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Beatrice as a Figure for Mary
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
Extract
The identification of ‘Christ figures’ in medieval literature has no doubt been overdone. Yet it can hardly be denied that we do find there characters who present meaningful analogues to Christ, for along with a good number of probable analogues, the parallels in some cases are explicit; for example, Galahad in the Queste del Saint Graal and Thomas Malory's Grail story. So too in Dante's Vita Nuova the parallel of Beatrice with Christ is not left to surmise. In Chapter 24 Joan, Guido Cavalcanti's donna, is presented as preceding Beatrice; to Dante she is like her namesake John, the one who comes before the True Light. Beatrice who follows, then, is like Christ to him. And in the preceding chapter (23) Dante reports a vision in which he is told of the death of Beatrice; thereupon he sees a cloud ascending to heaven, accompanied by a host of angels singing ‘Hosanna in excelsis,’ conventionally addressed to Christ. Again the analogue seems unavoidable.
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1
See, e.g., the monk's interpretation of Galahad's adventure at the Castell of Maydens, Malory: Works, <e>ed. Eugène Vinaver (London 1954) 651. Mythography, and moralized stories such as those in the Gesta Romanorum, of course, supply copious medieval examples of explicit Christ figures.ed. Eugène Vinaver (London 1954) 651. Mythography, and moralized stories such as those in the Gesta Romanorum, of course, supply copious medieval examples of explicit Christ figures.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=See,+e.g.,+the+monk's+interpretation+of+Galahad's+adventure+at+the+Castell+of+Maydens,+Malory:+Works,+
2 Dante Studies 1: Commedia, Elements of Structure (Cambridge, Mass. 1954) 57.Google Scholar
3 For the analogue that Griselda offers to Mary, see Lee Utley, Francis, ‘Five Genres in the Clerk's Tale,’ Chaucer Review 6 (1972) 217–26, and his review of scholarship on the subject nn. 55–58. For Fair White, see Wimsatt, James I., ‘The Apotheosis of Blanche in The Book of the Duchess,’ Journal of English and Germanic Philology 66 (1967) 26–44.Google Scholar
4
<e>E. V. Gordon, ed. Pearl (Oxford 1953) lines 761–64. The call is drawn from Cant. 4.7–8: ‘Thou art all fair, O my love, and there is not a spot in thee. Come from Libanus, my spouse, come from Libanus, come: thou shalt be crowned.’ For the prominence of these verses in the legends and medieval liturgy of the Assumption, and some uses of them in secular analogues to the Assumption drama, see my essay, ‘Chaucer and the Canticle of Canticles,’ in Chaucer the Love Poet, <e>ed. Jerome Mitchell and William Provost (Athens, Ga. 1973) 69–71, 75–77, 84–85. For the use of Canticles in Assumption liturgy, see also Jugie, M., a.a., ‘Assomption de la Sainte Vierge,’ Maria, <e>ed. Hubert du Manoir (Paris 1949) I 646; Frenaud, Georges, o.s.b., ‘Marie et l’Église d'après les liturgies latines du VIIe au XIe siècle,’ Marie et l'Église (Paris 1951) I 54–58; and Capelle, Dom B., o.s.b., ‘La liturgie Mariale en occident,’ Maria I 224–25, 236. Friedrich Only, Hohelied-Studien: Grundzüge einer Geschichte der Hoheliedauslegung des Abendlandes bis um 1200 (Wiesbaden 1958) 126–27, notes that most of the extensive Marian exegesis of Canticles develops from its employment in Marian liturgy. In accord with this development, Cant. 4.7–8 (the model for Christ's call to the Pearl Maiden) appears throughout Assumption literature as Christ's summons to Mary. It is the text for Assumption sermons by Hugh of St. Victor (PL 177.1209–22); St. Bonaventure, Opera omnia (Quaracchi 1901) IX 699–700; and de Voragine, Jacobus, Sermones de Sanctis (Venice 1497) ‘In Assumptione sermo iii.’ Among exegetes who dilate on the relevance of the verses to the Assumption are Honorius of Autun, Sigillum Beatae Mariae (PL 172.506–07); William of Newburgh, Explanatio sacri epithalamii in matrem sponsi (Spicilegium Friburgense 6; Fribourg 1960) 189–93; Thomas the Cistercian, In Cantica Canticorum (PL 206.430); Alan of Lille, Elucidatio in Cantica Canticorum (PL 210.80); and Denis the Carthusian, Opera (Montreuil 1898) VII 382–84. See also de Deguileville, Guillaume, ‘Opus super Cantica Canticorum,’ AH 48.382 sts. 20–23; and ‘Veni coronaberis,’ Religious Lyrics of the XV
th
Century, <e>ed. Carleton Brown (Oxford 1938) 65–67. It is significant for the Assumption analogy in Pearl that the narrator's dream takes place ‘In Augoste in a hy
seysoun’ (line 39), no doubt Assumption tide.ed. Carleton Brown (Oxford 1938) 65–67. It is significant for the Assumption analogy in Pearl that the narrator's dream takes place ‘In Augoste in a hy seysoun’ (line 39), no doubt Assumption tide.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=
5 Guido Cavalcanti Rime, <e>ed. Guido Favati (Documenti di filologia 1; Milan 1957) 136.ed.+Guido+Favati+(Documenti+di+filologia+1;+Milan+1957)+136.>Google Scholar
6 Cant. 3.6, 6.9, 8.5. The prominence of these ‘Quae est ista’ verses in Assumption literature stems in the first place from Paschasius Radbertus’ letter on the Assumption (9th c.), long ascribed to Jerome, ed. (PL 30.126–47) as ‘Epistola IX, ad Paulam et Eustochium’; also <e>ed. Albert Ripsberger, Der Pseudo-Hieronymus-Brief IX ‘Cogitis me’ (Freiburg 1962). Here Radbertus imputes the first two of the verses to the admiring angels and applies other language of Canticles to the Assumption drama. Subsequently, the liturgy for the Assumption and Nativity of the Virgin came to include large parts of this epistle and took up its uses of Canticles, with all three ‘Quae est ista’ exclamations being incorporated. The third, ‘Who is she who comes up from the desert, flowing with delights, leaning upon her beloved’ (8.5), in its application to the Assumption story offers a particularly neat parallel to Cavalcanti's poem wherein the lady enters accompanied by Love. Cf., for instance, the comment on 8.5 by Hugh of St. Cher, Opera omnia in Vetus et Novum Testamentum (Venice 1732) III fol. 136v: ‘De B. Virgine potest exponi, cujus ascensionem, sive assumptionem in coelum de deserto mundi hujus Angeli mirabantur intantum ut quaererent, [Quae est ista, etc.]. … haec autem innixa super Dilectum nunciatur non causa infirmitatis, sed ostensione summae familiaritatis: cui ipse Christus est Pater, Sponsus, Filius, et Dilectus.’ For similar commentary on this verse, see Bernard of Clairvaux, Opera (Sermones 2), <e>edd. J. Leclerq and H. Rochais (Rome 1968) V 274; Thomas the Cistercian (PL 206.793–804); Alan of Lille (PL 210.105); Phillip of Harvengt, In Cantica Canticorum (PL 203.478–79); and Denis the Carthusian, ed. cit. VII 445. Assumption sermons based on this text include William of Auvergne, Registrum sermonum Wilhelmi Parisiensis (Tübingen 1499) Sermon 81; de Stella, Isaac, Sermones (PL 194.1866–70); de Voragine, Jacobus, ed. cit. ‘In Assumption sermo v’; and Jean de la Rochelle, Eleven Marian Sermons (Franciscan Institute Publications, Text Series 12; St. Bonaventure, N.Y. 1961) 42–49.ed.+Albert+Ripsberger,+Der+Pseudo-Hieronymus-Brief+IX+‘Cogitis+me’+(Freiburg+1962).+Here+Radbertus+imputes+the+first+two+of+the+verses+to+the+admiring+angels+and+applies+other+language+of+Canticles+to+the+Assumption+drama.+Subsequently,+the+liturgy+for+the+Assumption+and+Nativity+of+the+Virgin+came+to+include+large+parts+of+this+epistle+and+took+up+its+uses+of+Canticles,+with+all+three+‘Quae+est+ista’+exclamations+being+incorporated.+The+third,+‘Who+is+she+who+comes+up+from+the+desert,+flowing+with+delights,+leaning+upon+her+beloved’+(8.5),+in+its+application+to+the+Assumption+story+offers+a+particularly+neat+parallel+to+Cavalcanti's+poem+wherein+the+lady+enters+accompanied+by+Love.+Cf.,+for+instance,+the+comment+on+8.5+by+Hugh+of+St.+Cher,+Opera+omnia+in+Vetus+et+Novum+Testamentum+(Venice+1732)+III+fol.+136v:+‘De+B.+Virgine+potest+exponi,+cujus+ascensionem,+sive+assumptionem+in+coelum+de+deserto+mundi+hujus+Angeli+mirabantur+intantum+ut+quaererent,+[Quae+est+ista,+etc.].+…+haec+autem+innixa+super+Dilectum+nunciatur+non+causa+infirmitatis,+sed+ostensione+summae+familiaritatis:+cui+ipse+Christus+est+Pater,+Sponsus,+Filius,+et+Dilectus.’+For+similar+commentary+on+this+verse,+see+Bernard+of+Clairvaux,+Opera+(Sermones+2),+edd.+J.+Leclerq+and+H.+Rochais+(Rome+1968)+V+274;+Thomas+the+Cistercian+(PL+206.793–804);+Alan+of+Lille+(PL+210.105);+Phillip+of+Harvengt,+In+Cantica+Canticorum+(PL+203.478–79);+and+Denis+the+Carthusian,+ed.+cit.+VII+445.+Assumption+sermons+based+on+this+text+include+William+of+Auvergne,+Registrum+sermonum+Wilhelmi+Parisiensis+(Tübingen+1499)+Sermon+81;+de+Stella,+Isaac,+Sermones+(PL+194.1866–70);+de+Voragine,+Jacobus,+ed.+cit.+‘In+Assumption+sermo+v’;+and+Jean+de+la+Rochelle,+Eleven+Marian+Sermons+(Franciscan+Institute+Publications,+Text+Series+12;+St.+Bonaventure,+N.Y.+1961)+42–49.>Google Scholar
7 From the fourth century the Fathers agreed that the Incarnation took place at the Annunciation; see Hirn, Yrjö, The Sacred Shrine (1909; rpt. Boston 1957) 294–96. Lilies became part of representations of the Annunciation in the thirteenth century; see Robb, David M., ‘The Iconography of the Annunciation in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,’ Art Bulletin 18 (1936) 482. According to Réau, Louis, Iconographie de l'art chrétien (Paris 1957) II 2.183, it was only at the beginning of the fourteenth century that the lily replaced the scepter in the hand of the angel. Réau remarks that the substitution was made at Florence, a fact perhaps significant for Dante's lilies in Purg. 29 and 30. It is interesting, too, that, as Réau states, Sienese artists militantly retained the angel's olive branch from earlier tradition in the face of the changed Florentine practice. This is exemplified most notably in the Annunciation of Simone Martini (early fourteenth century) now in the Uffizi; but the gorgeous vase of lilies in the center of Simone's representation surely evidences that he had no antipathy to the flower's presence.Google Scholar
The lilies as well as the candlesticks in Dante's presentation probably draw major symbolic meaning from Isaiah 11.1–3, a celebrated prophecy of the Incarnation. In 11.1 Isaiah predicts that ‘there shall come forth a rod out of the root of Jesse, and a flower shall arise out of his root’; interpreters almost invariably found the Virgin to be the rod (‘virga’ with word-play on ‘virgo’) and Christ to be the flower. The glosses identifying Christ as the flower customarily adduced Cant. 2.1: ‘I am the flower of the field and the lily of the valley’; e.g. Rupert of Deutz, De Tripitate et operibus eius (PL 167.1319) states, ‘Virgam de radice Jesse sanctam Mariam virginem intelligimus … et florem, Dominum Salvatorem qui dicit in Cant. “Ego flos campi, et lilium convallium.” ” Similar associations of Isaiah 11 with Cant. 2 are made in Isaiah commentaries of Hervé de Bourg-Dieu, In Isaiam (PL 181.140); Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. IV 30r; and Aegidius Romanus, in St. Thomas Aquinas, Opera omnia (Paris 1876) XVIII 741. Phillip of Harvengt (PL 203.281) conversely adduces Isaiah 11 in explaining Cant. 2. It seems, then, that through its conventional association with Canticles the flower in Isaiah, representing Christ, became identified with the lily. It may be noted that the lily of Cant. 2, the ‘lilium convallium,’ was not distinguished from other lilies till the sixteenth century (See Oxford English Dictionary s.v. ‘lily’ 2); to medieval exegetes ‘convallium’ conveyed a moral rather than a botanic significance, as with Rabanus Maurus, De universo (PL 111.366): ‘Vallis humiles in corde significat, de qua in Cantica canticorum vox Christi loquitur dicens (Cant. II): Ego flos campi et lilium convallium.’ Thus, the lilies in many Annunciation representations and those that crown Dante's elders probably symbolize Christ. For lilies and the Isaian prophecy, see further Gertrud Schiller, Iconography of Christian Ari, <e>trans. Janet Seligman (New York 1970) I 15 (Tree of Jesse), 51 (Annunciation). It is quite apt that each elder in Purg. has a lily, since the subject matter of each Old Testament book, in medieval exegetical terms, is the Incarnation.
Dante's candlesticks are drawn from the ‘seven lamps burning before the throne, which are the seven spirits of God’ (Apoc. 4.4–5); these ‘spirits of God’ traditionally were related to the enumeration found in Isaiah 11.2–3, which follows immediately the ‘rod of Jesse’ prediction: ‘And the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him: the spirit of wisdom, and of understanding, the spirit of counsel, and of fortitude, the spirit of knowledge, and of godliness. And he shall be filled with the spirit of the fear of the Lord.’ Dante's biblical source here is well-known, but what has not been recognized is how the streams of light from the candlesticks, stretching over the elders with their lily crowns, fit into a symbolic Incarnation drama. The depiction in Purg. agrees quite well with the picture presented by Rupert of Deutz, In Apocalypsim (PL 169.910), glossing Apoc. 4: ‘Prima lampas spiritus sapientiae est. Secunda spiritus intellectus et deinde per ordinem caeteri spiritus, sic ut in propheta dispositi leguntur, super unum florem requiescentes.’ The symbolic lights rest over the flower, token of Christ incarnate. Among other commentators who associate the lamps of Apoc. 4 with standard exegesis of Isaiah 11.1–3 as a prophecy of the Incarnation are Remi of Auxerre (?; pseudo-Haimo), In Isaiam (PL 116.779); and Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. IV 30r.
8 Quotations of the Comedy herein are from Dante Alighieri: The Divine Comedy, <e>ed. Charles S. Singleton (Bollingen Series 80; Princeton 1970–75) 3 vols. in 6. I also refer frequently to the notes of this edition and sometimes utilize phraseology of the translation presented. Though on some points in this paper I disagree with Professor Singleton, his work clearly underlies in essential ways my approach to the Comedy. ed.+Charles+S.+Singleton+(Bollingen+Series+80;+Princeton+1970–75)+3+vols.+in+6.+I+also+refer+frequently+to+the+notes+of+this+edition+and+sometimes+utilize+phraseology+of+the+translation+presented.+Though+on+some+points+in+this+paper+I+disagree+with+Professor+Singleton,+his+work+clearly+underlies+in+essential+ways+my+approach+to+the+Comedy.>Google Scholar
9 Note to Purg. 29.86–87.Google Scholar
10 The concept of the one who is addressed being blessed ‘in etterno’ also seems much more appropriate to Mary than to Beatrice in her own person. ‘In etterno’ may echo Prov. 8.23, ‘Ab aeterno ordinata sum, et ex antiquis antequam terra fieret,’ which early became part of Marian liturgy (Capelle, Maria I 236–37), and was applied to Mary by exegetes. Thus Richard of St. Lawrence, De laudibus Beatae Mariae, in B. Alberti Magni … opera omnia, <e>edd. August and Emily Borgnet (Paris 1898) XXXVI 372, glosses the verse, ‘Maria honorata est a Deo. Quia ab aeterno predestinata et electa. … Ideo de ipsa canitur: “Elegit eam Deus, et praeelegit eam.” ” See also Marian commentary on this verse by Rupert of Deutz, PL 169.867; and Albertus Magnus, ed. cit. (1898) XXXVII 393. In his note to Purg. 31.107–08, Singleton suggests that Prov. 8.23 is evoked when the cardinal virtues state that before Beatrice descended to the world they were ordained (‘ordinate’) as her handmaids. Such reference, he finds, is relevant to the development of Beatrice as Sapientia, but Marian figuration may also be present.edd.+August+and+Emily+Borgnet+(Paris+1898)+XXXVI+372,+glosses+the+verse,+‘Maria+honorata+est+a+Deo.+Quia+ab+aeterno+predestinata+et+electa.+…+Ideo+de+ipsa+canitur:+“Elegit+eam+Deus,+et+praeelegit+eam.”+”+See+also+Marian+commentary+on+this+verse+by+Rupert+of+Deutz,+PL+169.867;+and+Albertus+Magnus,+ed.+cit.+(1898)+XXXVII+393.+In+his+note+to+Purg.+31.107–08,+Singleton+suggests+that+Prov.+8.23+is+evoked+when+the+cardinal+virtues+state+that+before+Beatrice+descended+to+the+world+they+were+ordained+(‘ordinate’)+as+her+handmaids.+Such+reference,+he+finds,+is+relevant+to+the+development+of+Beatrice+as+Sapientia,+but+Marian+figuration+may+also+be+present.>Google Scholar
11 Consideration of the medieval literature of Canticles compels such a conclusion. I find virtually no support for Singleton's conjecture, in the note to Purg. 30.11–12, that the sponsa signified in the elder's call is Sapientia. The standard treatment of the Canticles tradition up to 1200 is Ohly's Hohclied-Studien. Riedlinger, Helmut, Die Makellosigkeit der Kirche in den lateinischen Hoheliedkommentaren des Mittelalters (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters 38 Heft 3; Münster i.W. 1958), provides a useful survey of exegesis to 1500. See also Herde, Rosemarie, Das Hohelied in der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters bis zum 12. Jahrhundert (Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 3; Spoleto 1968), extracted from Studi medievali 3e series, 8 (1967) 957–1073. Though before the twelfth century there were no Marian exegeses of the whole of Canticles, by Dante's time they had become common. Of course the three standard readings were not mutually exclusive since the soul is part of the Church, and Mary can typify either the individual perfected soul or the Church.Google Scholar
12 Likewise, the cry of the angels at this point, ‘Benedictus qui venis’ (30.19), in recalling Psalm 117.26 is particularly appropriate as a signal of the first coming, the Incarnation. The standard medieval interpretation of this Psalm, which originates with Cassiodorus, sees it explicitly as the fifth psalm of the Psalter concerning the ‘primo adventu,’ with ‘Benedictus qui venit’ (26) introducing its fourth part, ‘gaudens de adventu Christi’ (Glossa ordinaria [PL 113.1039, 1041, citing Cassiodorus]). For Cassiodorus’ statement see Expositio in Psalterium (PL 70.827, 833); and for others who follow his analysis, generally word for word, see Anselm of Laon (pseudo-Haymo), Explanatio in Psalmos (PL 116.596, 600); Honorius of Autun (pseudo-Gerhoh), Commentarium in Psalmos (PL 194.723); and Lombard, Peter, Commentarium in Psalmos (PL 191.1033, 1039). Denis the Carthusian, ed. cit. VII 534, adduces the authority of Jerome in associating the psalm with the first coming: ‘Secundum Hieronymum, psalmus iste de Christi primo adventu manifeste conscriptus est.’ St. Bonaventure, ed. cit. IX 685, likewise finds Incarnation significance in Psalm 117 when in preaching on the Annunciation he associates the angel's ‘Benedictus fructus ventris tui’ with the psalm's ‘Benedictus qui venit’; Denis the Carthusian, commenting on Luke 1, ed. cit. XI 391, makes the same connection.Google Scholar
13 Unger, Dominic, ‘Did St. John See the Virgin Mary in Glory?’ Catholic Biblical Quarterly 11 (1949) 249, states, ‘Scholars have long recognized [the woman clothed with the sun] as the central vision of the book.’Google Scholar
14 For the early artistic representations, see Unger, , ‘Did St. John See the Virgin Mary in Glory?’ Catholic Biblical Quarterly 12 (1950) 297–99. In earlier installments of the article, 11 (1949) 257–62, 392–405, Unger surveys the copious medieval Marian exegesis of the woman of the Apocalypse. LeFrois, Bernard J., s.v.d., The Woman Clothed with the Sun (Rome 1954) 38–61, also reviews the Marian interpretations of patristic times. The whole tradition of Apoc. 12 exegesis in the Middle Ages is cursorily summarized in Prigent, Pierre, Apocalypse XII: Histoire de l'exégèse (Tübingen 1959) 3–54.Google Scholar
15 ‘Signum magnum apparuit in coelo. Glossa: id est, in ecclesia: mulier amicta sole, id est Maria Christo, quia induit Christum, qui eam illuminat’ (ed. cit. XXXVII 438–439). Another interpretation of Apoc. 12.1 attributed to Albert, which perhaps is by Nicholas of Gorran (see Nicole Marzac, Richard Rolle de Hampole: Tractatus super Apocalypsim [Paris 1968] 190), applies the verse to the Incarnation, with once more the woman as the Virgin and heaven as the Church (ed. cit. [1899] XXXVIII 654).Google Scholar
16 “Nempe vellus est medium inter rorem et arcam, mulier inter solem et lunam, Maria inter Christum et Ecclesiam constituta” (ed. cit. V 265); cf. Bernard's similar statement, p. 264, envisioning Mary as the woman who transmits the sun's light to the Church, again seen as the moon. Unger 11 (1949) 397, notes that this sermon of Bernard's ‘set the pace for practically all other writers [on Apoc. 12.1] after him,’ parts of it being incorporated into the liturgy. Richard of St. Victor, Explicatio in Canticum (PL 196.517), also sees the woman as Mary, the sun as Christ, and the moon as the Church. St. Bonaventure, ‘De Assumptione vi,’ ed. cit. IX 700–01, like Albert interprets heaven as the Church in which Mary stands clothed with Christ the sun.Google Scholar
17 ‘Quantam invenisti gratiam apud eum! In te manet, et tu in eo; et vestis eum, et vestiris ab eo. Vestis eum substantia, et vestit ille te suae gloriae maiestatis. Vestis nube solem, et sole ipsa vestiris’ (ed. cit. V 266).Google Scholar
18 I refer to the cloud (‘nuvola’) of flowers in which Beatrice appears, shading the sun, in Purg. 30.28.Google Scholar
19 See Singleton's, note to Purg. 30.121–23.Google Scholar
20 Also probably relevant to the sapiential aspect of Beatrice's character is the description of Wisdom in Prov. 8.23, which, as remarked in n. 10 above, is perhaps part of the reference of Purg. 29.86–87 and Purg. 31.107–08, and was commonly applied to Mary.Google Scholar
21 See Wimsatt, , Journal of English and Germanic Philology 66 (1967) 39–40, for discussion of the Marian tradition of Wisdom 7.26, including references to Albertus Magnus, Phillip of Harvengt, and Richard of St. Lawrence. Wisdom 7.29 is the text for St. Bonaventure's second sermon on the Assumption, ed. cit. IX 691–93, in which commentary on 7.26 is prominent. For further comment and references see Heinrich Schwarz, ‘The Mirror in Art,’ Art Quarterly 15 (1952) 97–103; and ‘The Mirror of the Artist and the Mirror of the Devout,’ in Studies in the History of Art Dedicated to William E. Suida (London 1959) 90–105.Google Scholar
22 As Singleton states in his note, ‘These are strong words, for they exclude all creatures, even the angels.’ The words indeed aptly apply to the reflection of Christ in Beatrice's smile, which only God himself can wholly appreciate.Google Scholar
23 For Marian interpretations of this verse see n. 4 above.Google Scholar
24 The pseudo-Melito is edited in Konstantin von Tischendorff, Apocalypses Apocryphae (1866; rpt. Hildesheim 1966) 125–35; <e>trans. M. R. James, The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford 1960) 209–16. The Incarnation–Assumption analogy in the legends and its influence on interpretation is discussed in Heinrich Lausberg, ‘Zur literarischen Gestaltung der Transitus Beatae Mariae,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 72 (1953) 32–33.trans.+M.+R.+James,+The+Apocryphal+New+Testament+(Oxford+1960)+209–16.+The+Incarnation–Assumption+analogy+in+the+legends+and+its+influence+on+interpretation+is+discussed+in+Heinrich+Lausberg,+‘Zur+literarischen+Gestaltung+der+Transitus+Beatae+Mariae,’+Historisches+Jahrbuch+72+(1953)+32–33.>Google Scholar
25 ‘Ut quid enim ea hodie in ecclesiis Christi lectio evangelica recitatur, in qua mulier benedicta in mulieribus excepisse intelligitur Salvatorem? Credo ut haec quam celebramus, ex illa susceptione aliquatenus aestimetur, immo ut, iuxta illius inaestimabilem gloriam, inaestimabilis cognoscatur et ista. … Felicia prorsus oscula labiis impressa lactentis, cui virgineo mater applaudebat in giemio! Verum sumquid non feliciora censibimus, quae ab ore sedentis in dexteram Patris hodie in beata salutatione suscepit, cum ascenderet ad thronum gloriae, epithalamium canens et dicens: Osculetur me osculo oris sui? Christi generationem, Mariae assumptionem quis enarrabit?’ (ed. cit. V 230–31).Google Scholar
26 Gaudebunt, inquam, intuentes illud singulare diadema, quod in die solemnitatis et laetitiae, in die assumptionis et gloriae, dilectissimae genetrici Christus impressit, memorans illud diadema quo eum illa in die desponsationis coronaverat’ (Amadée de Lausanne, Huit homélies mariales, <e>ed. G. Bavaud [Sources chrétiennes 72; Paris 1960] 220. The two Canticles texts brought to bear here are 3.11 and 4.8. St. Bernard, ed. cit. V 266, also finds an exchange of crowns; he sees the sun clothing of Apoc. 12.1 as representing the crown Christ gave Mary at the Assumption in exchange for the crown (a human body) she gave him, as announced in Cant. 3.11.ed.+G.+Bavaud+[Sources+chrétiennes+72;+Paris+1960]+220.+The+two+Canticles+texts+brought+to+bear+here+are+3.11+and+4.8.+St.+Bernard,+ed.+cit.+V+266,+also+finds+an+exchange+of+crowns;+he+sees+the+sun+clothing+of+Apoc.+12.1+as+representing+the+crown+Christ+gave+Mary+at+the+Assumption+in+exchange+for+the+crown+(a+human+body)+she+gave+him,+as+announced+in+Cant.+3.11.>Google Scholar
27 ‘“In diademata quo coronavit eum mater sua,” id est mortali carne qua circumdedit eum mater sua’ (Honorius of Autun, Sigillum [PL 172.506]). Cf. also Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. II fol. 122v; and Denis the Carthusian, ed. cit. VII 355, 363.Google Scholar
28 One clear expression of the association in art is found in a portal of La Charité-sur-Loire at Sainte Croix, where on a tympanum Christ in a mandorla receives Mary, while in the lintel relief directly below, the various stages of the Incarnation are depicted; photo in Adolf Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Program of Chartres Cathedral (Baltimore 1959) plate 13. The retable of St. Wolfgang, as described by Réau, Iconographie II 2.625, depicts Mary on her knees before God the Father, who crowns her simultaneously with the entrance of Christ into her womb. The association also seems implicit in the manifold depictions of Mary as θεο τόκος, Mother of God, in which she, crowned and enthroned, holds the infant Christ.Google Scholar
29 Jameson, Anna B., Legends of the Madonna as Represented in the Fine Arts (London 1890) 180, states, ‘In general, the palm is given to the angel who announces the death of Mary. In one or two instances only, I have seen the palm given to the angel Gabriel, as in a predella by Angelico; for which, however, the painter had the authority of Dante, or Dante some authority earlier still.’ Dante's authority, one may surmise — and Fra Angelico's also — is the tradition which binds together the Annunciation and Assumption. On palms in medieval representations of the Annunciation, see also Schiller, Iconography I 40, 47, 51.Google Scholar
30 For the griffin as sponsus, see Singleton's notes to Purg. 29.113, 114.Google Scholar