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The Bible in Sixteenth-Century Humanist Education

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 January 2019

Lowell C. Green
Lowell C. Green*
Affiliation:
Appalachian State University
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Extract

One of the crucial problems in early modern history continues to be the relationship between the movements commonly called the Renaissance and the Reformation, and the part played by the Northern Humanists in both. Detrimental to its solution has been the comparative neglect of the strategic role of Philipp Melanchthon, as well as the school of humanist educators that graduated from the halls of this Praeceptor Germaniae. In him as in none other, not even Erasmus, we have the full convergence of Northern Humanism with the Protestant Reformation. On the other hand, some scholars have mistakenly assumed that the emphasis on the Bible among the German reformers led to its domination of their schools.

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Research Article
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Studies in the Renaissance , Volume 19 , 1972 , pp. 112 - 134
Copyright
Copyright © Renaissance Society of America 1972

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References

1 This essay is a reworking of a paper read at the Conference on Sixteenth Century Studies at St. Louis on 30 October 1970, under the title, ‘Sixteenth-Century Education and the Bible’. I want to thank the librarians at Wartburg Seminary, Concordia Seminary, and Appalachian State University for their help in making materials available. Thanks are also due Roland H. Bainton, professor emeritus of Yale University, who read the typescript and offered valuable suggestions. The following common abbreviations are used:

WA = Luthers Werke, kritische Cesamtausgabe, Weimar, 1883ff.

CR = Philippi Melanthonis Opera quae supersunt omnia in the Corpus Reformatorum. Halle, 1834ff.

Suppl Mel = Supplementa Melanchthoniana. Werke Philipp Melanchthons die im Corpus Reformatorum vermisst werden. Leipzig, 1910ff.

SA = Melanchthons Werke in Auswahl [Studienausgabe], ed. Robert Stupperich. Giitersloh, I951rf.

RE = Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed. Leipzig, 1896ff.

Cohrs = Ferdinand Cohrs, Die Euangelische Katechismusversuche vor Luthers Enchiridion, 4 vols, (in series Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, Vols. 20, 21, 22, 23, 39).

Reu, Quellen = J. Michael Reu, Quellen zur Geschichte des kirchlichen Unterrichts in der evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands zwischen 1530 und 1600,11 vols. Giitersloh, I904ff. Because of the confused numbering of the set, I shall cite the volumes as follows: Vol. 1 = J. Teil, 1 Band; Vol. 2 = 1. Teil, II. Band, 1. Abteilung; Vol. 3 = J. Teil, II. Band, 2. Abt.; Vol. 4 = 1. Teil, III. Band, I. Abt., 1. Hälfte; Vol. 5 = I. Teil, III. Teil [sic!], 1. Abt., 2. Hälfte, 1. Lieferung; Vol. 6 = 1. Teil, III. Teil, 1. Abt., 2. Hälfte, 2. Lief; Vol. 7 = 7. Teil, III. Band [sid], 1. Abt., 2. Hälfte, 3. Lief; Vol. 8 = I. Teil, III. Band, 2. Abt, 1. Teil [note that Reu renumbered this as given here]; Vol. 9 = 1. Teil, III. Band, 2. Abt., 2. Teil [renumbered by Reu as given here]; Vol. 10 = I. Teil, III. Band, 2. Abt., 3. Teil; Vol. 11 = II. Teil. For a fuller explanation of the problems of this valuable collection of sources, see my article, 'Introduction and Index to the Quellen of J. M. Reu’, Bulletin of the Library, Foundation for Reformation Research, St. Louis, Vol. 6 (1971), No. 2, pp. 9-11, as continued also in Nos. 3-4.

Vormbaum = Reinhold Vormbaum, Euangelische Schulordnungen des 16. Jahrhunderts. Gütersloh, 1860.

2 Srbik overlooks this convergence of Humanism with the Reformation in the person and work of Melanchthon, since he bases his case entirely upon Luther, when he writes: 'Die Reformation hat dem deutschen Humanismus das Grab geschaufelt’. We shall attempt to prove the very opposite. See von Srbik, Heinrich Ritter, Ceist und Geschichte vom Deutschen Humanismus bis zur Gegenwart, I (Salzburg: Otto Müller Verlag, 1950), 66–68 Google Scholar.

3 For an extended history of the Bible in English, see The Cambridge History of the Bible, ed. S. L. Greenslade, and especially the section by Roland H. Bainton, “The Bible in the Reformation’, II (1963), 1-37. See also the various articles on the Bible by Eberhard Nestle and other scholars in RE, n, 686-773, and RE, III, 1-185. Cf. Reu, J. Michael, Luther's German Bible. An Historical Presentation Together with a Collection of Sources (Columbus, Ohio: Lutheran Book Concern, 1934), 2 Google Scholar vols, in one, 364+226 pp.

4 Seneca's letter to Lucilius, Epistle LXXXVIII, is found in various editions, as well as in the Loeb Classical Library, Seneca Ad Lucilium Epistulae morales, n, tr. Richard W. Gummere (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), 349.

5 Pietro Paolo Vergerio's De ingenuis Moribus, c. 1404; in its larger context as follows: 'We call those studies liberal which are worthy of a free man; those studies by which we attain and practise virtue and wisdom; that education which calls forth, trains and develops those highest gifts of body and mind which ennoble men, and which are rightly judged to rank next in dignity to virtue only. For to a vulgar temper gain and pleasure are the one aim of existence, to a lofty nature, moral worth and fame’. Reprinted in William Woodward, H., Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators, 1897 (New York: Columbia Teachers College Google Scholar, 1963 reprint), p. 102. Cf. similar remarks of Battista Guarino, De Ordine Docendi et Studendi, 1459, ibid., p. 177.

6 On the other hand, some go too far in the other direction, charging Luther with ruining education in closing the monasteries: see Jaroslav Pelikan, ‘After the Monks— What? Luther's Reformation and Institutions of Missions, Welfare, and Education’, The Springfielder, XXXI (Autumn 1967), 3-21. A similar view is in Carl Volz, ‘The Reforming Role of Religious Communities in the History of Western Christianity’, Concordia Theological Monthly, XXXIX (Nov. 1968), 670-685. Pelikan and Volz, like Johannes Janssen and Friedrich Paulsen, are much more optimistic of German education before Luther's appearance than are Joseph Lortz and John P. Dolan. Likewise J. Michael Reu, that indefatigable researcher of the Catechism literature of the 16th century, writes: ‘An honest scholar can scarcely uphold any longer the proposition that, in the Middle Ages, the monastery and the school were inseparable concepts’. That proposition, which Pelikan defends, is overthrown by the studies of Johann Müller, according to Reu; Müller has shown that the interior schools (for inmates of the monastery) and the exterior schools (for outside children) were not nearly so prevalent as many assume. In later Albertine Saxony, the existence of cloister schools c. 1400 can be documented for only six places: at MeiBen, Bautzen, Wurzen, Geringswalde, Leipzig, and Zwickau. Although rather complete reports exist for some of the following monasteries, there is no evidence of their having had any schools at all c. 1400: the Benedictine monasteries at Chemitz and Pegau, the Franciscan cloisters at Zwickau, Freiberg, Dresden, MeiBen, Löbau, or Kamenz, the Dominican establishments at Leipzig, Freiberg, and Plauen, the Cistercians at Altzella, Ilgenthal, or Grünhain, nor the Augustinians at Zschillen, Crimmitschau, or Grimma, nor for the Coelestines at Oybin. The same situation prevailed at the nunneries of Marienthal, Marienstern, GroBenhain, Riesa, Nimbschen, Leipzig, and Remse; only the Benedictine sisters of Holy Cross at MeiBen, and of St. Mary Magdalene at Freiberg, have left evidence of having held any sort of schools. Reu, ‘Der kirchliche Unterricht am Vorabend der Reformation’, Kirchliche Zeitschrift [Chicago] XXXIV (1910), 403-414, 450-458, 507-524. The above citation is from pp. 509-510.

7 Surprisingly little is known about the rise of literacy in modern Europe. For one of the few studies that has been undertaken, see Carlo Cipolla, M., Literacy and Development in the West (Baltimore: Penguin, 1969), pp. 51–54 Google Scholar, et passim. Pelikan does not seem to feel that it was advantageous for the schools to escape churchly domination, and, under the sponsorship of the State, to evolve toward the public school system, if I understand him correctly. He writes: ‘… Even the educational structures came into the hands of das landesherrliche Kirchenregiment, which proved to be even less responsive to the Gospel than the religious orders had been’. Op. cit., p. 18. One wonders if Pelikan regards the teaching of the Gospel as the function of public education. On the other hand, Moog sees this emancipation of the schools from the Church as a necessary step, which ushered in modern education. Moog, Willy, Ceschichte der Pädagogik. Vol. n, Die Pädagogik der Neuzeit von der Renaissance bis zum Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts, revised by Franz-Josef Holtkemper (Ratingen bei Dusseldorf: A. Henn Verlag, and Hannover: A. W. Zickfeldt, Verlag KG, 1967), p. 146 Google Scholar.

8 Authority for this figure is Reu, who writes: ‘Wie notig derselbe trotzdem noch war, mag man aber aus der Tatsache erkennen, dafi ich allein fur die Zeit von 1523-1600 fast 300 Stadte und Stadtchen innerhalb des deutschen Sprachgebiets nachweisen kann, in denen entweder neue Lateinschulen gegründet oder vorhandene völlig neu eingerichtet wordensind… !’.Loc. cit., p. 511. Cf. the excellent study on the same period in Britain by Lawrence Stone, ‘The Educational Revolution in England, 1560-1640’, Past and Present, No. 28 (1964), pp. 41-80. Contrary to his opinion that early 17th-century England had the ‘most Uterate society the world had ever known’ (p. 68), I suspect that this distinction could be claimed for parts of Germany at that time.

9 In citing the literature on Melanchthon, I shall refer to the exhaustive bibliography by Wilhelm Hammer, Die Melanchthonforschung im Wandel der Jahrhunderte. Ein beschreibendes Verzeichnis, 2 vols. (Gütersloh: Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1967-1968); the numbers refer to his listings, which often supply detailed tables of contents and other helpful information. The classical study on Melanchthon as educator remains that of Karl Hartfelder, Philipp Melanchthon als Praeceptor Germaniae, 1889 (Nieuwkoop: B. De Graaf, 1964 reprint), originally issued as Vol. VII of the Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica [Hammer 2367]. This work remains indispensable for the serious study of Melanchthon as a humanist and educator.

10 For Melanchthon's work in organizing and re-organizing the educational institutions, see also my article, ‘Melanchthon, Philipp’, in The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, ed. by Julius Bodensieck for the Lutheran World Federation (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1965), II, 1517-1527 [Hammer 4114]. See also my essay, ‘The Reformation and Education in the Sixteenth Century’, Faculty Publications 1960-70 ('Bulletin of Appalachian State University’, LXVII, No. 4 [May 1970]), 34-49. Melanchthon is almost overlooked in the English-speaking countries, but see also the older treatment by Woodward, William H., Studies in Education during the Age of the Renaissance, 1400-1600, 1906 (New York: Teachers College Press, 1967 reprint), pp. 211–243 Google Scholar [Hammer 3012].

11 An important monograph appeared in Germany in 1936 by Friedrich Hübner, in which he refuted charges that Melanchthon corrupted theology by teaching a natural revelation, but found Melanchthon blameworthy for confusing the roles of State and Church—theologically, a confounding of Law and Gospel. Once Melanchthon had allowed that the princes were responsible for promoting the Gospel, it was only a few steps to their taking over control of the Church. Thus Melanchthon becomes responsible for the serious problems of a State-dominated Church in later Germany. Hübner, Friedrich, Natürliche Theologie und theokratische Schwärmerei bei Melanchthon (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1936)Google Scholar, especially p. 141 [Hammer 3437a].

12 There is no excuse for British and American scholars to continue repeating certain misconceptions about Luther's views on Church and State while overlooking Holl's study. See Holl, Karl, ‘Luther und das landesherrliche Kirchenregiment’, Gesammehe Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte, 7th ed. (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1948), 1 Google Scholar, 326-380. The flaw in Holl's work comes from his lack of familiarity with Melanchthon. An important corrective is given by Elert, Werner, ‘Societas bei Melanchthon’, first published in the Festschrift für Ludwig Ihmels, 1928, and posthumously reprinted in, Ein Lehrer der Kirche. Kirchlich-theologische Aufsätze und Vorträge von Werner Elert, ed. Max Keller-Hüschemenger (Berlin: Lutherisches Verlagshaus, 1967), pp. 32–42 Google Scholar. Holl had assailed Sohm, Rieker, Troeltsch, and Meinecke for claiming that Luther identified civil and religious authority under the concept of corpus christianum and societas Christiana; Elert agrees with Holl that they were wrong, but points out that these concepts actually stemmed from Melanchthon, page 33.

13 Luther crisply reminded the Saxon Elector of the difference between secular and spiritual authority on the occasion of the first Saxon Visitation:'… Teaching and spiri tual ruling have not been committed to Your Electoral Grace’. [WA 26, 200.] Martin Bucer originally followed Luther in this, but later developed marked theocratic tendencies. In Martin Bucers Deutsche Schriften, II [1524-1528] (Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1962), one finds the call for a Strassburg school system under the republic rather than the Church (pp. 387-389). There is no trace of theocratic argumentation in his ‘Suplication der predicantenjrer angezognen puncten halb’ of 31 August 1524 where the City Council is asked to supervise the schools'… zu vffgang gemeyner burgerschafft, vnd zur Ehre gottes … ‘ , similar to Luther's appeal to the aldermen, Bucer, loc. at., p. 397. Likewise, in his ‘Erleutherong uber jngeleite Supplication’ of 8 February 1525, schools serve this purpose: ‘… dann das volck würt zu Burgerlicher beywonung vB erfarong vnd ubung des buchstabens dester geschlachter, freuntlicher vnd geneigter, so sonst vB vnwissenheit, der groben Natur nach, wiitet mit vnwurB färhet vnd kein achtong des rechtens vnd der billichkeyt geben mag’. Ibid., p. 400. In Bucer's later work, in striking contrast, the State becomes the custodian of religion. For example, the rule of Christ and of the State are virtually identified in his De regno Christi (1550): ‘Deinde commune habet regnorum mundi et Christi administratio, ut et reges mundi eo omnia instituere et referre debeant, quo ciues suos efficiant pios et iustos, qui Deum suum rite agnoscant et colant, sintque proximis suis in cunctis actionibus suis uere salutares’. Martini Bvceri opera Latina, xv, ed. Wendel, Francois (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1955), 7. For an English translation, see Library of Christian Classics, XIX, ed. Wilhelm Pauck (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969), 180 Google Scholar. The selection is from Bk. I, Chap. n. In Bk. II, Chap, IX, Bucer called on the king to compel parents by law to educate their children ‘… ad Christi fidem et obedientiam …’ (Wendel, p. 114; Pauck, p. 280), having established in Chap, vi of the same book that their proper task was assigned in the Word of God (p. 109 / p. 276). While the much earlier recommendation for the city of Ulm (1531) might mark a transition in Bucer's thought, I cannot agree with the editor, Ernst-Wilhelm Kohls, when he finds Bucer's theocratic thought coming from Luther: ‘DaB fur Bucer die Verkiindigung des Evangeliums das eigentliche Anliegen nicht nur der Predigt in der Kirche, sondern auch des Unterrichts in den Schulen darstellt, … zeigt, wie nahe Bucer in dieser Frage den Anschauungen Luthers kommt’. Deutsche Schriften, op. cit., n, 416. Luther reserved the proclamation of the Gospel entirely for the Church.

14 The 18th-century French Attorney-General of the King, De Caradeuc de la Chalotais, wrote:'… The good of society demands that the knowledge of the people should not exceed what is necessary in their occupation. Every man who sees further than his dull daily round will never follow it out bravely and patiently. Among the common people it is really only necessary for those to leam reading and writing who live by means of these accomplishments, or who need them in their daily tasks’. Cipolla, he. cit. (see n. 7), p. 65. See the similar remark defeating the establishment of elementary schools in England in 1807, ibid. On the other hand, Scotland achieved literacy early. A. R. Mac- Ewen, History of the Church in Scotland, II, l60f.

15 Schulordnung, Wie es mit der Lehre vnd Disciplin in den Partikular Schulen des Fürstenthums Würtemberg gehalten werden solle. Tüb. 1559, Vormbaum, 1, 71; here, the German schools were extensions of the medieval Meβnereien. Ideally, however, the sexton would be replaced by a Schulmeister in the villages, as conditions permitted, p. 159 et passim. Meβner, derived from missa, denoted an assistant at the Mass (cf. acolyte), who also rang the bells and cared for the property. The English equivalent, sexton, is derived from sacristanus, or keeper of the sacristy. Among German Protestants since the 16th century, one speaks of the Küster, derived from custos ecclesiae, custodian. Cf. the English verger, carrier of the verge in procession. The historical development of the office of Kiister is traced by H. Merz and Albert Hauck, RE, XI, 170-172. For its place in i6di-century education see also Mertz, Georg, Das Schulwesen der deutschen Reformation im 16. Jahrhundert (Heidelberg: Winter, 1902), pp. 169–183 Google Scholar. A similar function was filled in Norway by the klokker, whose office is seen as the germ of the Norwegian public schools system by Gjerset, Knut, History of the Norwegian People, n (New York: Macmillan, 1915), 139 Google Scholar. An early attempt at compulsory education is seen in the ‘Burgerordnung’ of Goslar (c- 1533). Reu, Quellen, 6, 982. More explicitly in the ‘Gerichts- und Polizeiordnung’ for Emden, 1545:'Waer oock de armen mit kinderen beladen vnd vyf ofte ses jaer olt sinnen, to der schole gesettet werden… vnd so de Olderen daer tegen streveden, scholen de van der Overicheit daer to gedwungen werden, vnd dat Schole-Geld, so derm de Olderen so vermogen nich sind, gy vor se scholen udi geven’. Ibid., p. 696; cf. Mertz, op. cit., p. 109. This likely has to do with a minimal education, as such was also made ‘compulsory’ in Saxony in 1557, Wurttemberg 1559, Brandenburg 1573, and Lower Saxony 1585. Imprisonment and similar punishments lay in store for parents who hindered this modest attack upon illiteracy in Brandenburg. Mertz, loc. cit., pp. 14f.

16 Taken from the Schulordnungen in Vormbaum, passim.

17 A convenient source of information on this aspect is in Rashdall, Hastings, The Universities in the Middle Ages, new ed. edited by F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden, 3 vols. (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), 1,Google Scholar 474-486.

18 See Reu, Luther's German Bible, Part 1, pp. 1-74, and Part II, pp. 3-94. See also Rashdall, op. cit., m, 449-452. For further information on the place of the Bible in medieval curricula, see the document, ‘Bible Study at Heidelberg, 1469’, in Thomdike, Lynn (ed.), University Records and Life in the Middle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), pp. 354f.Google Scholar, where the plan for Biblical lectures in 15th-century Heidelberg is given. Cf. Reu, Quellen, 11, xiff.

19 On Melanchthon's early exegetical lectures, I refer to my own article, ‘Die exegetischen Vorlesungen des jungen Melanchthon und ihre Chronologie’, Kerygma und Dogma, III (1957), 140-149. Of the many responses to this essay, the most thorough was that by Barton, Peter F., ‘Die exegetische Arbeit des jungen Melanchthon 1518/19 bis 1528 /29, Probleme und Ansatze’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, LIV (1963), 52–89 Google Scholar. For other contributions to the debate, see Hammer, Numbers 3720, 3727, 3728, 3765, 3791, 3802, 3855, 3903, 3987, 4041, 4045, and, especially, 4083. At present I am preparing a critical essay with a new approach, which should help to solve a number of unresolved problems, as well as answer several critics and provide needed correctives to my own earlier position. The essay will appear in German.

20 On the relation of the Sentences to the Loci, see G. L. Plitt and Theodor Kolde, Die Loci communes Philipp Melanchthons in ihrer Urgestalt, 3rd ed. (Leipzig: Deichert, 1900 pp. 32f., and RE, XI, 570-572. See also the recent study by Wilhelm Maurer, ‘Zur Komposition der Loci Melanchthons von 1521. Ein Beitrag zur Frage Melanchthon und Luther’, Luther-Jahrbuch, 1958, xxv, 146-180, which is an uncommonly important contribution.

On the adaptation of the Loci communes and other theological texts to the schoolroom, see Cohrs in Suppl Mel, 5/1, LII-CXII, and the texts, especially John Spangenberg's rendition of the Loci in his Margarita Theologica (1540), pp. 399-404. Brunfel's Catechesis contained the Loci (Cohrs, rv, 315), and John Toltz's book, Eyn kurtz handbuchlynfur iunge Christen souiel yhn zu wissen von nöten, 1526, clearly bore the stamp of the Loci (Cohrs, I, 247-260). Traces of this work of Melanchthon reappeared also in texts written by Bader, Hegendorfer, and Agricola, according to the description in Cohrs, IV, 335.

21 The text of the Latin Wittenberg Bible was first reprinted in the Walch edition of Luther, xxv (Halle, 1744), Part II, cols. 1-1206; given again in WA Deutsche Bibel v, with a critical analysis of Melanchthon's role. The controverted verse was Acts 3:2. See also Köstlin, Julius and Kawerau, Gustav, Martin Luther. Sein Leben und seine Schriften, 5th ed. (Berlin: Duncker, 1903), n, I57fGoogle Scholar. Cf. Wolf, Gustav, Quelknkunde der deutschen Reformationsgeschichte, 1915 and reprint (Hildesheim: Olms, 1965)Google Scholar, II, 204f.

22 See especially RE, III, 42-58.

23 RE, III, 50-54. See Roland Bainton, H., The Travail of Religious Liberty, 1951 and reprints (New York: Harper, 1958), pp. 106–114 Google Scholar, 122.

24 See the Catechesis D. Martini Lutheri Minor Germanice, Latine, Graece et Ebraice, edita studio et opera lohannis Claii, Hertzbergensis M. Recognita nunc etemendata Witebergae Anno M. D. LXXII; a specimen in Reu, 3, 3281”.; cf. 2, 2321”.

25 So Reu, , Dr. Martin Luther's Small Catechism. A History of Its Origin, Its Distribution, and Its Use. A Jubilee Offering (Chicago: Wartburg, 1929), p. 18 Google Scholar etpassim. Cf. Reu, Luther's German Bible, pp. 75f. Cf. RE, x, 130ff. and esp. 138.

26 Brunfels as a natural scientist is treated in Thorndike, Lynn, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, v, 1941 and reprint (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), 316–318 Google Scholar, 322; vi, 265, 273-274. Brunfels is also discussed in Cohrs, m, 187-195, where a very detailed bibliography of his humanistic, medical, botanical, and religious works is given. His great work on botany was entitled Herbarum vivae icones (1530), and was published with 135 plates. Brunfels was also a physician as well as a pastor in die Reformed Church, and published a prayerbook in 1528—truly the well-rounded renaissance personage.

27 Available in Woodward, William H. (ed.), Desiderius Erasmus concerning the Aim and Method of Education, 1904 and reprint (New York: Columbia Teachers College, 1964), p. 216 Google Scholar. The emphasis upon memorization in medieval and renaissance schools is discussed by Friedrich Paulsen, Geschichte desgelehrten Unterrichts aufden deutschen Schulen und Universitaten uom Ausgang des Mittelahers bis zur Gegenwarl, 1919 and reprint (Berlin: De Gruyter, i960), 1, 344-346.

28 John Sturm's classic, De literarum ludis recte aperiendis (1538), is found in Vormbaum, 1, 653-677; the citation on memorization is from page 664. For an interesting and informative description of education in Strassburg during the 16th century, see Chrisman, Miriam Usher, Strasbourg and the Reform. A Study in the Process of Change (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967)Google Scholar, Chap. 14, pp. 260-275.

29 Tobriner, Marian Leona (ed.), Vives’ Introduction of Wisdom. A RenaissanceTextbook (New York: Columbia Teachers College, 1968)Google Scholar, p. 103. Tobriner defends the position that Vives instructed Mary Tudor, pp. 30 and 70.

30 Mertz, he. cit., pp. 239ff., 347ff., etc.

31 For Sturm's views on independent study, which is a much-discussed subject today see loc. cit., Chap, xxx, pp. 67If. Cf. Mertz, loc. cit., pp. 338f.

32 Luther commented in the Tabletalk: “The schoolboys should recite the comedies, first in order to exercise their Latin, and secondly, because in the comedies persons are beautifully invented, by which people are taught what should or must be done by servant or master, by young or old’. WA Tischreden 1, No. 867, 430-432. See also Vol. II, No. 2073, 312. Luther's favorable attitude toward drama undoubtedly helped make it acceptable among his followers.

33 For Sturm's program, see his Classicarum epistolarum, Book I, Letters vin, rx, and x, Vormbaum, I, 690-692, and his De Comoediis et Tragoediis, Book III, loc. cit., 708. For a recent essay on Sturm, see Mesnard, Pierre, ‘The Pedagogy of Johann Sturm (1507-1589) and its Evangelical Inspiration’, Studies in the Renaissance, XIII (1966), 200–219 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, tr. from the French by Evelyn M. Hartman.

34 Castellio's Dialogi sacri are reprinted in Reu, Luther's German Bible, Part 11, 82- I49f. Two other playlets are published in English in Bainton, The Travail of Religious 151. This selection is given pp.Liberty, pp. 99-103.

35 Besides the generous excerpts in the works of Cohrs and Reu from the school orders, and those given in Vormbaum, see Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des i6.Jahrhunderts, ed. Emil Sehling, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1902-1913), resumed with several more volumes appearing since the war (Tübingen, 1955ff.). For a detailed bibliography, see Moog, loc. cit., pp. 1-8, 142, et passim.

36 The parts of the Supplement are given full listings by Hammer: Part I (dogmatische Schriften), No. 3061; Part 2 (philologische Schriften), No. 3090; Part 5/1 (catechetische Schriften), No. 3158, and 5/n (homiletische Schriften), No. 3323; Part 6 (Melanchthon Briefwechsel), No. 3264. Other pertinent supplements to the CR that appeared between 1850 and 1930 are as follows: Hammer Nos. 1919, 2111, 2174, 2176, 2192, 2271, 2301, 2392, 2411, 2451, 2611, 2868, 2906, and 3264. See also the Studienausgabe edited by Stupperich, especially Vols. 1, m, rv, and vi, containing many previously unavailable materials.

37 See the entries, n. 1.

38 References from Vormbaum, 1 as follows: Wittenberg, p. 29; Schleswig-Holstein, p. 43; Wurttemberg, p. 91; Breslau, pp. 192, 194.

39 Introductory information in Reu, Luther's German Bible, Part 11, CIII-CXV; text, pp. 601-691.

40 Viet Dietrich, SummariaChristlicherlehrfurdasjunge Volck. Was aufi eimjeden Sontags Euangelio zu merken sey / Sambt angehenckten Cebeten, 1557. Reu, 11, 452-589. Reu considers this work a Spruchbuch, but it also expounds the pericopes; the same for the collection by Mathesius, the biographer of Luther: Sprüchlein auβ einetnjeden Psalmen vnnd auff die Sontags Euangelia. Für diejugent vnd Ley en der Kirchen in St. Joachimsthal…. Reu, 11, 511-542. This 1574 edition was appended to the Catechism of Joachimsthal, providing Bible verses for each Sunday or festival, and adding one memory verse from each of the 150 Psalms.

41 Melanchthon's work in Suppl Mel, 5 /1, 61-73, with good introductory notes by Cohrs; also in Cohrs, Evangelische Katechismusversuche, Vol. n, with more detailed notes, pp. 220ff.

42 Musculus, who was especially concerned with female education, prepared his Haus Bibel… especially for girls. In Reu, 8, 210-222, it is immediately followed by Musculus' Ordnung der Jungfrawschul in der March Brandenburg, 1574, a pamphlet which greatly advanced the education of girls in that state. Cf. Reu, 4, 174, I79f., and 188-190 for further information on this aspect.

43 Literature on Trotzendorf is sparse in English; a good characterization is given in Moog, he. cit., pp. 168-172. Cf. Mertz, op. cit., pp. i52f. Omitted from the main body of the Realenzyklopädie, a good article by Cohrs was published in a supplementary volume, RE, XXIV, 582-585; it includes a valuable bibliography.

44 Reu gives a good description of the Rosarium in II, LXXTX-LXXXTV. He reprints nearly the full text (except for omitting part of the Latin parallel to the German text), ibid., pp. 394-452.

45 On Artopoeus, see Jacher, Christian Gottlieb, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon …, 1751 and reprint (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Buchhandlungsverlag, 1960)Google Scholar, I, 579. Cf. Kawerau, RE, x, 596.

46 The full title of this little-known work: Discretio locorvm legis et evangelii in Uteris sacris per Petrvm Artopoevm.—Additis breuibus definitionibus usitatissimorum locorum communium. Vitebergae. 1534. Reu, 4, 298-328; introductory material, ibid., pp. 207-214. If, as Bindseil (CR, XXI, 1075) and Engelland (SA, II/2, 781) affirm, Melanchthon's Dejinitiones first appeared in 1552-1553, Artopoeus preceded him in this by eighteen years. A cursory comparison shows a similar arrangement; however, the later work diverges substantially in theological content.

47 Described by Reu, Luther's German Bible, Part 1, pp. 19 and 294-296. Cf. RE, III 211-217 and especially 214.

48 Ibid. For a convenient modern edition of Dürer's series of woodcuts on the Bible, see Kurth, Willi (ed.), The Complete Woodcuts of Albrecht Dürer, 1927 and reprints (New York: Dover Publications, 1963)Google Scholar.

49 Reu, Luther's German Bible, p. 300. 50 See especially ibid., pp. 292-300 (Latin history Bibles) and pp. 307-309 (German history Bibles).

51 Luther's Passionale, not to be confused with the earlier satire against the papal church, was rescued from oblivion in its first modern printing, Reu, Quellen, n , 32-41. It was subsequently taken into WA, x/2, 359ff. Although the WA editors listed the earliest edition as that of 1529, Reu found a printing of 1528, loc. cit., p. 804. The Passionale of Luther was highly influential in the 16th century, when it passed through many editions; it was one of the first Protestant books distributed in Sweden, according to Cohrs, RE, x, 156. Luther himself suggested its use by school children, WA, XIX, 77. A seeming anachronism is the late reference of Luther to purgatory: ‘Erbarme dich auch aller armen seelen ym fegfewr, Bonderlich .N. odder dem .N. Vorgib yhn und uns alien unBere schulde, tröste sie und nym sie tzu gnaden’. WA, x/2, 404.

52 See n. 26.

53 Evaluation of Reu, 11, XII-XVIII; text, pp. 1-32. See also Cohrs, III, 187-195.

54 The Dialogi sacri are given in Reu, II , 82-151.

55 Lossius in Reu, n , 151-177; Beyer, ibid., pp. 186-288.

56 Camerarius has been much neglected by historians; there is no definitive study of this great educator, scholar, and historian. More than 900 letters written by Melanchthon to him have survived the ravages of four centuries. The recent rediscovery of the longlost collection of Nikolaus Müller is an important boon, as 16th-century scholars keenly await the new edition of Melanchthon letters being prepared by Hans Volz and Heinz Scheible for the Studienausgabe. For a good orientation of the Melanchthon-Camerarius correspondence, see Scheible, Heinz, ‘Aus der Arbeit der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften: Überlieferung und Editionen der Briefe Melanchthons’, Heidelberger Jahrbücher, XII (1968), 135–161 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and especially I39ff.

57 On Biblical study aids, see Reu, 11, cxv-cxix; texts, ibid., pp. 691-787. Reu seems to be the only scholar who has investigated this material, see ibid., cxv. Of the educators mentioned here, the most prominent was Michael Neander. Moog gives a brief discussion of the pedagogue at Ilfeld, loc. cit., pp. 177-181. Much more detail is found in the article by Cohrs, RE, XXIV, 235-238, with a good bibliography.

58 Woodward, Erasmus, p. 168. On the exegetical work of Erasmus, see Marvin Anderson, 'Erasmus the Exegete’, and Meyer, Carl S., ‘Erasmus on the Study of Scripture’, Concordia Theological Monthly, XL (1969)Google Scholar, 722ff. and 734ff. Cf. Bernard J. Holm, ‘Erasmus’, in Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, 1, 791-793. See also Harbison, E. Harris, The Christian Scholar in the Age of the Reformation (New York: Scribner, 1956), pp. 82–95 Google Scholar.

59 ‘Also mag auch nur ainerley Euangelium vnnd lerr sein, durch die wir jnn ainigen glauben Christo vnnd gott zu leben, gelertt vnnd eingefurt werden.’ Bucer, Deutsche Schriften, II, 417.

60 ‘Verbum enim Dei tanquam torrens nulla vi poterit cohiberi, faciet, quod natura solet, ut salvet credentes…’. WA, XL/2, 275.

61 Not enough attention has been paid to the correlation of the Latin schools and musical history; the writer hopes to do some future research in this area. On the Spangenbergs, father and son, see Friedheim Onkelbach, ‘Spangenberg’, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart (1965), XII, 970-974; see Walter Blankenburg, ‘Selnecker’, ibid., pp. 489-490. On Lossius and his important Cantica sacra (1553), see Walter Buszin's article in the Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, II, I343f. See also the other articles by Buszin, loc. cit., for information on the musicians in Melanchthon's circle, such as Johann Walter, George Rhau, J. P. Coclico, Sixt Dietrich, and George Forster, as well as Selneccer.

62 The not at all improbable topic of Bach as a Latinist is discussed by Albert Schweitzer, J. S. Bach, 1911 and reprints (New York: Dover, 1966), 1 Google Scholar, 114. Bach taught Latin in the Tertia classis, where the curriculum included the writings of Camerarius, Melanchthon, Cicero (the Epistles), and Aesop, as well as Latin syntax. On the superior Latin scholarship of Bach's predecessors, Seth Calvisius and John Kuhnau, see the articles by Buszin, loc. cit., 1, 355f., and n, I234f.