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Petrus Aureoli: De unitate conceptus entis (Reportatio Parisiensis in I Sententiarum dist. 2, p. 1, qq. 1–3 et p. 2, qq. 1–2)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Stephen F. Brown*
Affiliation:
Boston College

Extract

The French Franciscan, Peter Aureoli, was born shortly before 1280 near Cahors in the south of France. He studied in Paris, but the date of his arrival there, 1304, quite likely would have made him too late to hear the lectures of Duns Scotus on books 1 and 4 of the Sentences. After teaching at Bologna (1312) and Toulouse (1314), Peter finally returned to Paris where he lectured from 1316–20. In July 1318, his friend John XXII sponsored him for the licentiate in Theology. The request was granted and Aureoli took the oath of Magister actu regens on 13 November 1318. Elected provincial of the Aquitaine Franciscans toward the end of 1320, he was nominated archbishop of Aix-en-Provence before he exercised the former office. Pope John XXII consecrated him on 14 June 1321, but before Peter could settle into his new task he died, probably on 10 January 1322.

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Articles
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Copyright © 1995 by Fordham University 

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References

1 The life, writings and teaching of Aureoli have been described in detail by A. Teetaert in his article, “Pierre Auriol,” in DThC12/2 (Paris, 1935): cols. 1810–81. In this article Teetaert has summarized in admirable fashion all the literature touching our author up to the year 1931. The starting point of any study of Aureoli, it must be used cautiously since new studies have appeared. E. M. Buytaert (Peter Aureoli. Scriptum super Primum Sententiarum, 2 vols. [St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1953–56]) has brought the materials on the life and writings of Aureoli up to the year 1952 in the introduction to his edition, 1:vii-xxi. On the question of Scotus as the teacher of Aureoli, see the clarifications noted by V. Heynck in Franziskanische Studien 35 (1953), 469–70, and Franziskanische Studien 46 (1964), 179.Google Scholar

2 For a doctrinal study of the various positions on the topic ‘Unity of Being,’ see Brown, S. F., “Avicenna and the Unity of the Concept of Being: The Interpretations of Henry of Ghent, Duns Scotus, Gerard of Bologna and Peter Aureoli,” Franciscan Studies 25 (1965): 117–50. For a defense of Henry of Ghent's position, see idem, “Richard of Conington and the Analogy of the Concept of Being,” Franziskanische Studien 48 (1966): 297–307. For defenders of Scotus's theory of univocity against the criticisms of Aureoli, see Fitzpatrick, N., “Walter Chatton on the Univocity of Being: A Reaction to Peter Aureoli and William of Ockham,” Franciscan Studies 31 (1971): 88–177, and S. D. Dumont, “The Univocity of the Concept of Being in the Fourteenth Century: II. The De ente of Peter Thomae,” Mediaeval Studies 50 (1988): 186–256, esp. 193, 218–21, 238–47. For the position of Gerard of Bologna, see Brown, S. F., “Gerard of Bologna's Quodlibet I, qu. 1: On the Analogy of Being,” Carmelus 31 (1984): 143–79. For a defense of Aureoli's position, see Boulnois, O., “Une question inédite sur l'univocité,” Archives d'Histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen-âge (AHDL) 60 (1993): 293–331.Google Scholar

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11 A. Maier (“Zu einigen Sentenzenkommentaren des 14. Jahrhunderts,” in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 51 [1958], 371), says that Pelster overlooked the fact that the endings differ. This contradicts Pelster's own words (“Estudios” 466). Pelster's article was already written before he had a chance to see Borghese cod. ms. 123. Before the article was printed, however, he had the time to jot down what he considered the essentials, noted the difference in endings, added a list of question-titles from book 1, and did not push the matter further.Google Scholar

12 Maier, A., “Literarhistorische Notizen über Petrus Aureoli, Durandus und den ‘Cancellarius,’” Gregorianum 29 (1948): 218–20.Google Scholar

13 Maier, “Zu einigen Sentenzenkommentaren,” 269–93.Google Scholar

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21 This argument from style and format is based on a parallel argument concerning the redaction problem of book 3 of Aureoli's Sentences formulated by V. Heynck in his review of L. Rosato's Doctrina de immaculata B.V.M. conceptione secundum Petrum Aureoli in Franziskanische Studien 41 (1959), 433.Google Scholar

22 Maier indicated that she did not examine the tabula quaestionum of Toulouse, cod. 243 herself, but accepted Pelster's declaration that the table corresponds to the Padua and Berlin manuscripts. The tabula quaestionum for all four books is found in Toulouse, cod. 243, fols. 124rb–127vb. The date, partially erased but readable, is found on fol. 127vb. A comparison of the tabulae of Borghese, cod. 123 and Toulouse, cod. 243 reveals their independence. The number and type of variants attest to this independence.Google Scholar

23 See, e.g., dist. 3, q. 4 (fol. 56vb): “Responsio. Hic fuit magna pugna inter Hieronymum et Augustinum, et hoc in duobus punctis. Primus punctus erat quoad licentiam legalium, utrum fuerint statim post Pentecosten prohibita. Et dicebat Hieronymus quod sic …” (lacuna of six lines). Then: “Sed Augustinus contra eum, quia …” (lacuna of about 45 lines). (Cf. IV Sent. [ed. 1605], 45b). In dist. 12, p. 2, q. 1 (fol. 79ra) the case is the same: “Sed oppositum est, quia sensus attingit illa accidentia separata, igitur et intellectus, quia plus potest quam sensus …” (lacuna equal to 27 lines of omitted text: cf. ibid., 114ab). Here, then, are the same kind of omissions and blanks in a reportatio manuscript. Other instances of such omissions may be found in fols. 62vb, 63va, 66va, 113ra. In the printed edition of 1605 these blanks and omissions are not present. Our search, however, does show that reportatio manuscripts of Aureoli do have similar omissions.Google Scholar

24 Cf. Buytaert, E., Peter Aureoli. Scriptum, 1:xviii-xxi.Google Scholar

25 One important question to be examined is the date of the Reportatio on books 1 and 2 found in Vat. lat. cod. 6768. Maier, using the Quodlibet of Wylton as a measure, has set it after 1316 at Paris. Is her argument solid? Does its location in a codex with a number of Bologna masters not rather point to its earlier origin when Aureoli himself was at Bologna (1312)? Also, why does this text find itself used in the Berlin and Padua manuscripts after distinction 32?Google Scholar

26 Cf. Buytaert, Peter Aureoli. Scriptum, 2:469–523.Google Scholar

27 Padua, Bibl. di Università, cod. 1580, fols. 167r–79r; Padua, Bibl. di Sant’ Antonio, cod. 173, fols. 47r–49r. The latter manuscript does not give the complete text.Google Scholar

28 Pelster says that Cardinal Ehrle told him that he had heard of another manuscript at Wolfenbüttel. The librarian there says no such work exists. Maier also indicated in correspondence that she was unable to track down this manuscript.Google Scholar

29 Maier, , Codices Burghesiani (n. 16 above), 161.Google Scholar

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31 Maier, “Zu einigen Sentenzenkommentaren,” 374–76.Google Scholar

32 Cf. Minciotti, Catalogo dei Codici, 83; Iosa, I Codici (n. 19 above), 185.Google Scholar

33 Cod. 572, fol. 16: “Item, primus Aureoli super sententias cum tabulis copertus corio albo.” The catalogue dates from 1397.Google Scholar

34 The lacunae are found on fols. 31vb–32ra, fols. 58vb and 73va.Google Scholar

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f Aristot. Metaph. 5.1.1012b34–1013a20.Google Scholar

g Aristot. Metaph. 5.1.1012b34–1013a20.Google Scholar

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i Aristot. Physica 1.3.186a10–15.Google Scholar

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n August. De Trinitate 15.2.nn. 2–3 (PL 42:1057–58; CCL 50A:462).Google Scholar

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p Aristot. Physica 1.1.184a 17–21.Google Scholar

q Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 12, com. 51 (ed. Iuntina, 8:337AB).Google Scholar

r Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 12, com. 2 (Ibid., 8:291HI).Google Scholar

s Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 10, com. 8 (Ibid., 8:257FG).Google Scholar

t Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 3, com. 10 (Ibid., 8:49BC).Google Scholar

u Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 3, com. 10 (Ibid., 8:49BC).Google Scholar

v Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 5, com. 14 (Ibid, 8:117G).Google Scholar

w Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 4, com. 2 (Ibid., 8:66DE).Google Scholar

x Aristot. Metaph. 3.3.998b23–27.Google Scholar

y Aristot. Metaph. 3.3.998b23–27.Google Scholar

z Cf. Duns Scotus, Ioannes Ordinatio 1, dist. 3, p. 1, q. 3 nn. 131–33 (ed. Vaticana, 3:81–83).Google Scholar

a2 Aristot. Metaph. 3.3.998b23–27.Google Scholar

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c2 Aristot. Historia Animalium 1.6.491a19–24.Google Scholar

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g2 Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 3, com. 10 (ed. Iuntina, 8:49BC).Google Scholar

h2 Averroes In Aristot. Metaph. 3, com. 10 (Ibid., 8:49B-D).Google Scholar

i2 Aristot. Metaph. 3.3.998b23–27.Google Scholar

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k2 Aristot. Metaph. 7.13.1039ab.Google Scholar

l2 Aristot. Metaph. 9.1.1045b35.Google Scholar

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v2 Aristot. Metaph. 8.3.1043b28–33.Google Scholar

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w3 Augustinus De Trinitate 8.3 (CCL 50:272; PL 42:949).Google Scholar

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