Arezzo as a Center of Learning and Letters in the Thirteenth Century

Helene Wieruszowski

doi:10.1017/S0362152900003767

^{page 322 note 1} Denifle, Heinrich, Die Universitäten des Mittelalters bis 1400 (Berlin 1885) I 424f.Google Scholar

^{page 323 note 2} Rashdall, H., The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Powicke, F. M. and Emden, A. B. (Oxford 1936) I 169f., II 8f. The following quotation, among other passages, from Roffredo’s Quaestiones Sabbatinae is at the root of this view: ‘Cum essem Arretii, ibique in cathedra residerem, post transmigrationem Bononiae, ego Rofredus Beneventanus iuris civilis professor an. Dn. MCCXV…’ (quoted in Rashdall, , Universities II 8 note 2). There might have been some doubt, though, in Rashdall's mind as to the soundness of the common theory, for he expresses (II 8) surprise at the quick development of the studium after Roffredo’s short stay. The theory of transplantation is also upheld by Robert Davidsohn (Geschichte von Florenz IV. iii [Berlin 1927] 134f.; Anmerkungen zum 3. Teil, p. 33) who rejects Pasqui’s objections to it (see below, p. 325). Cf. further Morelli, C., Statuti della Università e Studio Fiorentino (Florence 1881) xxix, and Solmi, A., Storia del diritto italiano (Milan 1930) 448; see the biographical and critical survey by Moretti (cited below, note 14) I 289ff.Google Scholar

^{page 323 note 3} ‘Roffredo Epifanii da Benevento,’ Studi Medioevali 3 (1909) 242ff. — All the authors to whom I refer for quotations from Roffredo’s works have used the edition of Lyons, 1561.Google Scholar

^{page 323 note 4} Ibid. 244 n. 2. Ferretti remarks that once Roffredo even mentions Arezzo before Bologna in the phrase: ‘de scholaribus qui sunt Aretii vel Bononie.’ Google Scholar

^{page 323 note 5} In a fictitious dialogue included in his Quaestiones Sabbatinae, Roffredo introduces as his partner a master who was anxious to leave Arezzo — no doubt because of poor living conditions. Trying to persuade his partner to stay, Roffredo says: ‘Item schole non sunt ampliate quod multum necesse debeas ampliare seu exaltare ut altius debeant subrogari,’ quoted by Ferretti, 244 n. 1. Ferretti sums up the situation: ‘Lo Studio di Arezzo se pure preesisteva era senza dubbio in un periodo di sviluppo iniziale che doveva condurlo ad una condizione ragguardevole’ (ibid.).Google Scholar

^{page 323 note 6} See the quotation in Ferretti 244 n. 1, where Roffredo refers to his own school as studium translatum, meaning by studium the association of the doctor with his scolares ; Cencetti, G., ‘Sulle origini dello studio di Bologna,’ Rivista storica italiana 5 (1940) 254. When associating the term with litterae, however, Roffredo means ‘study’ in the familiar sense (see note 8). In suggesting the granting of citizenship to students after ten years of stay in Arezzo, Roffredo refers to the example of Bologna (Rashdall, , Universities I 150, n. 2).Google Scholar

^{page 323 note 7} Moretti, (below, note 14) II 111 n. 1. See also below, p. 331 f.Google Scholar

^{page 324 note 8} See the passage from another dialogue: ‘Frater, cum venisti ab Aretio ubi hodie viget studium litterarum,’ Ferretti 244 n. 2. On the study of literature in Arezzo see below, p. 350f.Google Scholar

^{page 324 note 9} Ferretti 236 n. 2: ‘Verum hodie de consuetudine sunt advocati et etiam imperiti literarum. Sed consilio meo advocati literati loquentur semper literaliter iudici, quia aliter loqui non tenetur…’ See also Kantorowicz, E., Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite, Ergänzungsband (Berlin 1931) 119. Ferretti 236 describes Roffredo’s style as having a ‘literary flavor’ (sapore quasi letterario). Latin verses are scattered throughout his work. He is an early, though not the earliest, example of the curious association of law and letters characteristic of the age. The places where he stayed, such as Bologna, Arezzo, and the Court of Frederick II, were apt to stimulate Roffredo’s inclinations (ibid.).Google Scholar

^{page 324 note 10} See above, note 5.Google Scholar

^{page 324 note 11} Ferretti 244 n. 2. The Aretine master whom Roffredo introduces as partner in one of his fictitious dialogues is described as ‘doctor vel magister vel in philosophia vel in gramatica vel in legibus, non curo.’ Google Scholar

^{page 324 note 12} See Pasqui, Ubaldo, Documenti per la storia di Arezzo nel medio evo II (Documenti di storia italiana 13; Firenze 1916) 293 n. 1. Two of the four masters mentioned in documents of 1204, 1206, and 1210, are identified as teachers of law and medicine, respectively: Rainerius iuris professor, Guido doctor phisicus. Two others, Magister Albertus and Magister Orlandus, are not identified with any field. But since Roffredo suggests (note 11) instruction in philosophy (i.e. dialectic) and grammar, it might well be that these two masters represented these two fields. The teaching of grammar included the reading of the authors, the studium litterarum so highly praised by Roffredo.Google Scholar

^{page 324 note 13} Loc. cit .Google Scholar

^{page 324 note 14} ‘L’Antico Studio Aretino: Contributo alla storia delle origini delle Università nel Medio Evo,’ Reale Accademia Petrarca, Atti e memorie N.S. 14/15 (1933) 289–322, and 16/17 (1934) 105-150; hereafter referred to as ‘L’Antico Studio Aretino,’ Part I and II respectively. The articles are quoted by Cencetti, G., ‘Sulle origini dello Studio di Bologna,’ 253 n.23. Cencetti supports the theory of the foundation of the Aretine studium by the Bolognese group. Although admitting that ‘almost certainly’ a municipal school had existed before, he believes that this school cannot be considered a studium proper before the Bolognese group introduced in Arezzo what he calls l'ordinamento universitario. Google Scholar

^{page 325 note 15} Pasqui, (p. 293, note) is not quite correct in saying that all of the masters attested before 1200 were ecclesiastics, either belonging to the Church of St. Donato or to that of St. Maria della Pieve (but see below, p. 327). There is one Magister Ugo attested for 1163, who is not identified as a canon or cleric of an Aretine Church. Moretti's list (I 314) of masters who taught between 1150 and 1200 includes more names than Pasqui's, that is: magister Mazus canonicus, magister Heliotus subdiaconus (1162); Ugo magister (1163); domnus magister Matheus canonicus (1171). They are found in Pasqui, , Documenti I nos. 364, 366, 376.Google Scholar

^{page 325 note 16} Docum. II 293, note. This situation is the result of a series of political events and developments dealt with in detail by Pasqui in the Prefazioni to vols. I and II of his Documenti. Google Scholar

^{page 326 note 17} See below, pt. I sec. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 326 note 18} See above, note 5.Google Scholar

^{page 326 note 19} We can dismiss Ferretti’s theory (art. cit. 244) of a ‘foundation’ of the studium Aretinum by the Ghibelline party of Arezzo. The only point in favor of this theory is the personality of Roffredo of Benevento, who might have been the political candidate of the party. Roffredo was an ardent supporter of the imperial cause. After his departure from Arezzo we find him at the Emperor’s court. He might have advised the latter in matters of the University of Naples. He might even have intervened with the Emperor in favor of an imperial privilege for the Aretine studium. Google Scholar

^{page 326 note 20} ‘Bologna, Paris, Oxford: Three Studia Generalia,’ in his Ways of Medieval Life and Thought (London 1949) 150; see also p. 157 and passim. Google Scholar

^{page 326 note 21} Manacorda, G., Storia della scuola in Italia I. i (Milan 1913) 165, tries to prove that the universities were nothing but transformed episcopal schools. According to the editors of Rashdall’s work (Universities I 20ff. and 231ff.) this view has to be rejected on account of ‘exceptions’ such as Oxford, Montpellier, and Bologna. Concerning the masters who taught at Bologna in the early twelfth century, no connection with an episcopal school can be proven.Google Scholar

^{page 326 note 22} The claim was based on the licentia docendi, which was granted either by the archdeacon or chancellor of the cathedral or by the schoolmaster (scholasticus, magiscola) of the canons: Rashdall, , Universities I 21; Moretti I 300f. Post, G., in Anniversary Essays by Students of Chas. H. Haskins (Boston 1929) 255ff. deals with papal legislation on the license. How far the conferring of the license by the chancellor of the cathedral school affected the irregular or lay schools — the later universities — depended upon the relation of masters to ecclesiastical authorities in each center of learning (ibid. 265ff.). See also Delhaye, Ph., ‘L'organisation scolaire au xii^e siècle,’ Traditio 5 (1947) 253ff.Google Scholar

^{page 327 note 23} Rashdall, , loc. cit.: ‘In the formative period the schools were fostered by the ecclesiastical authority and, like the universities into which some of them developed, depended upon this authority for the right to exercise their authority.’ And somewhat later: ‘By the end of the twelfth century the ecclesiastical sanction behind the license to teach was undisputed.’ It was nothing new, therefore, when in 1219 Pope Honorius III entrusted Archdeacon Grazia of Bologna with the exclusive right of conferring the license to candidates; only the insistence on examination was new.Google Scholar

^{page 327 note 24} See below, pp. 347ff.Google Scholar

^{page 327 note 25} A school attached to St. Maria is mentioned in a document of 1138 (Pasqui, , Documenti, I 469 no. 344). See Moretti I 306. The great conflict between the bishop and the commune and the destruction of the Duomo Vecchio on the episcopal hill shortly after 1130 led to the temporary stay of the clergy of St. Donato in the city near the church of St. Mary, the so called Pieve di Santa Maria. See Pasqui, , Documenti I. xiv. When, in or around 1200, the bishop and the cathedral clergy were forced to settle in the city for good they took over the church of St. Pietro Maggiore on the top of the hill where later the present cathedral arose. But the clergy of the Pieve continued to raise claims to the prerogatives of a cathedral for their church and have done so to the present day, on the strength of papal privileges such as the one of 1250 (see Pasqui II no. 564): ‘communicantes eidem Plebi honores ecclesie Cathedralis.’ Google Scholar

^{page 327 note 26} ‘L'Antico Studio Aretino’ I 314. See above, note 15. Scholars before Moretti had referred to these ecclesiastical teachers, or rather their schools, as an evidence for the existence of a studium generale in Arezzo before 1200. See, for instance, Lazzeri, G., Guglielmo Ubertini (Florence 1920) 111. Against this view, Pasqui held that these clerics were ‘most certainly’ teachers at ecclesiastical schools (Documenti II 293 n. 1). The distinction is, of course, essential for the question of the antecedents of the later studium. See Post, G., loc. cit. (n. 22 above) 265. Although it was usual for Italian ecclesiastical schools, in response to their many lay students, to offer some such practical subjects as ars dictaminis and the rudiments of law, nevertheless, theology remained their main field: Rashdall I 101ff. Private schools, on the other hand, that might be considered as possible forerunners of studia were for lay students only, their character excluding instruction in theology. With regard to the ecclesiastical masters under discussion, I am inclined to adopt Pasqui’s rather than Moretti’s view. — Both Church schools survived into the thirteenth century; the one attached to the Old Cathedral of St. Donato was reorganized along with the Chapter as late as 1276: Pasqui, , Documenti II 293 n. and 367 n. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 328 note 27} Dominus Johannes iudex et assessor signs for the city; presbyter Rainerius capellanus Episcopatus veteris for the Church: Pasqui, , loc. cit. 293.Google Scholar

^{page 328 note 28} The view of an older school of historians (Giesebrecht, Ozanam, Novati) that from ancient time there continued a system of lay education in the form of ‘free’ lay schools side by side with Church schools, has been the object of much controversy; see Rashdall, , Universities I 91. Manacorda goes to the opposite extreme, denying that there were any lay schoolmasters prior to 1130 and conceding only a few for the remainder of the century (Storia della scuola I. i. 129-164). See also Viscardi, A., Le Origini (in Storia della Letteratura italiana I; Milan 1939) 395. Rejecting Manacorda's view, A. Solmi reasserts the older theory of the municipal schools being at the root of the (Italian?) universities, indebted to the Church only in so far as, in some cities, bishops who also headed the civil government extended their protection to these schools; ‘Le scuole del medio evo e l'origine delle Università,’ Rivista di storia del diritto italiano 14 (1941) 5ff. The middle-of-the-road view is represented by Powicke and Emden (Rashdall, , Universities I 92, note of the Editors). See above, note 21. In general it can be said that lay teaching, though comparatively rare in the early centuries, developed steadily with the growth of city life. See also Davidsohn, , Geschichte von Florenz I 806f. on magistri, who might have been lay teachers, in Florentine documents from 1021 on, and de Ghellinck, J., Littérature latine au moyen âge (Paris 1939) II 69 on lay masters teaching in Faenza, Parma, and Ravenna in the early eleventh century, the time when Peter Damian (born 1007) was a student.Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 29} Rashdall, , Universities I 96f.; Moretti, , ‘L’Antico Studio Aretino’ I 307ff., especially 311-313.Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 30} Although the knowledge of the sources of Roman Law, that is of the codification of Justinian, never completely disappeared in Italy (even after the Lombard invasion), most historians now agree that it was fragmentary and that the instruction in law then offered was of a very elementary nature, in no way comparable in quality to anything that developed after Irnerius’ activities in Bologna. This is most clearly borne out by the fact that legal instruction was part of the study of rhetoric and was at the time never offered as an independent discipline. See Koschaker, P., Europa und das römische Recht (München 1947) 55ff. and ibid. 55 n. 1 for the tremendous literature produced on this question. See among other works especially Kantorowicz, H., Studies in the Glossators of the Roman Law (Cambridge 1938) passim. Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 31} Davidsohn, R., Geschichte von Florenz I 802.Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 32} A lector legis is attested in Florence in 1149 and in Siena in 1176, Davidsohn, I 804.Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 33} Moretti, (I 314ff.) ventures the hypothesis that a law school existed in Arezzo from 1088 onwards when the amatores or doctores legis mentioned in documents became more numerous. See Pasqui, , Documenti I nos. 274, 275, 279. Moretti does not doubt the existence of law schools for the better part of the twelfth century because of the abundant use made in documents of the Code, of certain Novellae and the just rediscovered Digest. He also uses as evidence a document of 1151 in which multi sapientes iudices Aretinae civitatis are quoted as consultants in a case between the bishops of Pisa and Volterra. Still less acceptable than the inference from the activities of the sapientes is Moretti’s assumption (see at n. 26 above) that among the clergy of the Church schools there were some private masters who among other secular subjects offered law.Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 34} See above, note 12.Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 35} Ferretti, , ‘Roffredo da Benevento’ (n. 3 above) 244f. He speaks of ‘ampiezza del programma svolto nello Studio d’Arezzo.’ Google Scholar

^{page 330 note 36} During Roffredo’s stay (note 40, below) we know of only one more teacher of law, Rogerius doctor decretorum, canonist (1217), see Pasqui, , Documenti II 293, note. That canon law had not been taught in Arezzo at an earlier date is perhaps suggested by the fact that the canonist Benencasa (or Benincasa) Aretinus, who died in Siena in 1206 and was the author of the first Casus decreti, taught in Bologna and not in Arezzo. He should not be confused with the judge and professor Benincasa who taught civil law in Arezzo later in the century (below, p. 343) and was perhaps a member of the same family. See Kuttner, S., Repertorium der Kanonistik (1140-1234) I (Città del Vaticano 1937) 230 and 455. For this and other informations on Aretine jurists, I am greatly indebted to Professor Kuttner.Google Scholar

^{page 330 note 37} As regards the law school, local historians have made much of a request by Frederick II for seven de sapientioribus viris (judges or jurists?) from Arezzo, for consultation in a law case. I mention here only Salvadori, G., Sulla vita giovanile di Dante (Rome 1906) 252. But if the source for this episode is no other than the letter ‘Grata satis est,’ written in the name of the Emperor to the Commune of Arezzo (Petri de Vinea Epistulae III 83, ed. Iselius, J. R. [Basel 1740] I 522), the pertinent passage does not bear out the common form of citation. It reads: ‘Cumque… universitatis vestrae consilium utile reputemus, fidelitati vestrae praecipimus quatenus … quatuor de sapientibus viris vestris plena vestrum authoritate suffultis ad Majestatis nostrae praesentiam destinetis.’ As so often in official documents, the term sapientes refers to councilors or experts in municipal politics. Here four (not seven) are chosen to represent the views of the Aretine universitas in an important state affair (not a law case).Google Scholar

^{page 330 note 38} Moretti, I 315, II 111.Google Scholar

^{page 330 note 39} On the appearance after 1200 of lay schoolmasters, many of whom were salaried by Communes, see Manacorda, , Storia della Scuola I.i.162f. and ch. VI. On municipal salaries, see also Moretti II 121. In many places such intervention was to serve the ambition of the municipalities to have their schools recognized as studium generale, claims that often were out of proportion to the actual scholastic achievements of these schools,Google Scholar

^{page 331 note 40} In 1217 Roffredo was still in Arezzo. Afterwards he moved to various places in Tuscany, mostly in the capacity of an advocatus of the Aretine Cathedral. But in November, 1220, he is found among the noble courtiers of Frederick II in Rome, where he signs as iuris civilis professor et imperialis et regalis aule magister et iudex. Ferretti, 250f.; Pasqui, , Documenti II 293 note.Google Scholar

^{page 331 note 41} The masters attested in documents for the time following the stay of Roffredo and until 1255 are listed by Pasqui, , Documenti II 293 note. For the iudex ordinarius et notarius magister Quintavalle (1216, 1218, and 1219) no discipline is mentioned. Somewhat later appear the jurists Petrus (1236), Ugolino (1249) and Bonaguida (1251, 1253, 1255), this latter again a canonist. In 1240 and after, grammar was taught by Benrecevutus gramaticus and medicine by one master Guido fisicus. On schools of ars notaria and ars dictaminis probably established at this time (1240) see below, p. 354. On members of the collegium in 1255 see n. 56 below.Google Scholar

^{page 331 note 42} Pasqui, , Documenti II no. 541 (1241, August 2); nos. 560, 561 (1249, September 13 and October 1). All three documents are also printed by Moretti (‘L'Antico Studio Aretino,’ II, Appendix nos. v, vi, vii, pp. 145ff.) who uses them, however, mainly for discussing (II 106ff.) the location of the studium. Google Scholar

^{page 331 note 43} Moretti II 110. Not too much importance should be attached to the use of the laudatory epithets nobilis and curialis, as found in connection with Arezzo in various passages of Roffredo's work. This is only a hackneyed literary phrase, like Pisa elegans, etc. See Ferretti, , ‘Roffredo da Benevento’ 239. Occasionally Roffredo's judgment is somewhat less favorable, see below, p. 339.Google Scholar

^{page 331 note 44} Pasqui, , Documenti II no. 541: Benrecevuto promises to pay the abbot an annual rent of 23 lire in Pisan money.Google Scholar

^{page 331 note 45} The transaction between Master Guido fisicus (perhaps a son of the physician Guido mentioned in 1204, 1205, 1215; see above, note 12) and the abbot of Santa Fiore is referred to (without date) in the document relating to a lawsuit (see the next note) that resulted from this transaction.Google Scholar

^{page 332 note 46} Pasqui, , Documenti II no. 560 (1249, September 13).Google Scholar

^{page 332 note 47} ‘Item quia res de qua agitur talis fuit quod in enphyteosin sive libellum maxime seculari persone dari non potuit cum fuerit hospitale et locus religiosus qui…’ ( loc. cit. p. 256).Google Scholar

^{page 332 note 48} Ibid. no. 561 (1249, October 1).Google Scholar

^{page 332 note 49} The palace is mentioned as palatium olim magistri Guidonis phisici in a document dated 1251, May 17, in which Bishop Guglielmo lifts the sentence of interdict that lay upon the Aretines (see below, n. 70), Pasqui II no. 572.Google Scholar

^{page 333 note 50} When speaking of his works, Roffredo mentions the socii mei nobiles de partibus Tuscie as those who suggested and encouraged the writing of his treatises; Moretti II 109f. and Ferretti 245. The latter points out that the nobles came from the urban (nobiltà cittadina) and the lower feudal nobility of the contado (bassa nobiltà rurale). An example (of a later period) for the rural nobility is provided in a letter quoted by Davidsohn (Geschichte von Florenz IV.iii.135) from the Turin MS H III 38, f. 105 (part II n. 45 below). Here the Countess Lucia de Asinalunga implores Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (d. 1272) to compel the Franciscans to let her son (whom they had hidden) return to Arezzo, , ubi scientiam assequebatur in studio. In this letter the connection between knowledge and nobility is emphasized: ‘ut scientie copulata nobilitas (filii) nobilior fieret…’.Google Scholar

^{page 333 note 51} Rashdall (Universities I 215) remarks that in this respect smaller studia reversed the policy of Bologna.Google Scholar

^{page 333 note 52} See Pasqui II no. 541 (1241, August 2): the master promises ‘… quod non repetet per se nec per alium ullo ingenio illam tertiam partem que concessa est magistris per Statutum Aretine civitatis… renuntiando penitus beneficio dicti Constituti civitatis Aretine … et etiam privilegio scolastico et omnibus beneficiis et exceptionibus et legum auxiliis sibi, rei vel persone competentibus vel competituris…’ (The reason why this promise is included in a document that contains the lease of houses from the Abbey of Santa Fiore is probably that the fine due for the breaking of the promise, 100 solidi, was to be paid to the abbot and not to the municipal treasury, perhaps to compensate the abbey for the loss of these premises.) In addition to material help, the privileges listed in the passage just quoted must have contained provisions for protection, and this points to the collegium doctorum as being a corporation established to bargain with the city for protective legislation. At least in the beginning the collegium doctorum of Arezzo must have consisted of foreigners only, in contrast to the collegium of the jurists in the studium of Bologna, where most of the professors (including most of the great jurists who made the fame of the civil law school from Irnerio to Odofredo — Roffredo da Benevento being one of the exceptions) were native sons or graduates of Bologna; Rashdall, , Universities I 158ff., 213; Zaccagnini, , La vita dei maestri e degli scolari nello Studio di Bologna (Geneva 1926) 25; Cencetti, , art. cit. 257 (who believes that in Bologna the collegium was merely a body of examiners). At the time of Benrecevuto’s contract (1241) renunciation of municipal and other privileges may also have meant exclusion from the doctors’ guild. But in 1255 we find the same Benrecevuto, and also one native Aretine, Bonaguida (n. 89 below), listed as members of the collegium that endorsed and published the Ordinamenta, a fact that might suggest a change in the composition of this collegium. See below, n. 56.Google Scholar

^{page 334 note 53} The Habita must have been intended for Bologna, but since it was not restricted to the studium of this city, it could be, and was, used for other studia. See Koeppler, F., ‘Frederick Barbarossa and the Schools of Bologna: Some Remarks on the Authentica Habita,’ English Historical Review 54 (1939) 577–607, especially 591. The measures of protection were aimed at helping all scholars, professors as well as students. See the text printed ibid. 607. See also Ullmann, W., in Studi in memoria di P. Koschaker (Milano 1953) I 101-136 (Rashdall, , Universities 143ff. and 180ff.).Google Scholar

^{page 334 note 54} Rashdall, , Universities I 172, 150 no. 2. The passage referring to privileges (note 52) poses another interesting question. In his charter of foundation of 1355 (printed by Moretti II doc. viii) Charles IV refers to imperial privileges as having been granted in earlier times but lost during civil wars: ‘in eadem civitate (sc. Arezzo) longo tempore studium viguerit iuxta privilegia que propter civilium guerrarum discrimina dicuntur perdita’ (quoted by Rashdall II 9 n. 1). This passage has not been taken too seriously by scholars. Moretti (I 315), although he assumes that in the late twelfth century such privileges had actually been granted, believes this passage to be based on hearsay — as the word dicuntur would indicate — rather than on facts. Rashdall (II 9 n. 1) calls it a mere presumption based on the belief of Charles’ age that no studium could have come into existence without imperial or papal privilege, and dismisses it on the ground that he did not find any trace of such an imperial privilege. But the (generally overlooked) reference to a number of privileges in the document of 1241 certainly provides a trace, although it must be admitted that neither for the privilegium scolasticum nor for any other of the mentioned privileges can imperial origin be proven.Google Scholar

^{page 335 note 55} Universities II 8. Since Rashdall endorsed the theory of the foundation of the studium of Arezzo by a seceding Bolognese professor (n. 2 above) he believed that in contrast to Bologna and its offshoots founded by seceding students, who then controlled them, the Aretine schools were completely controlled by the doctors’ guild. But, as Moretti has shown, the very fact that all the provisions included in the Ordinamenta refer to the professors and their schools only and do not deal with the rights and interests of the students indicates the existence of an universitas studentium (‘L'antico Studio Aretino,’ II 114ff.). Cencetti (art. cit. 258) holds that the Ordinamenta restored to the doctors that authority and power which they had held in the beginning but lost to the students later. For the existence of an universitas scolarium in Arezzo one piece of evidence can be added: the bedellus scolarium mentioned in. the Ordinamenta. Next to the rector, the bedellus was the most important official of a students’ guild, and according to Rashdall (I 192) his existence is in general, though not invariably, proof for the existence of an universitas. The importance of this official for the studium of Arezzo is clearly shown by the fact that Bonavere, , bedellus scolarium in 1255, belonged to the highly respected and influential profession of the notaries. As notary he endorsed and signed the Ordinamenta: (presente) Bonavere notario et bedello scolarium. But as far as I can see there is no direct reference to an universitas scolarium and a rector scolarium in any document until 1338 (see Pasqui, , Doc. II 294 n. 7).Google Scholar

^{page 335 note 56} The older editions (Guazzesi and Savigny) are now superseded by Pasqui's text, Documenti II no. 585: February 16, 1255. The introduction reads: ‘Hec sunt ordinamenta firmata et approbata ab omnibus magistris de Aritio scilicet a domino Martino de Fano, a domino Roicello, a domino Bonaguida, a magistro Tebaldo, (magistro) Rolando, magistro Rosello, domino Rainerio et magistro Benrecevuto.’ See Pasqui's notes (p. 292) for date and for the various disciplines represented by the masters here listed. Those styled dominus are jurists. First on the list is the jurist Martino de Fano rector magistrorum or doctorum (counterpart to the rector scolarium) elected for the last part of 1255, as announced in the first section (n. 86 below) of the text. See below, p. 342f. Of the four others, Tebaldo and Rosello taught medicine whereas Benrecevuto (see above at nn. 44, 52) and Rolando (Orlando) taught grammar and perhaps rhetoric and dialectic as well. While in earlier times the collegium might have consisted of foreigners only (above, n. 52), it now included all the doctors who occupied a municipal cathedra. Google Scholar

^{page 336 note 57} ‘Item nullus audeat legere ordinarie in civitate Aritii, nec in grammatica nec in dialectica nec in medicina, nisi sit legittime et publice et in generali conventu examinatus et approbatus et licentiatus quod possit in sua scientia ubique legere’ (MS regere), Pasqui II 292. On this provision see Rashdall, , Universities II 8 n. 4; Moretti ‘L'Antico Studio Aretino,’ II 116f., 122f. and Manacorda, , Storia della scuola I.i.271. According to Manacorda this provision is the earliest reference to graduation of free masters or masters appointed in studia supported by municipal funds, and also to grammar schools attached or subordinated to a school of law. On the conventus also called principium or inceptio see Rashdall I 149. Since nothing is said in the Ordinamenta regarding the license or degree in both laws, one explanation (but others may be just as valid) may be that for the teaching of law the Bolognese degree was required.Google Scholar

^{page 336 note 58} See below, pp. 351ff.Google Scholar

^{page 336 note 59} It should be noted that, in addition to a representative of the Old Cathedral, a high official of the city, the judge of the podestà, was present at the solemn enactment of the Ordinamenta, and also that the act took place in the Palace of the Commune. See above, n. 27.Google Scholar

^{page 336 note 60} The collegium doctorum in its entirety endorsed the measures taken to control the schools of art and medicine, though for purposes of examination the masters of grammar, dialectic and medicine ‘seem here to act as a single (separate) college,’ Rashdall, , Universities II 8. But, as in Bologna, the jurists must have attended the conventus and given their approval to the licensing of the candidates. The Aretine joint-college of doctors of medicine and arts is probably the first instance of an association of arts and medicine in the form of scholastic guilds.Google Scholar

^{page 337 note 61} Moretti II 114f.Google Scholar

^{page 337 note 62} The passage quoted above (n. 57), ‘… quod possit in sua scientia ubique legere,’ intended to establish universal validity for the degrees conferred at the Aretine conventus. But one thing was the claim, another the recognition. At the beginning of the thirteenth century only three studia, Paris, Salerno, and Bologna, enjoyed universal recognition for the degree they conferred and were in this sense considered ‘general.’ But, as Rashdall (I 8) points out, any school could assume the right of conferring the teaching license, that is the doctor’s degree, just as it could pretend to be ‘general’ by inviting students from all parts. As far as our knowledge goes, the Aretine studium was deficient in these two points, both its attendance and recognition of its teaching license being limited to Tuscany, while on the other hand the variety of fields taught made it ‘general’ at least in one essential point. (This statement is made with due reservation for future revision.) Google Scholar

^{page 337 note 63} Letters of this content are found among the models included in the Artes dictaminis of Mino da Colle.Google Scholar

^{page 337 note 64} See below, nn. 91, 93, 97, 100, 101.Google Scholar

^{page 337 note 65} See Zaccagnini, G., La vita dei maestri (n. 52 above) 91ff. and 101ff.Google Scholar

^{page 338 note 66} In one of his letters, Mino da Colle refers to himself as ‘propagans de loco ad locum alios in habitum eruditionis erudiat.’ Google Scholar

^{page 338 note 67} Novati, Francesco, ‘Le epistole di Dante,’ Lectura Dantis, Le opere minori (Florence 1906) 285ff.; on Arezzo, p. 285; also, revised, in Freschi e minii (Milan 1925) 270ff.Google Scholar

^{page 338 note 68} Not much work has been done so far on the economic history of Arezzo. Its period of greatest prosperity and expansion was undoubtedly the second half of the twelfth and the earlier part of the thirteenth centuries. Its wealth rested on the same industries that account for the economic growth of Florence, Siena, and Lucca, that is on the wool, cotton, and silk crafts. In this latter, the Aretine weavers had developed a special technique, the manera Aretina. The Florentines tried to ruin the Aretine cloth industry by imposing high duties on cloth imported from Arezzo. Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.ii.71f. and passim; Anmerkungen und Exkurse zum zweiten Teil 11ff. In commerce and business (money changing) with or in the sea ports, especially Genoa, the Aretines, along with merchants from Pisa and Lucca, were, in this early period, even more important than the Florentines (ibid. IV.ii.440). Cf. Lazzeri, G., Aspetti e figure di vita medievale in Arezzo (Arezzo 1937) 111, who illustrates this latter point with the help of Genoese documents.Google Scholar

^{page 339 note 69} On the constitution of Arezzo see Pasqui II, prefaz. v-vi. The first podestà appears in 1192. This official was assisted on one hand by the consules civitatis and the consules mercatorum, and, on the other, by the consilium civitatis of the boni homines. In special emergencies the consilium generale (of all the free citizens) would be assembled and consulted.Google Scholar

^{page 339 note 70} On account of rigid measures taken against the privileges of the Church and of usurpation of Church land and rights, the city was punished by an interdict in 1234. It was lifted in 1236. See Pasqui II, nos. 515, 517, 521, 522; prefaz. xi f. In 1240, Bishop Marcellino entered into what Emperor Frederick must have considered a treacherous understanding with the Pope. For this and other actions (in 1247 Marcellino, one of the many warlike bishops of Arezzo, headed an army of the Church against imperial troups) Frederick II had him executed for felony, adding cruel revenge to an act of ‘justice,’ both of which were fully exploited by his enemies against him: Davidsohn, , Geschichte II.i.336f. Only a few years after the shift of the bishop into the papal camp the city again came under the interdict of the Church, , ‘ob duritiam et perfidiam Aretinorum.’ It was lifted a few years later, see the document of 1251 in Pasqui II no. 572; prefaz. xii. It goes without saying that each such blow weakened the position of the Aretine government, within and without.Google Scholar

^{page 339 note 71} Ferretti, , ‘Roffredo da Benevento,’ 234. Here one may recall also an episode from the life of St. Francis of Assisi: the Saint once saw in a dream demons hovering over the City of Arezzo and rejoicing at the sight of murderous fighting going on in the streets underneath. Giotto (or a painter of his school) painted the last phase of this episode, the expulsion of the demons from Arezzo, in the cycle of the Life of St. Francis in the Upper Church at Assisi. This, incidentally, seems to be the earliest picture of Arezzo although it certainly is not very close to the model (with the exception perhaps of its location on a hill).Google Scholar

^{page 339 note 72} Annales Arretinorum maiores , RIS² 24.1 (1909) 5, ad a. 1240: Upon hearing about Bishop Marcellino’s ‘treason’ the Emperor uttered a curse against the Aretines, which seemed so important to the otherwise laconic annalist that he reported it in both Latin and in Italian, , ‘… nam italice locutus fuit’ (sc. the Emperor): ‘Arca di mèle, amara come fele ! .verrà gente novella, goderà questa terra.’ See Pasqui pref. xi.Google Scholar

^{page 340 note 73} Ibid. xii ff. Lazzeri, G., Guglielmo Ubertini, vescovo d’Arezzo (1248-1289) e i suoi tempi (Florence 1920); Davidsohn, , Geschichte II.i, ii, passim ; Falciai, M., Arezzo, la sua storia e i suoi monumenti (Arezzo 1925) passim and Storia di Arezzo dalle origini alla fine del Granducato Lorenese (Arezzo 1928) 98-128.Google Scholar

^{page 340 note 74} Pasqui, , loc. cit., Davidsohn II.i, chs. 6 and 7.Google Scholar

^{page 340 note 75} d’Arezzo, Guittone, Rime, ed. Egidi, (pt. II n. 126 below) 90f.Google Scholar

^{page 340 note 76} See Annales Arretinorum p. 7 (ad a. 1261): ‘… Et tunc fuit exercitus ad Domum veterem.’ The Ghibellines held the hill with the Old Cathedral until 1264: Pasqui xv.Google Scholar

^{page 341 note 77} The text is published below, Appendix no. II; for discussion on the date of the speech see below, p. 364.Google Scholar

^{page 341 note 78} Denifle, , Universitäten 424; Rashdall, , Universities II 8; and Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.iii.135, who somewhat modified the views of the other scholars. He believed that the studium indeed succumbed to the political disturbances that shook Arezzo in the days of Montaperti. But he inferred from the speech by Bonfiglio (which he was the first to use for the history of the Aretine University) that the studium recovered and dragged on a ‘modest existence’ for still a long time to come.Google Scholar

^{page 341 note 79} Pasqui, , Documenti II 293f., note; Moretti, , ‘L'Antico Studio Aretino’ II 124f.Google Scholar

^{page 341 note 80} Annales Arretinorum, pp. 5, 9 (ad a. 1232): ‘… et fuit edificatum palatium comunis’; (ad a. 1278): ‘… tunc fuit factus noster lacus (water reservoir) et vie recte et palatium populi.’ See Franciosi, G., Arezzo (Bergamo 1909) 144ff.Google Scholar

^{page 342 note 81} The decree of Bishop Guglielmo Ubertini and his Chapter for the erection of a new cathedral, 1277, Nov. 9, is printed in Pasqui no. 651. It calls the accommodation of the church of St. Donato since its transfer to the city (cf. n. 25 above) omnino indecens et deformis. On the cathedral (its ground plan is no longer attributed to the painter Margaritone d’Arezzo) see Franciosi, , Arezzo 77ff. and Toesca, P., Storia dell’ arte Italiana I.ii (Turin 1927) 478ff.Google Scholar

^{page 342 note 82} Below, pt. II sec. 5.Google Scholar

^{page 342 note 83} Salvadori, , Sulla vita giovanile di Dante (Roma 1906) 250ff. Kristeller, Paul O., ‘The Origin and Development of the Language of Italian Prose,’ Word 2 (1946) 50ff. is fundamental. See especially pp. 53ff. on the Tuscan origin of Italian prose.Google Scholar

^{page 342 note 84} Salvadori, 251; Weiss, Roberto, Il primo secolo dell’ Umanesimo: Studi e testi (Roma 1949) 54. On the Aretine dialect see the quotation from a Guittonian canzone in Salvadori 254. Ristoro's language, the dialetto aretino, or artino, is discussed in Bertoni, , Il Duecento (1939) 349f. On Ristoro see below, pp. 374, 380.Google Scholar

^{page 342 note 85} The story of the studium in this period can now be told more fully because of the material found in Mino da Colle's Epistole que facte fuerunt Aretii (discussed below, pt. II sec. 4). The letters cover the period of ca. 1267-1276. For data on the lives of masters who taught in Arezzo during the thirteenth century (and until 1312), see Moretti, II 132ff. (Appendix no. 1) and Pasqui 293, note. The dates added to the names in the text above indicate the years for which their teaching in Arezzo is attested. I was able to add to Pasqui’s and Moretti’s lists by drawing from printed as well as from unprinted material.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 86} Ordinamenta (1): ‘In primis in rectorem ipsorum elegerunt supradictum dominum Martinum (de Fano) a festo omnium sanctorum (lacuna in MS) usque ad kalendas Januarii,’ Pasqui, 292. See above, n. 56.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 87} Martino da Fano’s Ordo iudiciorum (ca. 1254-1264) and his Formularium super contractibus et libellis (1229-1234) are published in Wahrmund, L., Quellen zur Geschichte des Römisch-Kanonischen Processes im Mittelalter I.vii and I.viii respectively (Innsbruck 1907). On Martino’s life and work see ibid. I.vii, pp. x ff. and I.viii, pp. viii ff. See von Savigny, F. C., Geschichte des Römischen Rechts im Mittelalter V² (Heidelberg 1850) 487-495; Meijers, E. M., Iuris Interpretes s. XIII (Naples 1924) xxvi ff. On Martino’s importance for the Aretine school of ars notaria, below, p. 354f.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 88} De regimine et modo studendi, published by Frati, L. in Studi e memorie per la storia della Università di Bologna 16 (1921) 19-29. See Haskins, Ch. H., Studies in Medieval Culture (Oxford 1929) 75.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 88a} Martino is mentioned as professor of law in Modena in a document dated September 1255: Savigny, , Geschichte des Römischen Rechts V 488.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 89} See Barraclough, G., in Dictionnaire de Droit Canonique II 934ff. Bonaguida served as advocatus at the papal Curia under Innocent IV. Among his works are the Summa super officio advocationis in foro ecclesiastico (ca. 1250) and his Consuetudines cancellariae (ca. 1253-1254). In another work, the Tractatus de dispensationibus (ca. 1250-1255), a contribution to the definition of papal prerogatives, Bonaguida refers to casus speciales which he says he invented for his lectures (‘legendo in scolis inveni’). This may well refer to his teaching in Arezzo.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 90} Divina Commedia, Purg. 6.13. See the biographical note in Alighieri, Dante, La Divina Commedia… col Commento Scartazziniano rifatto da G. Vandelli (Milan 1938) 345. When in Rome as a judicial official to Pope Boniface VIII, Benincasa was murdered sulla sala dove si tiene la ragione (J. della Lana). The murderer was a noble, Ghino di Tacco, whose relative or relatives Benincasa had sentenced to death and executed for criminal acts committed against the Commune and citizens.Google Scholar

^{page 344 note 91} Chartularium Studii Senensis ed. Cecchini, G. and Prunai, G. (Siena 1942) no. 53, a. 1285: ‘congregatum (consilium) a nobili et prudenti viro domino Benincasa de Aretio doctore legum et nunc vicario magnifici G. de Battifolle … in Tuscia comitis palatini et Senensis potestatis…; proposuit et consilium petiit idem Benincasa quod … super facto illorum qui venerint vel venerunt ad civitatem Senensem ad docendum in aliqua facultate vel scientia vel alicuius qui esset peritus medicus … tractarent cum eis de eorum salario.’ See Prunai, G., ‘Lo Studio Senese dalle origini alla « migratio » Bolognese (sec. XII – 1321),’ Bulletino Senese di storia patria 56 (1949) 68, 72.Google Scholar

^{page 344 note 92} Weiss, R., Il primo secolo dell'Umanesimo 54. The dedication is found in Oxford, Balliol College MS 231 (fol. 233).Google Scholar

^{page 344 note 93} Chartularium Studii Senensis no. 54, a. 1285: ‘Orlandus de Aritio in medicina professor [cum] intendat regere in medicina in civitate Senensi et operari in arte predicta et suam artem exercere et sit peritus medicus et valde … utilis et necessarius in civitate Senensi’ is offered terms for an appointment by the city of Siena. (Also ibid. no. 55 and passim.) See Prunai, , loc. cit. 70.Google Scholar

^{page 344 note 94} See the preface to his Ars tabellionatus in Florence, Bibl. Naz. MS Landau-Finaly 2453-2454, fol. 19^r: ‘Ego Rainerius physicus ac notarius, a convictu Aretinus quamquam natione Civitellensis…’ It seems not likely that Rainerius Civitellensis is the professor of canon law dominus Rainerius, one of the framers of the Ordinamenta (n. 56 above) as was suggested by Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.iii.115. Professors of law enjoyed a higher reputation than masters in other fields. Rainerius Civitellensis would not have failed to make use of the title dominus if he had had the right to do so.Google Scholar

^{page 344 note 95} To give an example, among the boni homines attending the Council of Arezzo on April 26, 1256 (Pasqui, , Documenti II no. 596) five were magistri. Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 96} I take this information from a facetious address to Aretine students by Master Mino da Colle. Mino refers to an Orlandulus qui nunc sedet in cathedra (see below, pt. II n. 106). The date is taken from the chronology of Mino's stay in Arezzo (ca. 1267–1272).Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 97} Tebaldus is called ‘fons vivus gramatice facultatis,’ ‘professor cuius occasione multi et probi viri facti sunt in civitate’: Chartularium pp. 11, 14. In a document, dated 1262 (ibid. no. 13), the Council of Siena is asked to recall Tebaldo: ‘… vituperium est comuni et populo quod Aretini ipsum civem nostrum tenent in eorum terra, dando sibi maximum salarium sive feudum annuatim ad hoc ut ibi faciat continuam residentiam; si dictus Tebaldus vult redire ad civitatem Senarum … civitas et populus augmentetur et recipiat augmentum…’ Tebaldo must have returned to Siena before 1274, see Prunai, 72.Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 98} On Sept. 14, 1270, the Council of St. Gimignano decided to support magister Johannes of Arezzo for the maintenance of a boarding-house (hospitium) for students, pro docendo eis gramaticam ; Davidsohn, , Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz II: Aus den Stadtbüchern von San Gimignano, no. 2367.Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 99} See below, p. 370 and App. no. II note a .Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 100} Chartularium Studii Senensis no. 54; Prunai, 73.Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 101} Chartularium no. 63, a. 1287: ‘Item cum vir famosus et sapiens magister Bandinus professor et magister in scientia gramatice velit morari et docere in civitate Senensi … continue de predicta scientia … provideatur quolibet anno de XXV libris denarii Senensis et de hospitio congruo.’ (From a decision taken by the General Council of Siena.) In Siena, Bandino was successor to the famous professor of rhetoric, Fra Guidotto da Bologna, called in at the request of the youth of the city in 1278: Chartularium no. 32. The master is mentioned in numerous documents; see Prunai 73.Google Scholar

^{page 345 note 102} See below, pt. II n. 122.Google Scholar

^{page 346 note 103} On the battle of Campaldino and the events that followed, see Davidsohn, , Geschichte II.ii.339-351; Bini, A., ‘Arezzo ai tempi di Dante (1289-1308),’ Atti e memorie della Accademia Petrarca N.S. 2 (1922); also the works by Lazzeri and Falciai cited above n. 73. As is well known, young Dante fought among the ranks of the Tuscan Guelphs in that battle, Salvadori, , op. cit. (n. 83) 60.Google Scholar

^{page 346 note 104} The studium was founded (for the second time) by the commune of Siena on July 18, 1275: Prunai, , ‘Lo Studio Senese’ 66ff.Google Scholar

^{page 346 note 105} Pasqui II 294 note (no source is given for ‘about 1300’; for 1312 he refers to a document in the Archivio di Stato at Florence); Moretti II 136.Google Scholar

^{page 346 note 106} Pasqui loc. cit. The official opening took place in 1321: Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV. iii.142ff.Google Scholar

^{page 346 note 107} First among these attempts was an exodus from Bologna to Arezzo, staged by some professors owing to an interdict pronounced on Bologna in 1338, Annales Arretinorum maiores p. 32 (ad a. 1338): ‘Suo tempore venerunt doctores artium (read Aretium) ad legendum in iure canonico et civili, et hoc quia non poterant stare Bononie occasione excommunicationis domini pape… Habuerunt salarium CC florenorum auri.’ The old Muratori edition has Arretium instead of artium — a reading introduced by the modern editor of the Annals, who claims that it is found in the MS. Muratori’s emendation, however, is preferable; attempts to explain the sentence without it (thus RIS² 24.1 p. 32 note) must needs be unsuccessful: no doctor artium was trained to teach civil or canon law. Furthermore, Muratori’s correction of the MS is suggested by the assumption of as slight an error as the omission of a dash over the r. — Another attempt to revive the studium was made by the Emperor Charles IV, who in 1355 granted a charter of ‘foundation’: Rashdall, , Universities II 8f.; above, n. 54. On a somewhat more successful attempt in 1456 see Pasqui, , loc. cit. Google Scholar

^{page 347 note 1} In a law inquest dated 715 before the royal Lombard missus, Bishop Theodald of Fiesole, one of the witnesses, introduces himself as ‘per annos pluris in ecclesia Sancti Donati notritus et litteras et doctus (edoctus) sum,’ Pasqui, , Documenti I no. 5 (p. 14). Judging from this passage, standards in the school of St. Donato cannot have been high. See Davidsohn, , Geschichte I 67, and Manacorda, , Storia della Scuola in Italia I.i.17. (Here the document is wrongly dated 678.) Google Scholar

^{page 347 note 2} Davidsohn, , Geschichte I 82. The character of studies in Carolingian Italy can be inferred from what we know of the instruction under Donato, an Irishman who in or after 829 revived studies in the Cathedral school of Fiesole. Ancient authors, among them Vergil, were read and interpreted for instruction in grammar and metric rules, ibid. 83.Google Scholar

^{page 347 note 3} Ibid. 82 n. 2. The school of St. Donato is attested for 961, 963, 998, 1008, etc. While Manacorda's list of masters (I.ii.285) is far from complete as one may judge from documents printed by Pasqui, Moretti's list (‘L'Antico Studio,’ I 305ff.) is complete.Google Scholar

^{page 347 note 4} In a land grant to the canons of the Cathedral, in which he reports on his efforts to impose a common discipline on the canons, Elempert (986-1010) also stresses his own cultural achievements: ‘Huius quoque decus ecclesie, modo in suis moenibus ad melius reedificandis, modo in suis alumnis diversis artibus erudiendis, prout attentius potui, continuo labore adauxi.’ Later in this report Elempert says that he appointed the archdeacon ‘magistrum, ut fratres quibus preest ad pium magisterium salubri discipulatu coartet,’ Pasqui, , Documenti I no. 94 (a. 1009). In his confirmation of Elempert’s land grant, Bishop Adalbert in 1015 speaks of instruction in disciplina liberalium artium et canonice regule given by Elempert and others (per se et alios). Adalbert himself contributed to the growth of the school by appointing a presbyter as magister scholae (magiscola), who would teach under the archdeacon as the nominal head of the school. See the document of 1015 in Pasqui I no. 106; also Prefaz. vii.Google Scholar

^{page 348 note 5} A document printed in Pasqui, , Doc. I no. 125 (a. 1026) deserves attention in that it testifies to the high appreciation of art and artistic achievement shown by the three successive bishops Elempert, Adalbert, and Theodald. Note in particular the terms summus artifex noster, vir prudens, experientia, eruditio, used here by Theodald of the architect Maginhard (n. 8 below).Google Scholar

^{page 348 note 6} On the early attempts to extend reform from the regular to the secular clergy see Fliche, A., La réforme grégorienne I (Louvain-Paris 1924) 60ff., 98ff.; Amann, E., in Histoire de l'Église VII (Paris 1948) 465ff. Most of them were doomed to failure because the bishops lacked the authority to impose reform upon their clergy. Of this, Theodald of Arezzo provides one of many examples. On the reform movement in Tuscany see Davidsohn, , Geschichte I, chs. vi, vii.Google Scholar

^{page 348 note 7} On Theodald see Davidsohn I 180; Bresslau, H., Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Konrad II., I (Leipzig 1884) 435, Exkurs.Google Scholar

^{page 348 note 8} Theodald’s predecessor, Adalbert (1013-1023), sent Maginhard to Ravenna to obtain a model of the church of St. Vitale. Upon his return the architect ‘… solers fundamina in aula beati Donati instar ecclesiae sancti Vitalis primus iniecit,’ Pasqui I no. 125 (sec n. 5 above). From ancient times the site of the bishop’s residence and the cathedral was a hill about 1000 feet due west of the city. All the buildings on this hill, including Maginhard’s Duomo Vecchio, were destroyed in 1561 by the Grand Duke Cosimo I to make room for fortifications. For descriptions see Vasari, G., Proemio alle Vite and Vita di Spinello Aretino ed. Milanesi, I 227; II 680. Illustrations from old drawings and paintings are found in Pasqui, p. vii; Franciosi, G., Arezzo (Bergamo 1909) 25. On the architecture (a modification rather than an exact copy of St. Vitale) see M. Salmi in Bolletino d'arte (1913) 120ff., Rassegna d'arte (1915) passim and L'Archittetura romanica in Toscana (Milan-Rome 1928) 23, 54ff.Google Scholar

^{page 348 note 9} The two authentic documents on Guido’s life and work are now available in the edition of Pasqui: I no. 123 (the dedicatory letter to Bishop Theodald which precedes his Micrologus, 1026) and no. 134 (the letter to Michael, a monk of Pomposa, which serves as a preface to a treatise De ignoto cantu, 1028). For biographical data, including the controversial question of his birth-place (Arezzo, as the surname Aretinus in one MS seems to indicate; or a place in Southeastern France) see Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters II (Munich 1923) 748ff. and Smits van Waesberghe, J., De musico-paedagogico et theoretico Guidone Aretino… (Florence 1953) 24ff. Among the many pertinent musicological works I mention only Reese, G., Music in the Middle Ages (New York 1940) 149ff., 257ff. and passim .Google Scholar

^{page 349 note 10} See Guido's letter mentioned in note 9.Google Scholar

^{page 349 note 11} Dedicatory letter to Bishop Theodald: ‘…vestre benignitatis dignatio ad sacri verbi studium meam sibi voluit sociari parvitatem, non quod vestre desint excellentie multi et maximi spirituales viri… sapientie studiis plenissime adornati qui et commissam plebem una vobiscum competenter erudiant…’ (Pasqui I 174). On Guido's stay in Arezzo, which proved to be decisive for the progress of his work see van Waesberghe, Smits, De Guidone Aretino 13ff. Google Scholar

^{page 349 note 12} Guido reports how Pope John XIX invited him to come to Rome: ‘… audiens famam nostre schole, et quomodo per nostra antiphonaria inauditos pueri cognoscerent cantus, valde miratus tribus me ad se nuntiis invitavit.’ Guido finally went to Rome in company of an Aretine abbot, Grimoald, and Petrus, provost of the Cathedral: Pasqui I 192f.Google Scholar

^{page 349 note 13} Viscardi, A., Le Origini , in Storia della Letteratura Italiana I (Milan 1939) 96–118. Along with the grammarian Papias, Guido is praised here as the foremost master of liberal arts in eleventh-century Italy. See also de Ghellinck, J., Littérature latine II 67ff. Guido is also known as the author of the first treatise on simony that has come down to us: Guidonis epistula ad Heribertum episcopum (of Milan; ca. 1031) in MGH Libelli de lite I 5-7 (Manitius, , Geschichte III 21f.).Google Scholar

^{page 349 note 14} Pasqui I 174.Google Scholar

^{page 350 note 15} On the connection between the religious revival and the intellectual movement of this age see, among other works, Amann, E. in Histoire de l'Église VII 504–536.Google Scholar

^{page 350 note 16} Their correspondence is preserved in the Aeltere Wormser Briefsammlung. Immo’s part of the correspondence, first published by Bresslau, , op. cit. (n. 7 above) II 531ff., is now included in the new edition by Bulst, Walter, Die ältere Wormser Briefsammlung in MGH, Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit III (Weimar 1949). Immo is the writer of five letters (nos. 4, 5, 19, 31, 44) and the addressee of one (no. 18). For his life see Bulst 19 n. 3; 20 n. 2; 35 n. 2. To outsiders the scholarship nurtured at Worms appeared as ‘paganism’: students of the cathedral school of Mainz scoffed at scholars at Worms as ‘Athenians’ (Bulst no. 26, p. 29).Google Scholar

^{page 350 note 17} Usually the bishops of Arezzo sided with the Emperor, Bishop Constantine being one of two bishops who in 1084 ‘consecrated’ the anti-pope Wibert of Ravenna (Clement III), see JL II p. 651, Fliche, , loc. cit. (n. 6 above) III 81; Davidsohn, , Geschichte I 265 n. 1. Constantine was well versed in Canon Law, ibid. 275.Google Scholar

^{page 350 note 18} Between 1088 and 1138 no master is mentioned in an Aretine document. Although the argument ex silentio is by no means compelling for so poorly documented an age, the discontinuance of instruction in the cathedral school is made probable by the fierce character of the fight between the bishops and the commune, see Pasqui, , Documenti I xiii ff. Google Scholar

^{page 350 note 19} See above, p. 324.Google Scholar

^{page 351 note 20} See below, p. 382f.Google Scholar

^{page 351 note 21} See below, sec. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 351 note 22} Paetow, L. J., The Arts Course at the Medieval Universities with Special Reference to Grammar and Rhetoric (Champaign, Ill. 1910) 20ff.; Haskins, Ch. H., The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass. 1927) 98f.; Rashdall, , Universities I 234f.Google Scholar

^{page 352 note 23} Rand, E. K., ‘The Classics in the Thirteenth Century,’ Speculum 4 (1929) 249ff. Google Scholar

^{page 352 note 24} Rashdall I 235. As one author quoted by Rashdall puts it, Bologna in the twelfth century flourished ‘in litteralibus studiis pre cunctis Ytalie civitatibus.’ At that time law was still ‘looked on as a department of general literary studies.’ Dictamen had already made its appearance in the curriculum, forming a bridge between literature and law. But toward the end of the century a ‘classical’ fashion in dictamen was imported to Bologna from France. It emphasized quotation from ancient sources. This is the ‘wicked and erroneous’ doctrina Aurelianensis so strongly denounced by Boncompagno. See below, note 31.Google Scholar

^{page 352 note 25} I am preparing an essay on the Bolognese rhetoricians, which I think will bring out this point clearly.Google Scholar

^{page 352 note 26} Gaudenzi, A., ‘Sulla cronologia dei dettatori Bolognesi,’ Bolletino dell’ Istituto storico italiano 14 (1895) 103–115. The Bolognese development is surveyed in my article, ‘Ars dictaminis in the time of Dante,’ Medievalia et Humanistica 1 (1943) 97ff. (hereafter referred to as ‘Ars dictaminis’).Google Scholar

^{page 352 note 27} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 104.Google Scholar

^{page 352 note 28} The Arts Course 28.Google Scholar

^{page 352 note 29} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 104ff.Google Scholar

^{page 353 note 30} Ibid. 98.Google Scholar

^{page 353 note 31} On Boncompagno’s fight against the representatives of the school of Orleans (see n. 24) at the turning of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries see Sutter, Karl, Aus Leben und Schriften des Magister Boncompagno (Freiburg 1894) 38, 41 and passim. Google Scholar

^{page 353 note 32} Boncompagno, , Rhetorica novissima , ed. Gaudenzi, A. in Bibliotheca iuridica medii aevi II (Bologna 1892) 252. Here, speaking of reasons for the composing of the ‘New Rhetoric,’ he says: ‘Secunda (causa) fuit quia studentes in utroque iure modicum vel quasi nullum subsidium excepta sola contione habere poterant de liberalium artium disciplina. Tertia fuit quia rhetorica compilata per Tullium Ciceronem iudicio studentium est cassata quia numquam ordinarie legitur immo tamquam fabula vel ars mechanica latentius transcurritur et docetur.’ A translation of this passage is found in Thorndike, L., University Records and Life in the Middle Ages (New York 1944) 45.Google Scholar

^{page 353 note 33} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 98 n. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 353 note 34} Thorndike (op. cit. 42) translates Rhetorica novissima fittingly by ‘Rhetoric Up-to-date’ as the title of a work that met the needs of the law students and therefore replaced Boncompagno’s ‘Old-fashioned Rhetoric’ (Rhetorica antiqua). On Boncompagno’s contribution to law — he composed the preface to Azo’s famous Summa Codicis — see Seckel, E., in Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte , Rom. Abt. 21 (1900) 324–335; Barraclough, G., in Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 115 (1935) 435-456.Google Scholar

^{page 353 note 35} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 97f.Google Scholar

^{page 354 note 36} According to the Statutes of the Bolognese notaries of 1246, the tabelliones were examined as to their ability of reading and writing Italian and Latin, and of composing Latin dictamina (latinare et dictare): Manacorda, , Storia della Scuola II.ii.274; my ‘Ars dictaminis’ 103 n. 56.Google Scholar

^{page 354 note 37} About Ranieri of Perugia and his Ars notaria (ca. 1230), and the later development of the Bolognese school culminating in Rolandino de’ Passageri (1234-1300) see Bresslau, H., Handbuch der Urkundenlehre für Deutschland und Italien II.i² (Berlin 1915) 256ff.; Gaudenzi, , loc. cit. (n. 26 above) 121; Rashdall, , Universities I 110 n. 3; Masi, G., Formulare Florentinum artis notariae (1220-1242) (Milan 1943) xxxvi ff. Some artes notariae deal with topics referring to the drafting of documents only, but some of the others, as for instance the most widely used Summa artis notariae by Rolandino de’ Passageri, cover ars dictaminis as well; Manacorda, , Storia della Scuola I.ii.274; Masi, , op. cit xxxv.Google Scholar

^{page 354 note 38} On the Tuscan development of ars notaria see Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.ii.115; Masi, , op. cit. xxxviii ff., liii ff. The anonymous Summa notariae, also called Formulario Aretino, was published by Cicognari in Bibliotheca iuridica (ed. Gaudenzi, A.) III 285ff.Google Scholar

^{page 354 note 39} Published by Bergmann, F. in Pillii, Tancredi, Gratiae libri de iudiciorum ordine (Göttingen 1842) 319–384. I am indebted to Professor Kuttner for calling my attention to this text. On this type of notarial formulae, which were often attached to instructiones , see Barraclough, G., Public Notaries and the Papal Curia (London 1934) 6f.Google Scholar

^{page 355 note 40} Above, part I n. 87. Martino made it clear that his Formularium super contractibus et libellis was written for notaries. The work begins: ‘Inter cuncta que ad artem pertinent notarie…’ Google Scholar

^{page 355 note 41} Above, part I n. 94.Google Scholar

^{page 355 note 42} The right of investing notaries with their office had been granted by Frederick II to Bishop Marcellino of Arezzo some time before 1240 (the year the bishop abandoned the imperial cause); Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.ii.110 and II.i.267 n. 2. This made the procedure easier and helped to bring up the number of members in the guild. In 1256, for instance, among the 247 boni homines attending the Council on April 26 (Pasqui, , Documenti II 314ff.) 35 were members of ‘academic’ professions, 18 of them notaries. The balance was made up by 10 judges, 5 schoolmasters, 1 physician, and 1 advocate, all the others being artisans or without profession.Google Scholar

^{page 355 note 43} Above, p. 352. To the division of the course most probably corresponded also a division of the latinantes in to two classes, the minores, who studied Latin with the help of the Psalter and Donatus, and the maiores, who were trained in ars dictaminis. See Manacorda, , Storia della Scuola I.ii.180 and Zaccagnini, G., La vita dei maestri e degli scolari 118.Google Scholar

^{page 355 note 44} Numerous examples are found in Mino da Colle's correspondence and addresses contained in his Artes dictaminis. Frequently he styles himself grammaticus minimus. Yet, as his works show, his main field was in ars dictaminis and rhetoric.Google Scholar

^{page 356 note 45} The collection is attributed to Piero della Vigna (Petrus de Vinea) but is of a later date. On the MS, Turin H III 38, see Huillard-Bréholles, J. L. A., Vie et correspondence de Pierre de la Vigne (Paris 1865) 285f.; Pasini, J., Codices manuscripti Bibliothecae Regii Taurinensis Athenaei (Turin 1749) II 257-259. See App. I note a and n. 96 below.Google Scholar

^{page 356 note 46} Die letzten Hohenstaufen (Göttingen 1871) 629 no. 26. Because of the misreadings found in this edition it was necessary to reedit the document (App. I).Google Scholar

^{page 356 note 47} Geschichte II.i.479f.; IV.iii, Anmerkungen p. 34; my Ars dictaminis’ 106.Google Scholar

^{page 356 note 48} Davidsohn failed to note or to mention that two more pieces marked Bonfillii are inserted between the address and the letter to Pope Alexander. They are (1) a short style exercise ‘Oriens ab eventu,’ in which a father stricken with illness asks his son to return home; (2) a letter (or style exercise) ‘Sensimus quod referre,’ written in he name of some nobles of the Casentino to a Prior of Camaldoli, in which they accuse the monks of immoral practices and request the Prior to abolish them (T, fol. 46^rb and 46^va).Google Scholar

^{page 356 note 49} Appendix no. III, last sentence; cf. below, n. 88.Google Scholar

^{page 356 note 50} On that date his son Abbraciante as scriba of the Commune signs a document: ‘Abbraciante olim magistri Bonfilii… iudex et notarius et nunc populi aretini scriba’: Pasqui, , Documenti II no. 631 (see also no. 632).Google Scholar

^{page 357 note 51} Appendix no. I.Google Scholar

^{page 357 note 52} For general works on ars dictaminis I refer to the bibliography in Haskins, , ‘Letters of Medieval Students,’ Studies in Mediaeval Culture (Oxford 1929) 2 n. 2 and to his ‘The Early Artes dictaminis in Italy’ in the same volume. For thirteenth-century Italian treatises and epistolary models see my ‘Ars dictaminis’ passim. Cf. also the excellent digest of master Bene's Candelabrum dictaminis in Baldwin, C. S., Medieval Rhetoric and Poetic (New York 1928) 216ff. and the critical edition by Heller, E., Die ars dictandi des Thomas von Capua (Heidelberg 1929).Google Scholar

^{page 358 note 53} Consult in general: Norden, E., Die antike Kunstprosa (Leipzig 1923); Polheim, K., Die lateinische Reimprosa (Berlin 1925). On the Italian development of rhymed prose, from the Bolognese schools of dictamen to Dante and the Dolce Stil Novo see Schiaffini, A., Tradizione e poesia nella prosa d'arte Italiana dalla latinità medioevale a Giovanni Boccaccio (2nd ed. Roma 1943).Google Scholar

^{page 358 note 54} Schiaffini, , op. cit. 23: Ugo da Bologna discusses devices of rhymed prose in his Rationes dictandi prosaice (1119-1124). See also ibid. 35.Google Scholar

^{page 358 note 55} Ibid. 30ff. Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 56} Kantorowicz, E., Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite; Ergänzungsband (Berlin 1931) 129.Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 57} Kantorowicz, , Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite (4th ed. Berlin 1936) 276ff.; Haskins, , ‘Latin Literature under Frederick II,’ Studies 134.Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 58} Haskins, , loc. cit. Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 59} Wieruszowski, H., Vom Imperium zum nationalen Königtum (Berlin and Munich 1933) 58–83.Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 60} Kantorowicz, E., ‘Petrus de Vinea in England,’ Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 51 (1937-38) 49ff. Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 61} Schiaffini, , op. cit. passim ; Pellizzari, , La vita e le opere di Guittone d'Arezzo (Pisa 1906) 218ff. Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 62} Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.i.24ff. For Sicilian influence on warlike manifestoes issued by the Florentine chancery, and for imperial Kriegsphraseologie even in private letters of the time, see ibid. 258; for Brunetto Latini as dittattore of the commune, also Novati, F., ‘Le epistole dantesche,’ Freschi e minii del Dugento (Milan 1925) 273.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 63} Villani, Giovanni, Croniche Fiorentine 8.10: ‘… sommo maestro in rhetorica tanto in bene sapere dire quanto in bene dittare.’ Davidsohn (IV.i.24f.) stresses Latini’s clarity of diction, which he attributes to Latini’s excellent knowledge of French and to his ‘Tuscan temperament’ and which he believes could never be found in the dictamina of the Sicilian chancellor.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 64} There is disagreement on that question among students of Dante. Novati (loc. cit.) and Schiaffini (op. cit. 35 n. 18) believe that Latini was Dante’s teacher in ars dictaminis. For the opposite view see e.g. Scartazzini in his note to Inf. 15.84-85 (where Dante acknowledges his debt of gratitude to Latini, , ‘ad ora ad ora m’insegnavate come l’uom s’etterna’). To Scartazzini the ad ora ad ora suggests the casual and personal character of this insegnamento. Some scholars think that its content was a higher, political or philosophical, form of rhetoric, while those believing that it was of a more elementary nature (that is, in dictamen proper) can always point to Villani’s statement that Latini ‘maestró in disgrossare i fiorentini’ (loc. cit.).Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 65} Novati, , ‘Le epistole dantesche’ 273ff.; Vom Imperium zum nationalen Königtum 71f.; Schiaffini, , Tradizione e poesia 35. In terms similar to those used in the eulogy of Brunetto Latini, Villani praises Dante as rettorico perfetto and speaks of his alto dettato mentioning especially three of Dante’s great political letters: Chron. Fior. 9.136.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 66} De vulg. el. 2.6. Each of the three examples used here by Dante to illustrate three stages of rhetorical style are examples of stilus altus. See below, p. 378.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 67} Schiaffini 85–113.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 68} Inf. 13.58-72. Spitzer, Leo, ‘Speech and Language in Inferno XIII,’ Italica 19 (1942) 94ff., discusses Dante’s use of variation of word stems — one of the characteristic devices of stilus altus — as a device of portraying Piero linguistically: infiammo-infiammati-infiammar in Inf. 13.67, 68: ingiusto fece me contra me giusto, line 72; etc. In another well known passage (lines 58-60) Piero refers to himself as the ‘keeper of the keys’ to the heart of Frederick, , ‘serrando e diserrando.’ Already E. Kantorowicz (Ergänzungsband [n. 56] 130) has shown that these lines echo a passage of an eulogy by Nicola della Rocca: ‘… qui tanquam imperii claviger claudit, et nemo aperit, aperit et nemo claudit’; and ‘… reseret nemo quod clauditis et quod reseratis per consequens nemo claudat.’ (It may be remarked in passing with regard to Dante’s It. serrando e diserrando and Nicola’s Lat. reseret … reseratis that these verbs were used in a technical sense by the dictatores, see below, App. no. II, n. 9). For Dante's use of the devices of stilus altus see Curtius, E. R., Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern 1948) 279-281.Google Scholar

^{page 361 note 69} See below, p. 375f. Google Scholar

^{page 362 note 70} For a comparison of Bonfiglio's style with that of his models, innumerable examples from Petri de Vineis Epistolae could be quoted. Here is one taken from Huillard-Bréholles, loc. cit. (n. 45 above), App. no. 80 (p. 377): Quod autem … rogitas ut tuae orationis verba discutiens, incompta comam et condiam incondita, facerem utique quod hortaris, nisi quod vereor ne dum cultus adderetur incultior et pro insipido insipidior poneretur, corrigenda correctio ludibriosa ludibriis haberetur. Schiaffini (op. cit 67) provides an example from the eulogy of Piero by one of his Sicilian subordinates, Nicola della Rocca (n. 68 above): Ipse enim Petrus fundatur in petra, ut caeteros fidei stabilitate fundaret et, synceritatis soliditate firmatus, foret aliis fundamentum … O felix vinea, quae felicem Capuam tam suavis fructus ubertate reficiens… Besides ‘repetition’ of the word stem, of the thematic letter f, etc. Nicola makes use of the etymological pun, a device very popular with the dictatores. In the surviving dictamina Bonfiglio did not make use of ‘etymology’; but his successor in Arezzo, Mino da Colle, did so abundantly, especially for his own name: Minus grammaticorum minimus. Google Scholar

^{page 362 note 71} See Schiaffini, , op. cit. 18ff., 24, 52-70 (‘La tecnica delle lettere di Guittone’).Google Scholar

^{page 362 note 72} See App. no. I, Additional Note.Google Scholar

^{page 363 note 73} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 106.Google Scholar

^{page 363 note 74} See Kantorowicz, , Ergänzungsband 126; Haskins, , ‘Latin Literature’ (n. 57 above) 137.Google Scholar

^{page 363 note 75} See above, n. 50.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 76} App. no. II, dated 1261-62.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 77} See above, p. 340f. Davidsohn’s somewhat vague statement (Geschichte IV.iii.135) seems to point to the time before the battle. But while the situation was bad then, it was not bad enough to justifiy the description given in the address.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 78} Pasqui, , Documenti II p. xivf. and no. 619; Davidsohn, , Geschichte II.i.530. It is less likely that Bonfiglio refers to the conclusion of peace effected between the factions by Bishop Guglielmo on July 2, 1264 (Pasqui II no. 624).Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 79} See App. no. II, part 4 of the text, where Bonfiglio refers to ‘invitations’ sent out before, although the passage may have been inserted for merely rhetorical reasons (p. 365f. below).Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 80} See above, p. 341.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 81} See below, p. 367 and n. 91.Google Scholar

^{page 365 note 82} The use of tropes, metaphors, and related figures — the most significant medieval addition to the ancient heritage of style — was called stilus tullianus because of the training the student of rhetoric received in the use of tropes from the ancient manuals, preferably Book IV of the Auctor ad Herennium. Schiaffini, , Tradizione e poesia 16ff. Google Scholar

^{page 365 note 83} See above, pp. 337, 338.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 84} On the division maiores-minores see n. 43 above.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 85} ‘Letters of Medieval Students,’ Studies 8f.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 86} See the last words of the speech just discussed and the beginning of the one to be discussed presently (App. no. III).Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 87} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 104. The rhetors paraphrase Ps. 113.7 and Luke 1.53.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 88} Appendix no. III. The text is found in the excerpt of a lost Ars dictaminis of Mino da Colle, included in the Dictamina of the Bolognese professor Pietro de’ Boattieri (ca. 1250-1335). For description and analysis of the MS Florence, Bibl. Naz. II.iv.312 (= B, App. III below, note a), see Schneider, Fedor, ‘Untersuchungen zur italienischen Verfassungsgeschichte II: Staufisches aus der Formelsammlung des Petrus de Boateriis,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 18 (1926) 191–273. Schneider found Mino’s part in Boattieri’s work on ff. 64-79^v (among other pages); Bonfiglio’s address ‘Colendum sollicite’ is on f. 73^rv. On publications of parts of the MS see my ‘Ars dictaminis’ notes 6, 7; below, n. 151. Zaccagnini published most of the letters and orations of the grammarians (Archivum Romanicum 7 [1923] 517ff.) and discussed ‘Le epistole in latino et in volgare de P. de’ Boattieri’ in Studi e memorie dell’ Univ. di Bologna 8 (1924) 235ff. but did not include Bonfiglio’s address nor pay attention to this master's dictamina as a source for Mino. It is possible that this is one of the dictamina Mino obtained from Canon Henry of Arezzo. See below, p. 368.Google Scholar

^{page 367 note 89} See the following passage from an address by da Colle, Mino, ‘More boni agricole’ (R = Genova, Bibl. Univ. A.VII.29, fol. 10^r): ‘Ad hec cum pro seminis abiecti labore se vobis tempus messis adcomodet, que est prosaice dictature facundia, nativitatis domini subsequentis, in proximo celebratis cum devotione paschalibus, ut exortor et queso, fideliter viridarium rethorice floridum celerius advenire curetis.’ Google Scholar

^{page 367 note 90} See the viridarium of Mino’s speech just quoted, or the Praefatio to Guido Fava's Summa dictaminis (ed. Gaudenzi, in Il Propugnatore, N.S. 3.i. [1890] 287f.), which compares ars dictaminis to a flower garden, viridarium magistri Guidonis, and goes into the most minute details of this allegory.Google Scholar

^{page 367 note 91} Already Boncompagno in his Rhetorica novissima concerned himself with academic speeches in general and invectivae in form of exhortations to students in particular. But he illustrates his ‘theory’ only by exordia for such speeches. Bonfiglio's addresses anticipate those elaborated by Mino da Colle and the still younger master Pietro de’ Boattieri. Examples of the invectiva and of another type of academic speeches, eulogia or praesentatio (of a new master), were published by Zaccagnini, , loc. cit. note 88 above.Google Scholar

^{page 368 note 92} App. no. IV, 1, 2.Google Scholar

^{page 368 note 93} See above, part I n. 26.Google Scholar

^{page 369 note 94} Above, p. 356 and n. 45.Google Scholar

^{page 369 note 95} Above, note 88.Google Scholar

^{page 369 note 96} The only two other Tuscan dictatores made recognizable as such in the Turin MS are a certain Blasio de Montanini (who ‘dictated’ a letter of the Parte Guelfa of Siena to King Robert of Naples, ‘Invite loquimur,’ fol. 44^v) and Mino da Colle (here represented by a personal letter to a friend, ‘Mire laudis Minus … nunc Aretii,’ fol. 57^r). The number of letters referring to Arezzo, partly from an older Vinea collection, is quite large.Google Scholar

^{page 370 note 97} App. no. V 1, 2, 3. In one MS (R, see ibid, note a) forms 1 and 3 are attributed to Bonfiglio d’Arezzo and Piero della Vigna respectively while the authorship of 2 is only vaguely indicated (Quidam episcopus). But since the original version of 2 is found in the Summa dictaminis of Thomas of Capua, complete with the names of sender and addressee — Thomas and the Emperor Frederick II — the authorship is established beyond doubt. On the sources, see App. no. V, note 3.Google Scholar

^{page 370 note 98} See below, n. 106.Google Scholar

^{page 370 note 99} See ‘Ars dictaminis’ 96f. and my biographical note ‘Mino da Colle di Val d’Eisa, rimatore e dettatore al tempo di Dante,’ Miscellanea storica della Val d’Elsa 18.iii (1940) 1–12. I have been able since to verify more data, especially as regards Mino’s residence in Figline (before June 25, 1266, the terminus ad quem of Bonfiglio’s death); his coming to Arezzo (in 1267 or after June 17, 1269); the succession of his stays in Arezzo, St. Miniato, and Volterra (until ca. 1276).Google Scholar

^{page 370 note 100} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 97 n. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 371 note 101} Florence Bibl. Naz. Nuovi Acq. 385 (= NA); see ‘Ars dictaminis’ 96 n. 7; also App. IV, V, and VI. The Epistole Aretine comprise ff. 1^r-16^r. They contain: samples of the official correpondence of the commune of Arezzo with various magistrates of Tuscan communes and with Church authorities; letter forms in which the names of senders and addressees are those of prominent Aretines (among them, Benincasa legum doctor, present in Arezzo between 1262 and 1277); Mino's political pamphlets sent from Arezzo; his academic addresses (note 106 below); and one student letter, with answer. (S. scolaris Aretii asks as former classmate to return to Arezzo ‘quia magister Minus, cuius pluribus sunt grata dictamina, admodo dictabit assidue iamque socios erudire incepit.’ The student has learned his lesson well for he ends this advertisement of his teacher’s classes fittingly with the metaphor of a good harvest: ‘pariet exercitium tibi fructum’; fol. 2^rv: ‘Vera laus illi.’) Google Scholar

^{page 371 note 102} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 98ff.Google Scholar

^{page 371 note 103} See above, part I n. 94.Google Scholar

^{page 371 note 104} Quotation from a MS of the Ars tabellionatus by Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.ii.115. Davidsohn (ibid. IV.ii.109-125) deals also with the political destinies of individual notaries and judges, many of which serve as illustrations of Rainerio’s warning. For the general aspect, see, among other works, Novati, , ‘Il notaio nella vita e nella letteratura italiana,’ Freschi e minii 242ff.Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 105} Testimonies to the popularity of their teachers by students writing under the very eyes of their masters (like that quoted above, note 101) are not of great value to form a judgment. More important is evidence of another type: the large number of collections; the repeated use of the same letters or group of letters; the great number of student letters; and those that testify to the interest in obtaining letters worded by the master. This latter point is well illustrated by a letter included in App. no. VI of my ‘Mino da Colle’ (n. 99 above). It is a direct counterpart of Henry of Arrezo’s answer to Mino's request for epistolae bonfiliales: the writer, a student of Mino in Volterra, affirms: ‘… quod magistri Mini epistolas, ut tua postulavit dilectio, aggregare non negligam.’ Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 106} Mino included altogether four academic addresses in his Aretine Epistole (n. 101 above). The text of the first (NA fol. 1^r) is badly damaged. The incipit reads: ‘Expositio (?) facta in conventu Aretino. Universis scolaribus presentem audientibus epistolam Minus de Colle vallis Else grammaticorum minimus Aretinam patriam incolens cordis benevolentiam cum salute…’ The others are: ‘Eis digne impressio’ (App. no. VI); ‘Sedet regina’ (fol. 15^v-16^r), discussed and in part inserted in the text below; and ‘Nil dulcius’ (fol. 13^v-14^r). This latter is a facetious address intended to stir students to a droll vengeance on a severe master, Orlandulus qui nunc sedet in cathedra (above, part I no. 96).Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 107} App. no. VI, below.Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 108} On the name here replaced by dots see App. no. VI, n. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 109} The whole address is printed in App. no. III to my ‘Mino da Colle.’ Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 110} Passages found in a section called De honesto et utili of the Dogmata philosophorum (PL 171.1007ff.) are likely to have provided Mino with the main dicta, see ‘Ars dictaminis’ 105 n. 67.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 111} In the latter part of the thirteenth century, courses in Aristotelian physics, metaphysics, and moral philosophy were introduced at the Bolognese studium to fill the need for theoretical training of the faculty of Medicine, see Rashdall, , Universities I 234ff.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 112} d'Arezzo, Ristoro, Della composizione del mundo ed. Narducci, E. (Milan 1864). It results from the work that Ristoro was born in Arezzo and that he composed and finished — in 1282 — the work here. Narducci (p. xi) calls him the ‘Humboldt’ of the thirteenth century. See also Bertoni, , Duecento (above, part I n. 84) 349, who lists some of Ristoro's sources: the De coelo et mundo and De meteoris of Aristotle, Averroes, and four Arabic authors on astronomy and astrology. All or most of these books must have been available in Arezzo. Although Bertoni does not think too higly of Ristoro's dialetto artino, he calls him uomo di coltura non comune. Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 113} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 105, 108. See also above, p. 352.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 114} Kantorowicz, , Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite 298ff. and Ergänzungsband 143ff.; Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.iii.178ff.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 115} Bertoni, , Duecento 127; Davidsohn loc. cit. 179. In Florence, all the poets of the older ‘school’ of poetry were judges and notaries. Among the latter was Brunetto Latini, who composed love sonnets in Provençal fashion.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 116} See above, p. 342.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 117} Credit for having established the first municipal school of Italian poetry in Arezzo should no longer go to the Aretine noble Arrigo Testa. See Chiari, A., ‘Intorno alla Canzone attribuita a Arrigo Testa d'Arezzo e a cinque sonetti antichi,’ Atti e memorie della Accademia Petrarca 10 (1931) 77ff., 81. While Chiari deprives the literary history of Arezzo of one of its celebrities (see Zenatti, A., Arrigo Testa e i primordi della lirica italiana, Florence 1896), he nevertheless credits the city with an early contribution, by an anonymous poet, of five sonnets found in a Viennese MS.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 118} Davidsohn (IV.iii.182) believes that the adverse judgement passed by Dante on Guittone d'Arezzo (‘numquam se ad curiale vulgare direxit,’ De vulg. el. 1.13) was dictated by his resentment against the reputation Guittone enjoyed among the Tuscan rimatori. Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 119} Schiaffini, , Tradizione e poesia (n. 53 above) ch. III; Pellizari, , La vita e le opere di Guittone (n. 61 above) 222ff. (against a school of thought that claims for Guittone the achievement of a true classical style); his most important argument is the use of cursus. Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 120} Pellizzari, , op. cit. 16f., 160ff. Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 121} Le Lettere di Frate Guittone d'Arezzo a cura di F. Meriano (Bologna 1922) 177–187; see Pellizzari, 171f. n. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 122} On the Aretine rimatori, Mino del Pavesaio, Ubertino di Giovanni del Bianco (judge), Jacopo da Léona (notary), Giovanni dell’ Orto (judge), and Bandino (grammarian) see Bertoni, , Duecento ch. VII; Salvadori, , Sulla vita giovanile di Dante (Rome 1906) 250f. As regards Bandino d'Arezzo (above, p. 345) some notaries wrote his name into their registers, adding vir famosus et sapiens. See Novati, , ‘Le epistole dantesche,’ (n. 62 above) 283.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 123} The arrival of a letter of Guittone in Florence after the battle of Campaldino (above, p. 346) was recorded in Cronica Fiorentinasaec. XIII , ed. Schiaffini, , Testi Fiorentini (Florence 1926) 136.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 124} See ‘Mino da Colle’ 1 n. 1; Davidsohn, , Geschichte IV.iii.157 and Anmerkungen p. 41. Davidsohn attempts to prove the identity of Mino da Colle, the schoolmaster and author of the sonnets mentioned above, with the Sienese rimatore Mino Mocato (Dante, , De vulg. el. 1.13) and with Ser Minotto di Naldo da Colle, author of a sonnet that glorifies the Ghibelline cause; but see my ‘Mino da Colle,’ loc. cit. On the Sienese group of rimatori see Bertoni, , Duecento 125f.Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 125} NA, ff. 13^rv (‘Pie cogitationis’), 14^v, 15^rv (‘Severo discumbentes’). Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 126} Pellizzari 163ff., 172ff.; Meriano (n. 121) 203. The corresponding passages of the letter and ‘Ahi lasso’ are confronted in Pellizzari 166f., whose arguments for the priority of the canzone are quite convincing. It was written under the direct impression of the battle of Montaperti and the surrender of the Florentines to the Alamani, while the letter is a long and rambling treatise on the blessings of peace and the curse of war, the result of reflections rather than of passionate feeling. Only 30 out of its 209 lines (in the modern edition) cover the content of the canzone. ‘Ahi lasso’ and ‘Ahi, dolze terra Aretina’ are found in Guittone’s Rime a cura di F. Egidi (Scrittori d'Italia 175, Bari 1940) under nos. 19 and 33 respectively.Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 127} Pellizzari 170. It is interesting to notice the mutual influence in style of Guittone’s canzoni and his letters. Many of the characteristics of rhymed prose that mark the letters are also found in the canzoni. But since in earlier times the Latin style had influenced the style of the Provençal troubadours, Guittone found these devices also in his Provençal models. One example for many, from the canzone ‘Ahi, dolze terra Aretina’ (Egidi 91): ‘Ora te sbenda ormai e mira u’ sedi / e poi te volli e vedi / dietro da te lo loco ove sedesti / e dove sederesti / fossete retta ben, hai a pensare. // Ahi, che guai hai che trare…’ See also the etymological pun both in the prose letter and the canzone against the Florentines: ‘O non Fiorentini ma desfiorati o desfogliati e n’ franti’ (Meriano 180) and ‘Altezza tanta en la sfiorata Fiore’ (Egidi 41). Schiaffini 52.Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 128} The relationship between the Aretine school of rimatori and that of the dictatores needs further clarification. In addition to borrowing from one another as did Mino from Guittone for his political invectives, they might have used also the same models. This seems to have occurred in the case of a dictamen from Bonfiglio’s school and one of Guittone’s earlier canzoni, in both of which free versions of the same classical passage are found. See App. no. IV n. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 129} See for instance Zaccagnini, , La vita dei maestri, App. nos. VI, VII (pp. 175ff.): letters from the Boattieri collection purportedly exchanged between the communes of Pavia and Florence regarding the execution by the Florentines of Tesauro Beccaria, abbot of Vallombrosa. More examples could be given. On this collection, see above, n. 88; below, n. 151 and Appendix no. III n. a. Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 130} De vulg. el. 2.6. A. Marigo gives a detailed commentary on the rhetorical devices used by Dante, in his edition of the De vulgari eloquentia , in Opere di Dante VI (Florence 1938) 208ff. Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 131} See above, p. 351.Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 132} Pellizzari, , La vita e le opere di Guittone 10f. Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 133} Ibid. 121, 251. One has only to glance over the pages of Meriano’s edition to get an impression of the abundance of quotations, all the fruits of Guittone's reading.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 134} Pellizzari 239f. Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 135} Vossler, K., Mediaeval Culture II (New York 1929) 71–74, 92, 93.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 136} Meriano (ed. cit. 202) speaks of Guittone’s inspiration by ‘a solid classical tradition.’ Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 137} Rubinstein, N., ‘The Beginning of Political Thought in Florence,’ Journal of the Warburg Institute 5 (1942) 213, 218. Here follows his English translation of the passage: ‘O queen of towns… where is now your pride and your greatness who almost appeared as a new Rome since you were striving to subject the whole of the new world? And truly, the Romans had no greater beginnings than you nor did they achieve more in a short time’ (p. 213).Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 138} Meriano 202; Pellizzari 168ff. Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 139} Rubinstein 208.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 140} See my article, ‘Art and the Commune in the Time of Dante,’ Speculum 19 (1944) 26–28.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 141} On the contents see Bertoni, , Duecento 325.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 142} Della composizione del mundo (n. 112 above): Capitolo delle vase antiche. See also Narducci's Preface, xv. This is in keeping with Ristoro's artistic activities. He says of himself that he cultivated design, painting and ‘the science of the stars’ (ibid. xi). Interest in the terracotta pottery with its fine figurative decoration, for which Arezzo was famous in antiquity and which was still found in abundance in the Middle Ages, is also shown by Villani, see Chron. Fior. 1.47.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 143} The groundwork to such studies has been laid by Sabbadini, R., Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci (Florence 1905) and Le scoperte etc., Nuove ricerche (Florence 1914).Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 144} See Bertoni, , Duecento 240: ‘Padova e Arezzo son come i due poli tra i qualis’ orientano questi interessanti studi umanistici nel secolo XIII.’ Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 145} Ibid.; Sapegno, N., Il Trecento (Milan 1934) 140ff.; Novati in Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 6 (1885) 177-200.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 146} Weiss, R., Il primo secolo (above, I n.84) 54–66 and Appendix nos. i-x (including also all the existing testimonies to Geri's life and work). The findings were announced in his The Dawn of Humanism in Italy (London 1947); ‘Per una storia del primo umanesimo,’ Rivista storica italiana 60 (1948) 349-66. In all three works Weiss stresses the importance of Geri’s activities in Florence for the advancement of humanistic studies among the literary men around Francesco Barberini, to whom Geri addressed the Dialogue published by Weiss (Il primo secolo 66, App. no. ix).Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 147} Weiss, , Il primo secolo 63.Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 148} Ibid. 54.Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 149} Ibid. App. no. ix (p. 128).Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 150} Weiss 63. It is different with the Dialogue, where Geri endeavors to write like the great classical authors.Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 151} On the MS (B) and Bonfiglio’s address see n. 88 above; below, App. no. III. Geri’s ‘Quantas referendarum’ (in my ‘Ars dictaminis’ 107 n. 78, I still referred to this as the only preserved letter of his) is found on f. 75^v, see Weiss, App. no. x; and the three dictamina of an otherwise unknown Ser Tuccius on ff. 74^v-75^r .Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 152} ‘Ars dictaminis’ 107.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 153} Wilmart, A., ‘L’ars arengandi de Jacques de Dinant,’ in his Analecta Reginensia (Studi e Testi 59; 1934) 113ff. See ‘Ars dictaminis’ 96 n. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 154} In a MS of the Bibl. Angelica in Rome (see loc. cit.) are found Flores rhetorici compiled by Mino da Colle. It stands out against other compilations of the kind in that it carries an abundance of ancient examples for the devices listed.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 155} Haskins, , ‘Latin Literature under Frederick II,’ Studies in Med. Culture 147, says about Piero della Vigna that he ‘was no Ciceronian nor would the Ciceronians have claimed him.’ Yet he stresses that Piero and his friends in many ways anticipated the activities of later humanists. This applies admirably to the dictatores of the later period.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 156} Weiss, , Il primo secolo 58; Bertoni, , Duecento 239ff.; Sapegno, , Trecento 140ff., 154ff.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 157} Weiss 59 and 105.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 158} Ibid. 59.Google Scholar

^{page 383 note 159} Pasqui, U., ‘La biblioteca di un notario aretino del secolo XIV,’ Archivio storico italiano 5.4 (1889) 250–55.Google Scholar

^{page 383 note 160} Weiss 66. On Gori as a commentator of Lucan see Sanford, E., ‘The Manuscripts of Lucan,’ Speculum 9 (1934) 284 n. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 383 note 161} Novati, , ‘Le epistole dantesche,’ Freschi e minii 282.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 1} The information given in the following notes is chiefly based on Davidsohn, , Geschichte von Florenz II.i.479f. See above p. 340.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 2} See above, p. 356.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 3} Alexander IV was Pope from December 12, 1254 until May 25, 1261.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 4} Stoldo Berlinghieri was Podestà of Arezzo in 1258-59.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 5} Giannes (Sanus) Uguccionis Malaspina was Capitano del Popolo in Arezzo from 1258.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 6} The conflict between Guglielmo Ubertini and the city (p. 340 above) developed when the Bishop pronounced a papal interdict over the city of Florence in October 1258 (the terminus a quo for dating the letter) and when the city of Arezzo continued the alliance with Florence. From the letter we learn that the Bishop began negotiations with the Ghibellines shortly after (probably in Spring 1259), a step which brought the conflict with the city of Arezzo to a head.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 7} Ezzelino da Romano died shortly after his defeat in the battle of Cassano d'Adda, Sept. 27, 1259, a date that provides the terminus ad quem for the letter.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 8} Manfred, son of Frederick II, bore the title of Prince of Apulia, Tarento etc. before he was crowned King of Sicily, August 11, 1258. However, his Guelph opponents, who considered him a usurper, continued to call him princeps Apuliae. See Pellizzari, , Guittone d'Arezzo 162.Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 9} Schirrmacher reads certam (scil. alienationem). But the reading Cortone is clear beyond doubt. For one thing, the c is capitalized. The facts centering on Cortona fit to what is known of the conquest of Cortona by the Bishop and city of Arezzo on Febr. 6, 1256, and of the rights over territory and city of Cortona granted by the Bishop to the commune of Arezzo (Pasqui, , Documenti II nos. 607, 608, 609 and Pref. xiii). From the passage above it would appear that rumors had spread about the revocation of these concessions and the ‘alienation’ of all of Cortona from Arezzo to the commune of Perugia.Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 10} Nos—salutem, see ‘Additional Note.’ Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 11} The letter failed to achieve results, see Davidsohn, , Geschichte II.i.480 n. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 1} For the interpretation see above, pp. 341, 364f. Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 2} Biblical passages underlying this metaphor are possibly Luc. 8.22, 23 and Ecclesiasticus 33.2.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 3} Extuabat for estuabat. This is one of the many examples of an intentional mannerism in spelling found in dictamina of the age.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 4} Verg. Georg. 1.154; perhaps also Job 31.40.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 5} Luc. 8.4-8; Matth. 13.8.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 6} Luc. 8.5.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 7} Gen. 3.18: Matth. 7.16.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 8} O utinam—providerent: the meaning is blurred by the passage sibi aliquibus solis which I am not able to explain or emend.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 9} Sileret forte—reseranda: the sentence is an example of hybrid construction (see ‘Additional Note’ to no. I). It is also overcharged with ‘parallelism’: effrenata temeritas, amica laudis etc. — Reserare is a terminus technicus: Mino da Colle says in his Notulae: ‘Qui obscure dictat, serrat non reserrat’ (viz. the intention of the writer of the letter). See part II n. 68 above.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 10} Nam rethorice—bonis: ‘parallelism’ is here stressed by contrast: bona-mala-meliora-mala-bonis. This is one of the original functional elements of rhymed prose.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 11} See above, part II notes 43, 84.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 12} MS has verum which is impossible in this place. The emendation iterum was suggested not only by the meaning but also by the rhetorical phrase semel-pluries(-iterum).Google Scholar

^{page 388 note 1} On the content see above, p. 366f.Google Scholar

^{page 388 note 2} Because of complete lack of reference to facts the address cannot be dated.Google Scholar

^{page 388 note 3} I was not able to find this word in any dictionary. According to Professor Richard Salomon, to whom I am indebted for this suggestion, it might have been created, as a true portmanteau word, from temporarius and morosus, fused together.Google Scholar

^{page 388 note 1} See above, p. 368f. Google Scholar

^{page 388 note 2} Figline is a small town near Volterra. On Mino's stay there, above, pp. 368, 370.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 3} Cum velim singula—aversetur, a free version of Sallust, Catil. 20: ‘Idem velle atque idem nolle ea demum firma amicitia est.’ On the use of the Sallust passage by Guittone d'Arezzo in one of his earlier canzoni and the possible connection between the Aretine school of dictamen and Aretine rime see above, pt. II n. 128.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 4} See above, p. 368.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 1} These are models for the use in dictamen of the most common devices marking stilus altus (see No. I, Additional Note): Parallelism as in the cola beginning with ‘locorum’ and ‘votorum’; similiter cadens as in ‘locorum—votorum,’ ‘cariora—rariora’; repetition of thematic letters (alliteration) or of groups of letters as in ‘pateat—procul—positos,’ ‘transmittitur—triumfantis,’ ‘sessum—deszderat—senescentis—sessionem’; paranomasia or adnominatio as in ‘sessum—sessionem.’ The sentences consist of rhythmically constructed cola ending in cursus. The end of each example is stressed by cursus velox: ‘pósitos intuémur,’ ‘déspicit sessiónem,’ ‘múnera sacerdótum.’ No. 2 provides an interesting example of how a dictator ‘processed’ his material. Mino da Colle or whoever worked on it found the original text (right column) not satisfactory. By changing a few words he produced the figures ‘transmittitur—triumfantis’ (apparently more to his taste than would have been a change into ‘virtuosi viri’) and ‘sessum—desiderat—senescentis—sessionem.’ Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 2} This impolite jingle is aimed at Bishop Guglielm(in)o Ubertino of Arezzo and strikes a popular tone by ending in Italian, ‘tua peste fine.’ The insulting term peste in connection with the bishop is also used in the last sentence of Bonfiglio's letter (no. I above) to Pope Alexander IV, though in a more indirect way. The rhyme proves conclusively that this group of forms originated in the Aretine school if it was not by master Bonfilluolus de Arechio himself.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 3} Nos. 2 and 3 belong together and are found together in all Mino MSS: in R they are tied to the group of forms going under Bonfiglio’s name. The two forms originated in messages actually sent and received: their sources consequently can be traced in two different collections of letters and are here printed in the right-hand column. (No. 2:) Cardinal Thomas of Capua, papal dictator until his death in 1239, announces to the Emperor Frederick II the gift of a Spanish horse; (No. 3:) the Emperor’s answer as worded by Pier della Vigna (Epist . ed. Iselius, J. R. [Basel 1740] I 417). — I am greatly indebted to Dr. Emmy Heller, who is preparing the edition of the Summa dictaminis of Thomas of Capua, for having found, edited, and permitted the use of, the above text.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 1} On this and other ‘academic’ addresses composed by Mino in Arezzo, see above, part II n. 106.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 2} Cf. this salutatio with that of Bonfiglio’s address ‘Colendum sollicite’ (no. III). Mino replaces the dig against the inscius praeceptor by an admonition which is more general in character.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 3} Luc. 8.4-8 (free version), see notes 5, 6 to no. II above.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 4} This name is not found among the names of teachers in Aretine documents. But Ormannus could be just another form (or a misreading) for Orlandus (Rolandus), Orlandulus, the master of grammar who held the cathedra in 1255 and after. See part I nn. 56, 96; II n. 106.Google Scholar

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