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‘Fides Historiae’: Charles Dumoulin and the Gallican View of History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Donald R. Kelley
Donald R. Kelley*
Affiliation:
State University of New York Binghamton
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Extract

Most historians agree in attributing the beginnings of modern historical thought to the humanists of the Renaissance. This view seems proper in consideration both of the well known humanist enthusiasm for history and of the technical accomplishments of the great humanist scholars, although this should perhaps be qualified by our growing appreciation of the sophistication of medieval thought, historical as well as philosophical. Nowadays many historians acknowledge that the Reformation, too, made valuable contributions to the study of history, in spite of, or perhaps because of, its polemical character.

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Articles
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Traditio , Volume 22 , 1966 , pp. 347 - 402
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Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

* The research -for this paper was made possible by grants from the American Philosophical Society and from the Newberry Library. Google Scholar

1 The best study is still unquestionably Polman, P. L’Élément historique dans la controverse religieuse du XVIe siècle (Gembloux 1932). Among recent, more specialized works may be mentioned Berger, H., Calvins Geschichtsauffassung (Zurich 1955), Headley, J. Luther's View of Church History (New Haven 1963), and above all Fraenkel, P., Testimonia Patrum, the Function of the Patristic Argument in the Theology of Philip Melanchthon (Geneva 1961).Google Scholar

2 So, though he is mainly concerned with periodization, Ferguson, W., The Renaissance in Historical Thought (Boston 1948) 46ff. regards Protestant and Catholic contributions as basically reactionary; and with respect to historiography, a similarly negative judgment is made by Fueter, E., Storia della storiografia moderna (trans. Spinelli, Naples 1943) 273ff.; 295ff.Google Scholar

3 The most useful discussions of the concept of tradition are Bakhuizen, J. van den Brink, Traditio in de Reformatie en het Katholicisme in de zestiende Eeuw (Amsterdam 1952), and Deneffe, A., Der Traditionsbegriff (Münster 1931), although they are confined to theology; see also Willaert, L., La Restauration catholique, Histoire de l'église 18 (éd. Fliche and Martin, Paris 1960) 297ff.Google Scholar

4 Isaac Casaubon 1559–1614 (London 1875) 362.Google Scholar

5 This point of view is reflected, for example, in Harbison, E. H., The Christian Scholar in the Age of Reformation (New York 1956) 35ff., and Gilmore, M. P. Humanists and Jurists (Cambridge, Mass., 1963) 5ff, 113f. The insensitivity to history of medieval scholars, legal scholars especially, has I think, been exaggerated, as the humanists tended to do; in particular I question the utility of a classical bias for the history of the recovery of the European Middle Ages. For a more balanced view cf. Pocock, J. G. A., The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law (Cambridge 1957). Cf. also note 35 infra.Google Scholar

6 Cicognani, A., Canon Law (trans. O'Hara and Brennan, Philadelphia 1934) 100–1, citing Bellarmine.Google Scholar

7 As a classiclal topos, ‘fides historiae’ meant historical truth as distinguished from various kinds of literary distortion, as used for instance in Cicero, Quint. fr., 1.1.23; Pliny, Epistolae 9.19.5; and Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae 2.16.8. So it was used also in the 15th and 16th centuries, e. g.: Lorenzo Valla, Opera omnia 2 (Basel 1540) 119 — letter to Flavio Biondo); Angelo Poliziano, Pane-pistemon, Opera omnia (Basel 1553) 471, 621; Guillaume Budé, De philologia (Paris 1533) 126, and De transitu Hellenismi ad Christianismum (ed. Penham, D. F. unpublished diss., Columbia 1954) 713; and Andrea Fiocci, De potestate Romanorum libri II (Antwerp 1561) ‘Lectori.’ Among others who used the phrase were Luther, introduction (’Pio lectori in Christo’) to Robert Barnes, Vitae romanorum pontificum (Basel n. d.); Henry Cornelius Agrippa, De incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum (Cologne 1537), ch. 5; François Baudouin, letter to Calvin (1546), Thesaurus Epistolici Calviniani 2, (Corpus Reformatorum 39, Braunschweig 1873) 432, no. 851; François Le Douaren, letter to Calvin (1555), in Calvin's Responsio ad Balduini convitia (s.l., 1562) 68; and especially Dumoulin and his opponents (as cited below); but of course most of these men, having Protestant sympathies, heard religious overtones as well. On the ‘fides’ of the historian, see Gilmore, , op. cit. 87ff. ‘Fides historiae’ also became a major theme in the later controversies over historical pyrrhonism, as was shown by Momigliano, A., ‘Ancient History and the Historian,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 13 (1950) 297–98.Google Scholar

8 Besides Polman, the standard works are Menke, E. -Glückert, Geschichtsschreibung der Reformation und Gegenreformation (Leipzig 1912), Scherer, E., Geschichte und Kirchengeschichte an den deutschen Universitäten (Freiburg 1927), and Nigg, W., Die Kirchengeschichtsschreibung (Munich 1934).Google Scholar

9 For present purposes, suffice it to mention Martin, V., Les Origines du gallicanisme (Paris 1939), and Haller, J., Papsttum und Kirchenreform (Berlin 1903) 199ff.Google Scholar

10 For the 16th century there is no satisfactory account of the Gallican tradition, though parts of the story are told by Thomas, J., Le Concordat de 1596 (Paris 1910); Doucet, R. Étude sur le gouvernement de François Ier (Paris 1921); Martin, V. Le Gallicanisme et la réforme catholique (Paris 1919); and Perrens, F., L'Église et l'état en France sous le règne de Henri IV (Paris 1872); see also the article in the Dictionnaire du droit canonique. Google Scholar

11 Grassaille, , Regalium Franciae libri duo (Paris 1545), and Ferrault, Iura seu privilegia aliqua regni Franciae, written about 1509, published in 1520 and again by Dumoulin in 1551 (see note 25); see also Poujol, J., ‘Jean Ferrault on the King's Privileges,’ Studies in the Renaissance 5 (1958) 15–26. Another treatment of the regalia may be found in Barthélemy de Chasseneuz, Catalogus gloriae mundi (1529) (Geneva 1617) 236ff.Google Scholar

12 ‘ Le Traicté de la difference des schismes et des conciles de l 'eglise, et de la preeminence et utilité des conciles de la sainte Eglise Gallicane,’ [1511] in Oeuvres 3 (ed. Stecher, J., Louvain 1885) 232ff.Google Scholar

13 ‘ Memoire et advis … sur les libertez de l'eglise gallicane,” in Recueil des roys de France 3 (Paris 1607) 273. Cf. my forthcoming article in the Journal of Modern History.Google Scholar

14 The classic summary of Gallicanism is Pierre Pithou, Les Libertez de l'eglise gallicane (Paris 1594), republished in du Tillet, op. cit., and many other places; see also Lecler, J., ‘Qu'est-ce que les libertés de I’église gallicane?’ Recherches de science religieuse 23 (1933) 385–410.Google Scholar

15 Dumoulin still lacks a modern biography, although there are good short lives in Haag, La France Protestante (Paris 1846–59), and more recently in Dictionnaire du droit canonique by Filhol, R. including further bibliography. The standard work is still Brodeau, J., La Vie de Maistre Charles Du Molin (1654), in Dumoulin's Opera omnia 1 (Paris 1681); but it must be supplemented and corrected by such recent studies as Carbonnier, J. ‘Dumoulin à Tubingue,’ Revue générale de droit 40 (1936) 194–209, and Reulos, M., ‘Le Jurisconsulte Charles Dumoulin en conflit avec les églises reformées en France,’ Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire du protestantisme français 100 (1954) 1–12.Google Scholar

16 According to his earliest biographer, Papire Masson, ‘Caroli Molinaei vita,’ Elogiorum pars secunda (Paris 1656) 235. Google Scholar

17 Calvin also became critical of Alciato, perhaps because of his Italianate bias, and his first published work was an introduction to Nicolas Duchemin's defense of L'Estoile against Alciato (1531). Google Scholar

18 Prima pars commentariorum in consuetudines parisiensis (Paris 1539), completed in 1558; in Opera omnia 1.Google Scholar

19 Commentarius ad edictum Henrici secundi contra parvas datas (Lyon 1552); the version used here is Les Commentaires analytiques sur l'édit des petites dates, Dumoulin's own translation, in Opera omnia 4. 417ff.Google Scholar

20 Études sur le gouvernement de François Ier , 1.41 referring to the gallicanism of theologians. Google Scholar

21 The phrase was, for example, inscribed upon a decorative float at Boulogne made in honor of Francis I, according to Haigneré, D. Dictionnaire historique et archéologique … de Pas-de-Calais (Boulogne) I, (Arras 1880) 230; and according to Weiss, N., La Chambre ardente (Paris 1889), a prévôt des marchands, Claude de Guyot, regarded it as ‘le simbolle et devise que [la] bonne ville de Paris … a porté d'ancienneté …’ The origin of this formula is no doubt ecclesiological, on the analogy of various canonist (and civilian) themes of unity; cf Mochi, S. Onory, Fonti canonistiche dell'idea moderno dello stato (Milan 1951), on the formulas unum corpus ecclesiae (220), unum jus, unum imperium (243), and debet esse unus rex (166).Google Scholar

22 For general assessments of Dumoulin's work see, besides the biographies cited, Aubépin, ‘De l'influence de Dumoulin sur la législation française,’ Revue critique de législation et de jurisprudence 3 (1853) 603–25; 4 (1854) 27–44; 5 (1854) 32–62; Olivier, F. -Martin, L'Esprit de tradition et l'esprit critique ou novateur dans les oeuvres de Dumoulin (Paris 1908); and Meyer, G., Charles Dumoulin ein führender französischer Rechtsgelehrter (Nürnberg, 1956).Google Scholar

23 ‘ Oratio de concordia et unione consuetudinum Franciae. ’ [1546] Opera omnia 2.690–92. Dumoulin regarded the fundamental law of France as a ‘summation’ of the provincial customs, according to Giesey, R. ‘The Juristic Basis of Dynastic Right to the French Throne,’ Amer. Phil. Soc., Trans. 51. 5 (Philadelphia 1961) 26. See also Piano, V. Mortari, Diritto romano e diritto nazionali in Francia nel secolo XVI (Milan 1962) 61–66.Google Scholar

24 ‘ The devitalizing of the feudal system ’ is the phrase of Church, W. F. Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth-Century France (Cambridge, Mass., 1941) 180, but of course this book treats only one aspect of Dumoulin's thought.Google Scholar

25 Stilus antiquus curiae supremae et amplissimae parlamenti by Guillaume du Breuil, published in 1551 with Ferrault's treatise (see note 11); cf the critical edition of Aubert, F. (Paris 1909).Google Scholar

26 Renan, , Études sur la politique religieuse du règne de Philippe le bel (Paris 1899) 247. Cugnières was regarded as the very first avocat du roi by the first historian of the legists: Antoine Loisel, Pasquier, ou dialogue des advocats (1602), (ed. Dupin, Paris 1844) 18, including a reference also to Dumoulin. In his ‘Traicté des libertez de l'eglise gallicane,’ Oeuvres (Paris 1610), p. ***iv, the great historian Claude Fauchet summed up the Gallican tradition in this way: ‘… pour davantage vous esclaircir, vous pouvez chercher Pierre de Cugnieres, Deffensor Pacis, le Songe du Verger, les Actes du Concile de Constance et Basle, Jean Le Maire de Belge, en son Promptuaire des Conciles, Dumoulin sur les petites dattes, qui plus que moy vous satisferont.’Google Scholar

27 The Tractatus contractuum et usuarum … appeared in 1545, the Annotationes ad Jus canonicum in 1550, and the Commentarius in regulas cancellariae Romanae in 1552. Google Scholar

28 Moreau, J. -Reibel, Jean Bodin et le droit public comparé (Paris 1933), and Brejon, J., André Tiraqueau 1488–1558 (Paris 1937) 345.Google Scholar

29 The Medieval Idea of Law as Represented by Lucas da Penna (London 1946) 163; on Dumoulin's ‘social theory,’ see Church, , op. cit. 193–94.Google Scholar

30 Introduction (1549) to Stylus parlamenti (Opera omnia 2.408). Dumoulin's use of manuscripts was shown by Baluze in his edition of Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Paris 1780) 32. Of Dumoulin's edition of canon law Schulte, Die Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des canonischen Rechts 1 (Graz 1956) 71, says ‘Dieselbe fügt der Glosse Zusätze bei und gibt eine Masse von Noten, welche den Text namentlich in historischen Beziehung kritisieren.’ On the ‘Traité des fiefs’ (note 18) see my ‘De Origine Feudorum,’ Speculum 39 (1964) 223ff. Google Scholar

31 For example, the Sommaire livre analytique des contrats, usures … [1547], Opera omnia 2.334: ‘Car par les miserables et longues inondations des barbares Goths, Huns, Vandales, et Lombards …, nosdites bonnes loix ont esté long temps avec les bonnes lettres negligees et delaissees tant pour l'ignorance des langues, que pour l'inexperience des choses. Et … sous [la barbarie] la sophisterie entra en toutes bonnes sciences, qui en furent grandement vexees …, comme il est apparer aussi bien en la Medicine et theologie qu'en nos loix.’ And p. 336: ‘Mais pour plus clairement le tout entendre, ensemble la source et origine de nos rentes vulgaires, il est expedient d'entrer quelque peu en l'histoire et declarer l'usage des Anciens, et les termes dont ils usoient, dont aussi usent nos Loix …, lesquelles sont emanees la pluspart de la bonne police et philosophie des Grecs …’ Google Scholar

32 ‘Candidis lectoribus, (1546), De Eo quod interest, Opera omnia 2.7.Google Scholar

33 For the Tübingen oration in particular (see note 74) he claimed ‘une méthode analytique et toute nouvelle,’ in a letter cited by Bouvier, A., Henri Bullinger (Zurich 1940) 359.Google Scholar

34 Pasquier, , Recherches de la France (Paris 1633) 902. places Dumoulin in the Bartolist school (la chambre ‘de Bartole Italien’), while Bodin placed him in that genus of lawyers who had both academic knowledge and practical experience (including such Bartolists as Tiraqueau as well as such humanists as Connan), though denying him the highest rank, which required a grasp of philosophy: introductory letter for his Methodus, in Oeuvres philosophiques (ed. Mesnard, P., Paris 1951) 108, dubbing Dumoulin ‘collegii nostri decus.’Google Scholar

35 Here again confusion about the meaning of and the relations between tradition and history have complicated the problem of understanding Gallicanism, Lemaire, So A., Les Lois fondamentales de la monarchie française d'après les théoriciens de l'ancien régime (Paris 1907) 76ff. could place Dumoulin in the ‘traditionalist’ school of law while regarding du Tillet as a member of the ‘historical’ school’; on the other hand Willaert, La Restauration catholique 313, 371, considers humanists and Gallicans alike as ‘archaïsants,’ including both Dumoulin and du Tillet; cf. the discussion of Olivier Martin, op. cit. In his commentaries on customary law Dumoulin was perhaps most traditional and at the same time most influential (and so ‘modern’) — see Gamillscheg, F., Der Einfluss Dumoulins auf die Entwicklung des Kollisionsrechts (Berlin 1955); and yet even here, as Giesey has pointed out (op. cit. 26), Dumoulin is careful to note the difference in old and new usage (antiquus and hodie). Dumoulin is quite embarrassing to historians of law, except for those who are content to call him an ‘eclectic.’Google Scholar

36 Brodeau, , Vie de Du Molin 14.Google Scholar

37 Traicté de l'origine … de France (see note 79) 1044: ‘J'y estois present,’ said Dumoulin.Google Scholar

38 Calvin's interpretation of Church history appeared in the 1543 edition of his Institutes (IV); and see Bouvier, , Henri Bullinger 33.Google Scholar

39 Among recent general studies of canon law, Mochi Onory, op. cit., Le, G. Bras, Institutions ecclésiastiques de la chrétienté médiévale. Histoire de l'église 12 (Paris 1959), and the works of Walter Ullmann are perhaps most useful here. Cf. also René Metz, ‘La contribution de la France à l’étude du décret de Gratien,’ Studia Gratiana 2 (Bologna 1954) 502ff.Google Scholar

40 Kuttner, Stephan, Harmony from Dissonance (Latrobe, Penn., 1960) 35.Google Scholar

41 Corpus Juris Canonici 2 (ed. Friedberg, E. Graz 1959), Decr. Greg. IX, L. T. 22. On canonist method see Poole, R. L. Lectures on the History of the Papal Chancery (Cambrdge 1915) 143ff; and on the spread of canonist procedure, Dawson, J. A History of Lay Judges (Cambridge, Mass. 1960) 69ff. It may be noted that Schäfer, E., Luther als Kirchenhistoriker (Gütersloh 1897) 203, recognized ‘das jus canonicum als eine der wesentlichsten Quellen für Luthers historische Kenntnisse.’Google Scholar

42 Salgado, J., ‘La Méthode d'interprétation du droit en usage chez les canonistes,’ Revue de l'Université d'Ottawa 21 (1951) 201–13; 22 (1952) 23–35.Google Scholar

43 Medieval Papalism (London 1949) 9. For a discussion of Gallican method in the 16th century, see Reulos, M., Étude sur l'esprit, les sources et la méthode des Institutes coutumières d'Antoine Loisel (Paris 1935) 15ff.Google Scholar

44 Pantagruel IV ch 48–53.Google Scholar

45 De sacris ecclesiae ministeriis ac beneficiis libri octo, in Opera omnia (Lucca 1768) 185ffGoogle Scholar

46 Responsio Christianorum jurisconsultorum ad Fr. Duareni commentario de ministeriis atque beneficiis (Strasbourg 1556) 7ff.Google Scholar

47 Petri Lizetii adversum pseudoevangelium haeresim libri seu commentarii (Paris 1551) and Beza's pseudonymous Epistola magistri Benedicti Passavanti responsiva ad commissionem sibi datam a venerabile Petro Lyseto (s.1. 1553).Google Scholar

48 In Molinaeum pro pontifice maximo, cardinalibus, totoque ordine sacro, authore Remundo Rufo, in Dumoulin's Opera omnia 4.523ff; Rebuffi, Tractatus de decimis (Paris 1551).Google Scholar

49 Hotman, , De statu primitivae ecclesiae ejusque sacerdotiis ad Remundum Rufum, and Le Roux, Duplicatio in patronum Molinaei, pro pontifice maximo…, both in Dumoulin 4.639ff. Schulte 3.567) considers ‘Rufus’ to be a pseudonym, but his attribution of the works (the first published in 1553) to Grégoire de Toulouse (born ca. 1540) is a bit implausible.Google Scholar

50 Errores aliquot selecti ex Commentariis Caroli Molinaei: Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds latins, MS n.a. 533. See Appendix I.Google Scholar

51 Dictionnaire critique et historique, art. ‘Duaren.’Google Scholar

52 De sacris ministeriis, 197ff., and 277: ‘Avaritia etenim aulae pontificae, post aliquot saecula, hoc novum pecuniae aucupium adinvenit quod numquam veteribus in mentem venerat.’ And regarding another Gallican thesis: ‘Unde in historia ecclesiastica non semel legimus jus convocandi universalis concilii ad ipsum [the pope] pertinere.’Google Scholar

53 Ibid. 209: ‘Nam ipsam ordinationem et inquisitionem, quae cum beneficii collatione conjuncta antiquitus erat, numquam sibi [the prince] attribuit. Populo autem propter tumultus et dissidia veresimile est hoc jus ademptem, ac in principum translatum esse.’ He adds, p. 236: ‘Hinc vero morem, qui in rebus prophani receptus erat, imitati sunt ecclesiastici viri … Beneficia vocaverunt ….’ And, p. 250: ‘Jus conferendum beneficiorum in Gallia regem habere, et unde id jus, quod regalia dicimus, ortum habuerit,’ citing Marsiglio of Padua.Google Scholar

54 Ibid. ‘Praefatio,’ 194.Google Scholar

55 In August Le Douaren sent a letter justifying his work to the Sorbonne (Opera omnia, 384). His so-called ‘Pro Libertate ecclesiae gallicanae’ is merely a Latin version of a famous parlementary remonstrance made in 1461 for the benefit of Louis XI (p. 316ff); the French appears in du Tillet's Recueil III 339ff. Google Scholar

56 Responsio Christianorum jurisconsultorum, 21 and 25: ‘At quales fuerunt tui illi pontifices Alexander III, Innocentius III, Gregorius IX, Bonifacius VIII, Clemens V, et Joannes sive XXII sive XXIII et reliqui ejus gentis, ut eos agnoscere debeamus non solum orthodoxos sed et legitimos in ecclesia legislatores? Quo jure? Quo titulo?’ Cf. Rabelais, Pantagruel, 4. 49.Google Scholar

57 Ibid. 17.112ff.Google Scholar

58 Ibid. 35–36 : ‘Tu narras, quid in ecclesia olim factum sit, et quid nunc fiat, ut utrumque eodem prope loco habere videaris, et eodem jure…. An hoc jurisconsulti boni est, etsi theologus non sit, facti magis quam juris meminisse, Nam etsi non aliquam legem sed historiam scriberet: tamen inter bonum et malum quid intersit, notare deberet.’ For his later views, see my ‘Baudouin's Conception of History,’ Journal of the History of Ideas 25 (1964) 35–57.Google Scholar

59 It was this book, which recalled the old feud between Le Douaren and Éguinaire Baron and which presented Baudouin's grudges against Le Douaren and Hotman, that began to turn the Calvinists against Baudouin. Hotman complained immediately to Calvin and Bullinger ‘adversus libellum quendam hic falso inscriptum christiani juris consulti nomine’ — Thesaurus Epistolici Calviniani 7.81 ff (both March 25, 1556) — and three months later, through Calvin's influence, took Baudouin's place in the law faculty at Strasbourg. In a later controversy Baudouin's treatment of Le Douaren was brought up by Calvin himself in his Responsio ad Balduinum convitia, 50, while Baudouin continued to criticize Le Douaren even after his death in 1559, as in his Responsio altera ad Joan. Calvinum (Cologne 1562) and in his preface to Baron's Opera omnia (Paris 1562). See also Jobbé-Duval's study of Le Douaren in Mélanges P.-F. Girard (Paris 1912). Google Scholar

60 See especially Romier, L., Les Origines politiques des guerres de religion 1 (Paris 1913) 258ff, and Evennett, H. O., The Cardinal of Lorraine and the Council of Trent (Cambridge 1930) 34ff.Google Scholar

61 The edict will be found in du Tillet, Recueil III 375–76, and Ribier, G. (ed.), Lettres et memoires d'estat 2 (Paris 1666) 343–46, including other documents relating to the crisis.Google Scholar

62 Amyot's discourse appears in du Tillet, op. cit, 380ff, and J.-A. de Thou, Histoire universelle 2 (London 1734) 93 ff; 1.408, and 2. 229. See also Pastor, History of the Popes 3 (London 1951) 101–40. Google Scholar

63 Brodeau, , Vie de du Molin 21; see note 19. The edict may be found in Fontanon, A. (ed.) Les Edicts et Ordonnances des Roys de France 2 (Paris 1580), 193–98.Google Scholar

64 Histoire particulière de la court du Roy Henry II, in Archives curieuses de l'histoire de France, ser. 1.III (ed. Cimber and Danjou, Paris 1835) 289 (attributed here to Claude de l'Aubespine); from Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds français, MS 2831, f. 189 (and Collection Dupuy, MS 86, fols. 15–16).Google Scholar

65 For the record of the parlement's proceedings against Dumoulin, see Appendix II. Google Scholar

66 Plattard, J., La Vie de François Rabelais (Paris 1928) 204, 214ff. The parlementary proceedings against Rabelais’ Quart livre have been published in the edition of his works published by Marty-Laveaux (Paris 1873) 420ff.Google Scholar

67 Les Petites dates 380ff.Google Scholar

68 Thesaurus Epistolici Calviniani 5.311.Google Scholar

69 Carbonnier (see note 15) has shown the danger of accepting at face value, as does Brodeau, Dumoulin's remarks about his persecutions. Google Scholar

70 Masson, , Caroli Molinaei vita, 239.Google Scholar

71 Thesaurus Epistolici Calviniani, 5.387–92: ‘Nunc non solum familia, non solum advocationis, quae nunc laborum solatium esse poterat, sed etiam bonis privatus sum.’ Another account of his troubles appears in the letter prefaced to his Tübingen oration (see note 74): ‘… ab adversariis illis qui in necem conspirarant, ad finem Junii anno [1552] patria, domo, familia, liberis, bonis, professione splendida ejectus …Google Scholar

72 Consilia quatuor … (Paris 1552), referring (p. 71) to the ‘Franciae et Germaniae sanctissima et antiquissima amicitia.’Google Scholar

73 Thesaurus Epistolici Calviniani 5.718. Dumoulin was recommended to the Duke of Württemberg by Vergerio: Kausler and Schott, Briefwechsel zwischen Christoph Herzog von Württemberg, und Petrus Paulus Vergerius (Stuttgart 1875) 63.Google Scholar

74 Solemnis oratio … de sacra theologia et legum imperialium dignitate, differentia, convenientia, corruptione et restitutione, in Opera omnia 5.4ff.Google Scholar

75 Thesaurus Epistolici Calviniani 6.195-96, suggesting that he act so that his enemies will know they were dealing ‘cum homine placide et quieto neque tamen timido.’Google Scholar

76 Ibid. 226: ‘Caeterum invidi et papistae ansam non admittandi Balduini arripient quasi Zwinglianus sit, quia a me nominatus’; see also Dareste, R., ‘Deux lettres indédites de Charles Dumoulin à Amerbach,’ Revue de législation et de jurisprudence 3 (1852) 138.Google Scholar

77 Les Petites dates 379.Google Scholar

78 Responsio altera 45. Dumoulin's break with Geneva came about the same time as Baudouin's, probably in 1556 (according to Filhol, Dictionnaire de droit canonique 5.47), although by Dec. 1555 he had already turned against the ‘litterator’ Hotman, who ‘se plumis meis ornavit’ (Dareste, ‘Deux lettres inédites 143). Dumoulin's objections to the Calvinists are spelled out in his ‘Articles … contre les Ministres de la Religion pretendue Reformee’, Opera omnia (1565) 5.621: ‘Premierement, que plusieurs malfaicteurs et seditieux desirans s'enrichir des exactions qu'ils font sur le peuple de France, sous l'ombre de religion, contre les edits et Ordonnances du Roy…. Que … ceux d'entre eux qui se nomment Ministres … usurpent jurisdiction ecclesiastique et seculaire, … donnent defauts, excommunications, suspensions, condamnations d'amandes pecuniaires … Et qui pis est, les dits pretendus Ministres … sont gens etrangeres, ou envoyez et instituez par ceux de Genève … [pour] renverser toute la police du Royaume de France….’ These are essentially the same charges he had brought against the Romanists.Google Scholar

79 La Premiere partie du Traicté de l'origine, progrez, et excellence du royaume et monarchie des françois, et couronne de France, Opera omnia 2.1031 ff. taken from his own Latin.Google Scholar

80 Conseil sur le faict du concile du Trent (Lyon 1564) and Consultation … sur l'utilité ou les inconveniens de la nouvelle secte ou espece d'ordre des Jesuites (s.l.,n.d.).Google Scholar

81 A copy of the arrêt and Dumoulin's release (July 7, 1565) appears in Bibliothèque Nationale, Collection Dupuy, MS 699, fol. 137. Google Scholar

82 Histoire du droit et des institutions de l'église 1 (Paris 1955) 9, referring specifically to the beginnings of the history of the Church and of canon law in the 16th century.Google Scholar

83 Annotationes ad jus canonicum 10 (‘In Decretum,’ D. 55 c. 3). For another aspect of Dumoulin's criticism of canon Law, see Le, M. Goff, Dumoulin et le prêt à intérêt (Bordeaux 1905) 181.Google Scholar

84 Ibid. 104 (‘In Decretales,’ L. II T. 12 c. 3) and p. 20 (‘In Decretum,’ D. 88 Palea 2): ‘In templo Dei … est soli sacrae scripturae libri legendae … a quibus solis pendet vera religio, cui non est admiscenda aqua humanarum traditionum….’Google Scholar

85 Letter to Bullinger, cited by Bouvier, op. cit. 359; Annotationes 179 (‘In Decretales,’ L. V. T. 1 c. 24): ‘… in multis habet [jus canonicum] dependentiam a jure civile….’ Google Scholar

86 ‘ De sacra theologia’ 44.Google Scholar

87 Baudouin, , Responsio Christianorum jurisconsultorum 23–24, and Dumoulin, Les Petites dates 464.Google Scholar

88 Annotationes 39 (‘In Decretum,’ C. 13 Q. 2 c. 7) and p. 53 (C. 22 Q. 4 c. 50), ‘imo stilus est Gregorii Magni.’Google Scholar

89 Les Petites dates 373.Google Scholar

90 Canonist confusion of ‘palea’ with the Greek ‘palaia’ was criticized by Dumoulin, Commentarii in parisiensis consuetudines, Opera omnia 1.16: ‘… paleas illas … non per Gratianum sed postea per quendam ejus discipulum … quod impostor ille vocabatur Pocapalea’; and by Baudouin, Responsio Christianorum jurisconsultorum 23: ‘… enimque cum nihil discernat, omnia misceat, ac ne quidem intersit inter palaeas et [palaia] sciat, quam nobis rerum ecclesiasticarum cognitionem tales centones debunt?’ Google Scholar

91 Les Petites dates 390; Annotationes 185 (‘In Decretales,’ L.V.T. 20 c. 1): ‘De crimine falsi. Imo secundum legem Dei debet mori, quae in hoc renovata est in Francia.’Google Scholar

92 Annotationes 19 (‘In Decretum,’ D. 80 c. 1).Google Scholar

93 Ibid. 8 (D. 40 c. 6).Google Scholar

94 Les Petites dates 448 ff; Annotationes 22 (‘In Decretum,’ D. 96 Palea 13); cf Calvin's Institutes IV.ix.12.Google Scholar

95 Livre … des contrats 336: ‘Et nous François a bon droit les [Grecs] devons louer; car d'iceux (et non des Romains) nos ancestres, apres les avoir logez et recues a Marseille, ont premierement receu l'erudition des bonnes lettres et sciences … et par leur predication et ministere, avoir receu la sainte et salutaire foy chrestienne et vraye philosophie celeste, et non des Romains, qui s'efforcoient de tout leur pouvoir et authorité l'extirper, ce qui a esté cause … de la division et destruction de leur empire….’Google Scholar

96 Les Petites dates 451; Annotationes 47 (‘In Decretum,’ C. 16 Q. 7 c. 9) and p. 51 (C. 22 Q. 5 c. 17), pointing out that the forma fidelitatis was also an imitation of secular institutions, that is, from the Libri feudorum. Google Scholar

97 Les Petites dates 485.Google Scholar

98 Ibid. 428.Google Scholar

99 Pantagruel IV, ch. 50.Google Scholar

100 Les Petites dates 494; Annotationes 295 (‘Ad Extravagantes communes,’ L.VT. 9).Google Scholar

101 Les Petites dates 473.Google Scholar

102 Pantagruel IV, ch. 53.Google Scholar

103 Les Petites dates 511 ff, passim; Annotationes 235 (‘Ad Sextum decretaium,’ T. 13 c. 2): ‘De decimis … quod non potest concedi in Regno Franciae … et posset ab executione tanquam ab abusu ad Parlamentum Regum, quia Rex tenetur libertatem ecclesiae suae …’ and p. 227 (T. 4 c. 2), denying that the ‘vacatio beneficiorum in curia’ was ‘antiquo consuetudo…. Imo satis recens usurpatio patet, quia post obitum Clementis III authoris hujus cap. non erat pro jure recepta…’Google Scholar

104 Les Petites dates 400, describing the gradual development of this abuse ‘depuis cent ans par cinq degrez,’ from specific concessions to general and indiscriminate distribution.Google Scholar

105 ‘ De sacra theologia’ 37.Google Scholar

106 Les Petites dates 394.Google Scholar

107 Ibid. 464; cf Annotationes 68 (‘In Decretales,’ ‘in titulo’).Google Scholar

108 ‘ De sacra theologia’ 38; Les Petites dates 440: ‘Ceste rebellion obstinee contre l'Evangile et la retention des idoles a esté la vraye cause de la destruction de l'Empire Romain et de l'abolition de l'estat public de Rome …’; and Livre … des contrats 337: ‘Mais depuis qu'eut creu l'ambition des Romains, a usurper les autres nations, avec amplification d'empire et richesses, ils furent bien tost accompagnez de convoitise et avarice, et commencerent a exercer grandes usures les uns envers les autres …, dont il advint entre eux de grands troubles et seditions et mutations des loix …’ Cf Bullinger, De origine erroris (Zurich 1548) 63 ff, ‘De origine idolatriae apud Christianos;’ and Calvin, Institutes IV.vii.18; also Headley, Luther's View of Church History 150.Google Scholar

109 ‘ De sacra theologia’ 38 ff; cf. Flacius, Catalogus testium veritatis (Basel 1556), ‘Praefatio’: ‘… vera ecclesia ac religio sunt perpetua, falsae vero ecclesiae et religione subinde varie mutantur et transformantur.’Google Scholar

110 Annotationes 29 (‘In Decretum,’ C. 1 Q. 1 c. 89); p. 59 (C. 27 Q. 2 c. 16), that marriage ‘licebat etiam post tempora Apostolorum, etiam episcopis, ut patet per epistolas sancti Ignatii, et … omnes historicos’ and p. 259 (’Ad Clementinas,’ L. I T. 3 c. 2): ‘Concilium est supra papam, secundum theologos et historiam….’Google Scholar

111 Ibid. 277 (L. III T. 10).Google Scholar

112 Les Petites dates 455.Google Scholar

113 The phrase appears several times in the Annotationes in the sense of historical truth (e.g., p. 37, 76, 98 — and see note 7); it might also, more technically, mean authenticity as p. 114 (‘In Decretales,’ T. 22 [‘De Fide instrumentum’] c. 6): ‘In actes monachorum ad confingendum sibi titulos vetustos, quibus numquam fere carent; ego saepe tales imposturas et falsitates ex fide historiae detexi.’ Google Scholar

114 Origine … de France 1042.Google Scholar

115 Introduction to Stylus parlamenti 408: ‘… enim praecipue quaerenda est ipsa antiquitatis majestatis, senatusque in constitutionibus, decretis et statutis suis condendis antiqua, olimque longe praecellentior authoritas, quarum rerum historia in antiquo suo qualicumque prototypo suo primum scripta est, certius et fidelius elucet, quam in quovis translato sermone.’ Google Scholar

116 Annotationes 22 (‘In Decretum,’ D. 97); cf. p. 12 (D. 59 c. 1): ‘… in primitiva ecclesia omnes episcopi erant summi sacerdotes, vel pontifices …;’ and Les Petites dates 428: ‘Or en la primitive eglise n'estoit aucunement question de ceste substraction [d'obedience] … car le papat n'estoit encore né.’ Cf. Calvin, Institutes IV.v.10.Google Scholar

117 ‘ De sacra theologia’ 38.Google Scholar

118 Errores Caroli Molinaei fol. 22r (see Appendix I). By ‘Romanist’ I mean, in general, the political or religious position that takes Roman universalism (imperial as well as ecclesiastical) as the key to interpreting history, as distinguished from nationalist interpretations, such as the Gallican or Lutheran; ‘Romanism’ may refer to civil as well as to canon law.Google Scholar

119 Ibid. fol. 13v; also (Appendix I) fols. 7v, 11r, 18v.Google Scholar

120 Pro Pontifice maximo 617; the same phrase is used also by Dumoulin's anonymous critic (fol. 2v).Google Scholar

121 Ibid. 550 and 566: ‘Crede doctis admodum theologis qui in illorum sanctissimorum virorum libris (ut tu in scriptis jurisconsultorum et historicorum) nullo intermisso tempore versantur … ut ex eis intellegas, quid non de nomine inani et inutili, sed de pontificatu nostro testarum semper fuerit.’Google Scholar

122 Ibid. 557. In another context Church (Constitutional Thought 12) remarked that Dumoulin ‘would have substituted a theory of state based essentially upon the primary concepts of king and subjects.’Google Scholar

123 Ibid. 591: ‘Decimae vero sunt divini juris non humani aut temporales …’ cf. Rebuffi, Tractatus de decimis, fol. 2r.Google Scholar

124 Ibid. 546.Google Scholar

125 Ibid. 547, 565, 603; Duplicatio 667.Google Scholar

126 543: ‘Collegium sacerdotale dicitur a Cypriano, unde sacerdotes collegae, et collegium pontificum Romae ante Christianismum erat, quod Pomponius de origine juris scribit ….’; and p. 534 ff, on the primates; cf Hotman, De state primitiuae ecclesiae 647, and Le Roux’ response in Duplicatio 688. Google Scholar

127 Pro pontifice maximo 566.Google Scholar

128 Ibid. 530: ‘Atque accidente tot seculis possessione, justo illo titulo bona fide quaesita praescriptio profuisset. Quamquam in possessione vel quasi possessione, quae memoriam hominum superat, ut valeat praescriptio: neque titulum, neque bonam fidem est probare necesse….’ The same argument was pressented on behalf of the king by Le Douaren, De sacris ministeriis 250: ‘Ne dubitandum est, quin hoc jus regi [the regale] competat, saltem ob temporis vetustatem, quae hominum memoriam excedit.’ As Fraenkel points out, Testimonia Patrum 174 (n. 6), ‘Note that the praescriptio longi temporis and the idea of consuetudo are contrary to the appeal to antiquity’; and so it was rejected by Melanchthon (p. 280), as it had been by Valla and normally would be by Dumoulin, regarding the church at any rate.Google Scholar

129 Pro pontifice maximo 625-26: ‘… an facta sit, in controversiam venit, nihil me hercule, qui nobis facta firmissime probetur: nec tamen fabulam ut Molinaeus appellabimus: nec enim quodcunque verum non est continuo fabula est. Fabula enim, ut definit Cicero, neque res veras, neque verisimiles continet…. Sed an donatum sit nihil interest disserere, cum satis constet ante Pipinum ea ditione urbis Romanae pontifices … quo pertinent omnia quae Alciatus et alii, quos protulit nobis Molinaeus, adferunt ex vetustoribus authoribus…. Quapropter supervacaneum semper erit disserere de donatione Constantini …, nam satis antea expositum est, cum occupata esset exarchiam Ravennae…, Pipinum non solum res ecclesiae…. sed etiam donasse exarchiam ann. 755, ex annalibus nostris. Itaque quadrigentis annis, non amissum imperium, jureconsulti non esset defendere si centum annorum praescriptio deleat omne jus ecclesiae Romanae….’Google Scholar

130 Ibid. 582: ‘Cur tu tam studiosus antiquitatis, non quaeris vetustissimos illius aetatis testes, quibus nobis majus probatum sit, quam illo ipso qui paucos ab hinc annos scripsit?’ — referring to Machiavelli and to Marsiglio of Padua. On the donation of Constantine, see the favorable arguments of Andrea Alciato, Parergon juris VII 19, Opera omnia 4 (Frankfurt 1617) 403–4, and in general, Domenico Maffei, La Donazione di Costantino negli giuristi medievali (Milan 1964) 338ff.Google Scholar

131 Ibid. ‘Quod est igitur ista cura et sollicitudo?’— answering ‘potestas et jurisdictio,’ and adding, ‘et verbo notionis jurisdictio continetur, ut Ulpiano de verborum significatione … placet;’ and p. 557: ‘Itaque principatum necessarium plane intellegebant illi sanctissimi patres, nomina vero minime….’Google Scholar

132 Ibid. 553: ‘Nec assentimus his qui publicam eam interpretationem recentioribus postponendam, nam si quoties nova affertur, toties mutanda vetus esset …’ p. 569: ‘Nomina enim et verba, ut definiunt omnes philosophi, … sunt voces quaedam arbitratu nostro institutae, res non fiunt certe vel mutantur nominibus….’ A similar position is taken by Le Douaren, De sacris ministeriis 195.Google Scholar

133 Ibid. 534: ‘Grammaticorum enim de ratione loquendi ars est, jureconsultorum de rebus magis et jure personarum, rerum atque actionum’; cf Duplicatio 668: ‘De nominibus et vocabulis [of ‘patriarch’] non est ista controversia, in quorum aucupio tu semper es in aliis etiam libris tuis, sed de potestate: illud grammaticorum est…;’ and 687: ‘Ea enim philosophis, grammaticis, dialecticis, sophistis, vel fuco et fallaciis rhetorum non eget: sed sola per se veritate quae historicorum, jurisconsultorum, integerrimorum et clarissimorum virorum, et conciliorum monumentis et testimoniis continetur.’Google Scholar

134 Ibid. 546: ‘Atque priscis authoribus hanc faciunt injuriam, quia suo dicendi genere, quod elegantius et splendidius est, eorum delere contendunt, qui ut nec aetas ferebat, non satis culta, usi sunt oratione, per hos tamen proficiunt, ab iisque capiunt argumentum, quod flore orationis suae amplius dilatant, quam oporteat omnes fidem quaerimus in historia non elegantiam quamquam utraque res sit expetenda. Verum eo praestantiores sunt illi veteres quam isti, quod per se ipsa eorum orationes ipsorum memoria gestas continens, fidem habet sine ornatu, quem nec calamitate temporis adhibere potuerunt, istorum autem scripta ornatum quidem fidem vero nullam, quem tamen testimonio adhibito potuerunt non solum facile adjungere, sed etiam sine injuria eorum a quibus acceperunt, non potuerunt praetermittere….’Google Scholar

135 Fraenkel, , Testimonia Patrum 110ff; cf. Polman, L'Élément historique 154ff.Google Scholar

136 ‘ Oratio … de sacra theologia’ 38.Google Scholar

137 Introductory letter to Henry II. Google Scholar

138 Origine … de France 1045–46. Commentarii in consuetudines parisiensis 7–8 (I.27–28): ‘Leo cum universo populo Romano imperium Romanum in personam Caroli victoriosissimi Francorum Regis anno 33 regni sui transtulit…. Imperium enim occidentis, longe amplius et latius possedit, quam umquam aliquis ex praecedentibus, vel postea secutis imperatoribus, non solum enim Germaniae et Italiae imperavit: sed etiam extremos Saxones … et Hispanos subditos sibi habuit, ut omnes testantur historiae….’Google Scholar

139 In Regulas cancellariae 43 (R. XVIII.198): ‘Carolo Magno Francorum regi datum est jus et potestas ordinandi apostolicam sedem et summum pontificem Romanum et insuper episcopos et archiepiscopos regni sui.’ In the letter to Henry II Dumoulin remarks that ‘ce tressage et heroïque prince savoit bien que la vraie religion … depend totalement de la parole et ordonnance de Dieu, et non d'aucune autre cause seconde.’Google Scholar

140 Les Petites dates 479, 498.Google Scholar

141 Annotationes 176 (‘In Decretales,’ IV, T. 17, c. 8, ‘Cum Rex superiorem in temporalibus minime recognoscat,’ with the gloss ‘De facto, de jure tamen subest Romano imperio’): ‘Male citantur jura positiva, quae nihil probant; Deus autem propter injustitias transfert regna de gente in gentem, Eccles 10. Franci vero numquam subditi fuerunt imperio Romano …’ And Commentarii in consuetudines parisiensis 8 (I.29): ‘… non enim unquam [Justinianus] imperavit Francis, qui numquam subditi fuerunt imperio …’ Cf. Pragmatica sanctio glosata per Cosmam Guymier (Lyons 1548), fol. 1: ‘… Franci nulli umquam fuerunt subjecti in temporalibus imperatori, ut probatur ex antiquis historicis …;’ and Grassaille, Regalium Franciae 80–81, citing the Somnium Viridarii and remarking, ‘plures sunt patriae et nationes non subditae imperio.’ On the earlier history of this formula, see Mochi Onory, Fonti canonistiche 155ff, 231ff; and Post, G., ‘Two Notes on Nationalism in the Middle Ages,’ Traditio 9 (1953) 296ff, also in Studies in Medieval Legal Thought (Princeton 1964) 434ff.Google Scholar

142 One illustration of Dumoulin's ‘Germanism’ appears in his Annotationes 157 (‘In Decretales,’ L. III T. 30, c. 31): ‘Albert[us] Crantzius Hamburgensis in ecclesiastica historia, lib. 1, cap. 2, testatur decimas primum impositas non a pontifice, sed a regibus…. Saxones enim tributorum nomen horrebant….’ In general see Tiedemann, H., Tacitus und das Nationalbewusstsein der deutschen Humanisten (Berlin 1913); for France there are no comparable studies of this sort.Google Scholar

143 Commentarii in consuetudines parisiensis 3ff (see note 30).Google Scholar

144 Les Petites dates 417-18: ‘Car jaçoit que considerant par soy chacune espece de police, l'aristocratie soit plus a estime que la democratique, et la royale que l'aristocratique (mesmement quand le regne est deferé non par election mais par succession de sang perpetuelle et sans interruption) si est-ce que la republique composee desdites trois especes de police et gouvernement, est a preferer a chacune particuliere desdites especes, soit en utilité, soit en excellence ou perpetuité.’Google Scholar

145 Origine … de France 1034.Google Scholar

146 Introduction to Les Petites dates. Google Scholar

147 Origine … de France 1038.Google Scholar

148 Ibid. 1041; Les Petites dates 376.Google Scholar

149 Annotationes 122 (‘In Decretales,’ L. II T. 28 c. 7): ‘… apud Gallos, per concilia Basileenses, et concordata, soli immediato competit jurisdictio, et appelatur tenquam ab abusu, si mediatus, etiam papa sese interponeret’ (see note 99).Google Scholar

150 Les Petites dates 447.Google Scholar

151 Ibid. 465.Google Scholar

152 Ibid. 374, 451; Origine … de France 1040; Annotationes 104 (‘In Decretales,’ L. II T. 12 c. 3); cf. Calvin, Institutes IV.iii.15, and iv.11.Google Scholar

153 Letters to Olivier (1546) and to Henry II (1547), Opera omnia II.v and viii; cf. letter to Montmorency (1560), II.807: ‘Fateor me zelatorem esse Francici nominis [regarding the term ‘connestable’] et antiquae Francorum nobilitas, dignitatis et virtutis: attamen hac in judicio me magis quam affectu duci scio.’ Google Scholar

154 Les Petites dates 421 and p. 514: ‘Que le Roy a deux personnes, et que l'on se doit plus arrester a la personne intellectuelle, qui est la majesté et dignité comprenant la republique: qu'a la personne privee du prince, qui n'est que l'organe et instrument de ladite personne intellectuelle.’ So Dumoulin may be added to the few French jurists before Bodin who used this metaphor, according to Giesey, R. The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva 1960) 78, mentioning only Grassaille; on the ‘royal mysticism’ in general see Kantorowicz, E., The King's Two Bodies (Princeton 1957).Google Scholar

155 English Scholars 1660–1730 (London 1951) 19–20.Google Scholar

156 The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance 1 (Princeton 1955) 4ff.Google Scholar

157 Ullmann, W., Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages (London 1961) 30.Google Scholar

158 An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine (New York 1960) 35.Google Scholar

159 In his Propaganda e pensiero politico in Francia durante le guerre di religione I (Naples 1959), V. de Caprariis has performed the valuable service of describing ‘La storia della antichità nazionali’ (p. 257 ff), beginning with Pasquier and Du Haillan, in terms of the development of political controversy, including especially the works of Dumoulin. This is especially appropriate in view of the fact that the great antiquarians of the later 16th century were following a polemical — and a Gallican — impulse. Google Scholar