is long and widely acknowledged. See, for example, Johnson, Luke Timothy, The Writings of the New Testament: An Interpretation, 3rd ed. (Minneapolis, MN, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; The New Jerome Biblical Commentary, ed. Raymond Brown, Joseph Fitzmyer, and Roland Murphy (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1990); and Matthew: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, ed. W. F. Albright and C.S. Mann, The Anchor Bible 26 (New York, 1971).

28 Expositio 1, 105: “Verum quia principium sancti Euangelii de genealogia et infantia Saluatoris, de baptismo et temptatione eius hoc libro explicauimus, de initio praedicationis illius aliud exordium sumamus.”

29 Expositio 2, 225: “Sed quia hunc secundum librum expositionis sancti euangelii, quem ab exordio praedicationis Domini nostri Iesu Christi incipiebamus, usque in finem sermonis, quem idem Saluator in monte cum discipulis suis habuit, perduximus, ibi finem habere censemus, iam exhinc tertium de principio miraculorum eius inchoantes.”

30 O'Loughlin, Thomas, “Harmonizing the Truth: Eusebius and the Problem of the Four Gospels,” Traditio 65 (2010): 1–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 For orientation with notes, see Houghton, H. A. G., The Latin New Testament: A Guide to its Early History, Texts, and Manuscripts (Oxford, 2016), 31–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Jerome, Novum opus, in Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam Versionem, ed. Robert Weber et al., 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 1994), 1516: “si quis de curiosis voluerit nosse quae in evangeliis vel eadem vel vicinia vel sola sint, eorum distinctione cognoscat.”

33 For an example of the former, see Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 8847; and for the latter, see London, British Library, Add. MS 10546. See also Ganz, David, “Mass Production of Early Medieval Manuscripts: The Carolingian Bibles from Tours,” in The Early Medieval Bible: Its Production, Decoration and Use, ed. Gameson, Richard, (Cambridge, 1994), 53–62Google Scholar.

34 Ganz, David, “Carolingian Bibles,” in The New Cambridge History of the Bible, Volume 2: From 600 to 1450, ed. Marsden, Richard and Ann Matter, E. (Cambridge, 2012), 325–37, at 329Google Scholar.

35 Bernhard Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen) (Weisbaden, 2004), 2:275–76 (no. 3349). The manuscript is viewable online at https://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0004/bsb00047309/images/index.html?seite=00001&l=de (accessed 27 July 2020).

36 Compare with the evidence gathered in Bruyne, Donatien De, Summaries, Divisions, and Rubrics of the Latin Bible (Turnhout, 2014), 240–311CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Expositio, 5: “I. Genealogia Christi annumeratur et in tres tesserescaedecades distinguitur et de disponsatione matris eius narratur.”

38 On Carolingian interest in Mary generally, including Hrabanus's contributions, see Scheffczyk, Leo, Das Mariengeheimnis in Frömmigkeit und Lehre der Karolingerzeit (Leipzig, 1959)Google Scholar. For a more specific focus on Hrabanus, see Clare Woods, “Inmaculata, Incorrupta, Intacta: Preaching Mary in the Carolingian Age,” in Sermo Doctorum: Compilers, Preachers, and their Audiences in the Early Medieval West, ed. Maximilian Diesenberger, Yitzhak Hen, and Marianne Pollheimer (Turnhout, 2013), 229–62.

39 Expositio, preface, 4: “Sequens uero capitulorum ordo, qui minio sparsim in uolumine conscriptus est, ad superliminarem paginam respondet, quam in capite huius operis ob compendium quaerendi et commodum inueniendi diligenti lectori cum singulis capitulis distinctim ordinantes praeposuimus, ut quae illic praenotata sunt, eorum indicio in libro conscripta repperiat.”

40 Earlier, the Venerable Bede provided chapter lists as an aid within his commentaries, though not for the Gospels. On Bede, see Meyvaert, Paul, “Bede's Capitula Lectionum for the Old and New Testaments,” Revue bénédictine 105 (1995): 348–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Expositio, preface, 3–4: “Illum nempe ob hoc ponens, ut, si quis forte euangelium legens inuenerit sententiam cuius allegoriam ignorans scire desideret, notet capitulum, quod in margine paginae eidem sententiae praescriptum est, et statim recurrens ad tractatum reuoluat librum et quaerat ibi ipsum capitulum, quod ante in euangelio adnotauit, et sic sine ulla mora inueniet quod desiderauit.”

42 Mayke de Jong, “From scholastici to scioli: Alcuin and the Formation of an Intellectual Elite,” in Alcuin of York: Scholar at the Carolingian Court, ed. L. A. J. R. Houwen and A. A. MacDonald (Groningen, 1998), 45–57.

43 Expositio, preface, 2: “Cui solummodo cessi, detrahentium atque insultantium non curans uaniloquium, qui magis praesumptioni quam pietati nostrum forsitan deputabunt laborem. Et non mirum, cum magis parati sunt aliena lacerare quam propria opuscula condere. Quorum quia nemo potest calumniam et inuidos morsus deuitare, nisi qui omnino nihil scribit, magis eligo uanam surda aure pertransire querimoniam quam otiose torpens Christi neglegere gratiam, cui soli placere optantes uanos hominum rumusculos nihili ducimus.” (“[I worked] not worrying about the idle talk of those who disparage and those who insult, who perhaps will regard our work more from presumption than from duty. And it is no wonder when hostile views are more prepared to destroy than are our very own little works to build, because no one is able to avoid their false accusation and hateful teeth, except one who writes nothing altogether. I choose rather with deaf ear to pass by empty complaints than idly numb to neglect the grace of Christ, whom alone we desire to please, and regard as nothing the idle gossip of human affairs.”).

44 Expositio, preface, 3: “Quorum uidelicet quia operosum erat uocabula interserere per singula et quid a quo auctore sit dictum nominatim ostendere, commodum duxi eminus e latere primas nominum litteras inprimere perque has uiritim, ubi cuiusque patrum incipiat, ubi sermo, quem transtuli, desinat, intimare, sollicitus per omnia, ne maiorum dicta furari et haec quasi mea propria componere dicar.”

45 On Hrabanus and source marks, see Steckel, Sita, “Von Buchstaben und Geist: Pragmatische und symbolische Dimensionen der Autorensiglen (nomina auctorum) bei Hrabanus Maurus,” in Karolingische Klöster: Wissenstransfer und kulturelle Innovation, ed. Becker, Julia, Licht, Tino, and Weinfurter, Stefan (Berlin, 2015), 89–130CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Aris, Marc-Aeilko, “Nostrum est citare testes: Anmerkungen zum Wissenschaftsverständnis des Hrabanus Maurus,” in Kloster Fulda in der Welt der Karolinger und Ottonien, ed. Schrimpf, Gangolf (Frankfurt, 1996), 437–64Google Scholar. Hrabanus most likely knew the convention through Bede. See Gorman, Michael, “Source Marks and Chapter Divisions in Bede's Commentary on Luke,” Revue bénédictine 112 (2002): 246–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Laistner, M. L. W, “Source-Marks in Bede Manuscripts,” Journal of Theological Studies 34 (1933): 350–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Expositio, preface, 3: “Multumque obsecro et per Dominum legentes obtestor, ut si qui forte nostra haec qualiacumque sunt opuscula transcriptione digna duxerint, memorata quoque nominum signa, ut in nostro exemplari repperiunt, adfigere meminerint.”

47 Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften (n. 35 above), 2:304 and 3:260 (no. 5211).

48 Interestingly, the utility of these features faded in the minds of the preservers of the manuscript. At some point the final quire of the manuscript was damaged or lost and a replacement was supplied at the monastery of Xanten in the fifteenth century. This new final fascicle copies neither the Eusebian numbers nor Hrabanus's episode numbers and does not convey his source marks, with the exception of a single marginal reference to Bede on fol. 138r. In addition, the Xanten scribes do not distinguish Gospel quotations from the commentary by contrasting capital against miniscule script, although a scribe has gone back to underline the Gospel passages in red.

49 The modern critical edition is good on the use of capitals for the biblical text and miniscule for the commentary, with some concessions to modern convention. It is, however, misleading with numbers where Hrabanus's chapters are provided in the margins, while the Eusebian numbers are set in the body of the text. The source marks and cross referencing are also misleading insofar as the manuscript has more marks than appear in the edition and they nearly always correspond to continuous excerpts from source material irrespective of verses included in the quotation, while the edition organizes and breaks citations by modern biblical verse.

50 Compare Expositio 7, 662; and Münster, Landesmuseum 540, 87v.

51 For example, see Münster, Landesmuseum, 540, fol. 69r.

52 Expositio, preface, 4: “Si quis forte despicit hunc laborem nostrum quasi superfluum, cum multi plenius et perfectius de eisdem rebus tractauerint, legat ea, quae sibi elegerit, nobiliumque doctorum amplissimis uescatur cenis, et dimittat haec nostra licet paupercula illis, qui perfectorum non possunt carpere cibum, quorum non uenter pinguibus repletus hortorum fastidit olera, sed leguminum assuescit comedere cibaria. Sciat tamen uerum illud uulgi esse prouerbium, quod utilior est sitienti paruus purae aquae haustus quam nausianti largissima conditi uini pocula.”

53 Hrabanus Maurus, De rerum naturis, PL 111.506C: “Unde in Daniele propheta, ipse Daniel et tres pueri cum eo, contemptis deliciis regalibus, appetunt esum leguminum: contritis carnalibus desideriis, merito viri desideriorum spiritalium possunt nuncupari.”

54 Expositio 1, 77. Compare Isidore, Etymologiae 8.4.3, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911).

55 Expositio 1, 78. Compare Bede, In Lucam, ed. D. Hurst, CCSL 120 (Turnhout, 1960), 77.

56 Maurus, Hrabanus, De institutione clericorum libri tres, ed. Zimpel, Detlev (Frankfurt am Main, 1996)Google Scholar. For more, see Phelan, Owen M., “New Insights, Old Texts: Clerical Formation and the Carolingian Renewal in Hrabanus Maurus,” Traditio 71 (2016): 63–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 The most recent edition of the sermons is a faulty and incomplete version found in PL 110.9-134. For more, see Woods, Clare, “Six New Sermons by Hrabanus Maurus on the Virtues and Vices,” Revue bénédictine 107 (1997): 280–306CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Étaix, Raymond, “Le recueil de sermons composé par Raban Maur pour Haistulfe de Mayence,” Revue des études augustiniennes 32 (1986): 124–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58 Hrabanus Maurus, Epistola 6, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH, Epistolae 5 (Berlin, 1899), 391: “Iussionibus tuis obtemperans, beatissime pater, sermonem confeci ad praedicandum populo de omnibus quae necessaria eis credidi.”

59 Hrabanus Maurus, Epistola 13, ed. Dümmler, 400–401.

60 Hrabanus Maurus, Epistola 26, ed. Dümmler, 439–41.

61 The only other works with similar manuscript records are Hrabanus's Commentary on Maccabees, De laudibus sanctae crucis, and works focused on supporting teaching and preaching, De institutione clericorum, his homiliaries, and De rerum naturis, his encyclopedic preacher's manual. On the Maccabees commentary, particularly its significance as a work on a deutero-canonical book with no patristic antecedents, see de Jong, “The Empire as Ecclesia” (n. 3 above), 191–226, at 195 and 210. On the peculiar attraction of De laudibus's use of word and image, see Noble, Thomas F. X., Images, Iconoclasm, and the Carolingians (Philadelphia, 2009), 347–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an examination of De laudibus's connection to Carolingian controversies over Christology and icons, see Chazelle, Celia, The Crucified God in the Carolingian Era: Theology and Art of Christ's Passion (Cambridge, 2001), 75–131Google Scholar. On De institutione clericorum, the homiliaries, and De rerum naturis as particularly focused on supporting preaching and teaching, see Phelan, “New Insights, Old Texts” (n. 56 above), 63–89.

62 Kottje, Raymund, Verzeichnis der Handschriften mit den Werken des Hrabanus Maurus (Hannover, 2012), 245Google Scholar.

63 Tours, Bibliothèque municipale, 106. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften (n. 35 above), 3:366 (no. 6122).

64 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 11683. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften (n. 34 above), 3:176 (no. 4703).

65 See James McCune, “The Preacher's Audience, c. 800–950,” in Sermo Doctorum (n. 38 above), 283–338; Hall, Thomas N., “The Early Medieval Sermon,” in The Sermon, ed. Kinzle, Beverly M. (Turnhout, 2000), 203–69Google Scholar; and Thomas L. Amos, “The Origin and Nature of the Carolingian Sermon” (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1983). On Hrabanus in particular, though with more attention to his homiliary for the Emperor Lothar, see Marianne Pollheimer, “Hrabanus Maurus — the Compiler, the Preacher, and his Audience,” in Sermo Doctorum (n. 38 above), 203–28.

66 Étaix, “Le recueil de sermons” (n. 57 above), 129–37; and McKitterick, Rosamond, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London, 1977), 97–102Google Scholar.

67 See Clare Woods, “Six New Sermons” (n. 57 above), 303; and Expositio 8, 786–87.

68 Compare Hrabanus Maurus, Homilia 20, PL 110.39–42; and Expositio 2, 183–85. See also Étaix, “Le recueil de sermons” (n. 57 above), 131.

69 Cross, James E., Cambridge Pembroke College MS. 25: A Carolingian Sermonary Used by Anglo-Saxon Preachers (London, 1987)Google Scholar; and McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 107–108.

70 Étaix, Raymond, “Le sermonnaire carolingien de Beaune,” Revue des études augustiniennes 25 (1979): 106–149CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

71 Barré, Henri, “L'homiliaire carolingien de Mondsee,” Revue bénédictine 71 (1961): 71–107CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 Barré, “L'homiliaire carolingien de Mondsee,” 95; and Expositio 8, 140–141.

73 Brigitta Stoll, “Drei karolingische Matthäus-Kommentare (Claudius von Turin, Hrabanus Maurus, Ps. Beda) und ihre Quellen zur Bergpredigt,” Mittellateinishces Jahrbuch 26 (1991): 36–55; and Ps-Bede, In Matthaei evangelium expositio, PL 92.9–132.

74 Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften (n. 35 above), 1:33 (no. 122); and Marcus Schiegg, “Source Marks in Scholia: Evidence from an Early Medieval Gospel Manuscript,” in The Annotated Book in the Early Middle Ages: Practices of Reading and Writing, ed. M. J. Teeuwen and I. van Renswoude (Turnhout, 2017), 237–61.

75 Augsburg, Bistumsarchiv 6, fol. 38r. See Schiegg, “Source Marks,” 249 and 259.

76 Generally, see Dennis Green, “Writing in Latin and the Vernacular: The Case of Old High German,” in Spoken and Written Language: Relations between Latin and the Vernacular Languages in the Earlier Middle Ages, ed. Mary Garrison, Arpád Peter Orbán, and Marco Mostert (Turnhout, 2013), 227–37; Wolfgang Haubrichs, “Ludwig der Deutsche und die volkssprachige Literatur,” in Ludwig der Deutsche und seine Zeit, ed. Wilfried Hartmann (Darmstadt, 2004), 203–32; Edwards, Cyril, “German Vernacular Literature: A Survey,” in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. McKitterick, Rosamond (Cambridge, 1994), 141–70Google Scholar; and Haubrichs, Wolfgang, “Althochdeutsch in Fulda und Weissenburg: Hrabanus Maurus und Otfrid von Weissenburg,” in Hrabanus Maurus: Lehrer, Abt, und Bischof, ed. Kottje, Raymund und Zimmerman, Harald (Wiesbaden, 1982), 182–93Google Scholar.

77 Mierke, Gesine, “The Old Saxon Heliand: Memoria as Cultural Transfer,” Florilegium 27 (2010): 91–120Google Scholar. See also the fuller presentation in Mierke, Gesine, Memoria als Kulturtransfer: Der altsächsische ‘Heliand’ zwischen Spätantike und Frühmittelalter (Cologne, 2008)Google Scholar; and Fulton, Rachel, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (New York, 2002), 27–41Google Scholar.

78 Rembold, Ingrid, “The Christian Message and the Laity: The Heliand in Post-Conquest Saxony,” in Transforming Landscapes of Belief in the Early Medieval Insular World and Beyond: Converting the Isles II, ed. Edwards, Nancy, Mhaonaigh, Maire Ni, and Flechner, Roy (Turnhout, 2017), 175–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pelle, Stephen, “The Heliand and Christological Orthodoxy,” Florilegium 27 (2010): 63–89Google Scholar. More generally, see Noble, Thomas F. X., “Secular Sanctity: Forging an Ethos for the Carolingian Nobility,” in Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World, ed. Wormald, Patrick and Nelson, Janet L. (Cambridge, 2007), 8–36Google Scholar.

79 Rembold, “The Christian Message,” 175–206; and eadem, Conquest and Christianization: Saxony and the Carolingian World, 772–888 (Cambridge, 2018), 210–18.

80 Compare Heliand 19, line 1607, in Heliand and Genesis, ed. Otto Behagel, 10th ed. (Tübingen, 1996), 63; Expositio 2, 182; and Augustine, De sermone domini in monte libros duos 2.7.25, ed. A. Mutzenbecher, CCL 35 (Turnhout, 1967), 113. See also Borman, Frank G., “‘Teach Us the Secret Runes’: The Lord's Prayer in the Heliand,” Perichoresis 14 (2016): 39–51Google Scholar; and Concetta Sipione, “‘Lord, Teach Us the Sacred Words!’: Some Reflections Concerning the Lord's Prayer in the Heliand,” Filologia Germanica/Germanic Philology 6 (2014): 207–27.

81 Compare Heliand 65, lines 5427–80; Expositio 8, 735–36; and Jerome, Commentariorum in Matheum libri IV 27.19, ed. D. Hurst and M. Adriaen, CSL 77 (Turnhout, 1969), 266. See also Cathey, James, Heliand: Text and Commentary (Morgantown, 2002), 241–43Google Scholar; Fulton, From Judgment to Passion, 31–32; and Huber, Wolfgang, Heliand und Matthäusexegese (Munich, 1969), 231–32Google Scholar.

82 Hrabanus Maurus, De institutione clericorum 3.8 (n. 56 above), 450: “ex his unaquaeque gens et natio propriae linguae adminiculo intellectum sibi salubrem attraheret, interpretando ac conloquendo sensum eundem canonicum propriis verbis.”

83 Otfrid of Wissenburg, Ad Liubertum, Otfrids Evangelienbuch, ed. Oskar Erdmann (Halle/Saale, 1882), 4: “Dum rerum quondam sonus inutilium pulsaret aures quorundam probatissimorum virorum eorumque sanctitatem laicorum cantus inquietaret obscenus, a quibusdam memoriae dignis fratribus rogatus, maximeque cujusdam venerandae matronae verbis nimium flagitantis, nomine Judith, partem evangeliorum eis theotisce conscriberem, ut aliquantulum hujus cantus lectionis ludum saecularium vocum deleret, et in evangeliorum propria lingua occupati dulcedine, sonum inutilium rerum noverint declinare.” See also Otfrid of Wissenburg, Epistola variorum 19, ed. E. Dümmler, MGH, Epistolae 6 (Berlin, 1925), 166–69 at 166.

84 Compare Otfrid of Wissenburg, Otfrids Evangelienbuch 2.18, ed. Erdmann, 110–11; and Expositio 2, 137–39. See also Gisela Vollman-Profe, Kommentar zu Otfrids Evangelienbuch (Bonn, 1976).

85 Otfrid of Wissenburg, Ad Liubertum, ed. Erdmann, 7: “et quia a Rhabano venerandae memoriae, digno vestrae sedis quondam praesule, educata parum mea parvitas est.” See also Otfrid of Wissenburg, Epistola variorum 19, ed. Dümmler, 169.

86 Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Weissenburg 26. The manuscript is available online at http://diglib.hab.de/?db=mss&list=ms&id=26-weiss&lang=en (accessed 27 July 2020). The glosses have been edited in Ofridi Wizanburgensis Glossae in Matthaeum, ed. Cinzia Grifoni, CCM 200 (Turnhout, 2003).

87 Otfidi Wizanburgensis Glossae, viii–ix; and Cinzia Grifoni, “Reading the Catholic Epistles: Glossing Practices in Early Medieval Wissembourg,” in The Annotated Book in the Early Middle Ages (n. 74 above), 705–742, at 725.

88 Compare Otfidi Wizanburgensis Glossae, 324; and Expositio 8, 683–84.

89 On lay liturgical participation generally, see Els Rose, “Plebs sancta ideo meminere debet: The Role of the People in the Early Medieval Liturgy of Mass,” in Das Christentum im frühen Europa: Diskurse—Tendenzen—Entscheidungen, ed. Uta Heil (Berlin, 2019), 459–76. See also Bullough, Donald, “The Carolingian Liturgical Experience,” in Continuity and Change in Christian Worship, ed. Swanson, R. N., Studies in Church History 35 (Woodbridge, 1999), 29–64Google Scholar, who usefully stresses the difference between cathedral and monastic experience on the one hand and parish or rural experience on the other; and McGuire, Anne C., “The Liturgy and the Laity in the Ninth Century,” Ecclesia Orans 13 (1996): 495–514Google Scholar.

90 Of the five surviving copies of the Heliand dated to the mid-ninth century, three preserve evidence of oral recitation: two have accent marks and one shows the imposition of musical neumes in a section. See Rembold, “The Christian Message and the Laity” (n. 77 above), 191. See also Green, D. H., Medieval Listening and Reading: The Primary Reception of German Literature, 800–1300 (Cambridge, 1994), esp. 102–103 and 179–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 Schuler, Eric, “The Saxons within Carolingian Christendom: Post-Conquest Identity in the Translations of Vitus, Pussina, and Liborius,” Journal of Medieval History 36 (2010): 39–54, at 42–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Rudolf and Meginhart, Translatio Sancti Alexandri 13, ed. G. Pertz, MGH, Scriptores 2 (Hannover, 1829), 680: “multi egroti et inbecilles ad hanc confluxerant festivitatem.”

93 Rudolf and Meginhart, Translatio Sancti Alexandri 14, 680–81: “ad festivitatem iam praescripti martyris in utroque sexu, virorum scilicet ac mulierum.”

94 A. J. R. Rulkens, “Means, Motives, and Opportunities: The Architecture of Monasteries during the Reign of Louis the Pious, 814–840” (Ph.D. diss., University of Amsterdam, 2013), 264–69.

95 Angilbert of St. Riquier, Institutio de diversitate officiorum, ed. K. Hallinger, M. Wegener, and H. Frank, Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum 1 (Sieburg, 1963), 191–303. More generally on Angilbert and his ambitious program at St. Riquier, see Rabe, Susan A., Faith, Art, and Politics at Saint-Riquier: The Symbolic Vision of Angilbert (Philadelphia, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

96 Angilbert, Institutio 6, 294: “per uiam monasterii una cum populo accedentes ad portam … ” and 8, 295–96: “Ordinaui enim, ut in die sanctissimo Paschae et in Nativitate Domini fratres et ceteri omnes, qui in aeclesia sancti Saluatoris ad missam audiendam steterint in eadem aecclesia communionem percipiant.”

97 See Phelan, “New Insights, Old Texts” (n. 56 above), 63–89.

98 An expression employed by Mayke de Jong, “Carolingian Political Discourse and the Biblical Past: Hraban, Dhuoda, Radbert,” in The Resources of the Past in Early Medieval Europe, ed. Clemens Gantner, Rosamond McKitterick, and Sven Meeder (Cambridge, 2015), 87–102 at 89, and drawn from the inimitable Pohl, Walter, “Introduction: Strategies of Identification,” in Strategies of Identification: Ethnicity and Religion in Early Medieval Europe, ed. Pohl, Walter and Heydemann, Gerda (Turnhout, 2013), 32–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.