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Sancho Ramírez and the Roman Rite

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Damian J. Smith
Damian J. Smith*
Affiliation:
University of Birmingham
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Extract

The problem could scarcely have been resolved more precisely. ‘Et tunc intravit lex romana in Sanctum Iohannem de la Penia XIo kalendas aprilis, secunda septimana quad-ragessimae, feria IIIa, hora prima et tertia fuit Tholetana, ora sexta fuit romana, anno Domini millesimo LXXIo et inde fuit servata lex romana.’

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 32: Unity and Diversity in the Church , 1996 , pp. 95 - 105
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1996

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References

1 Historia de la Corona de Aragón, conocida generalmente con el nombre de Crónica de Sanjuan de la Peña, ed. T. Ximénez de Embún (Zaragoza, 1876), p. 51.

2 Chronicon Burgense in España sagrada, ed. E. Flórez and M. Risco, 2nd edn, 51 vols (Madrid, 1754-1879) [hereafter ES], 23, p. 309; Annales Compostelkni, ES, 23, p. 320; Crónica Najerense, ed. A. Ubieto Arteta (Valencia, 1966), c. 3, p. 49; Lucas de Tuy, Chronicon mundi, ed. A. Schottus, Hispania illustrata, 4 (Frankfurt, 1608), p. 100; Rodrigo Ximéncz de Rada, Historia de rebvs Hispanic sim Historia Gothica, ed. J. Fernández Valverde, CChr. CM, 72 (1987), pp. 207-8.

3 Crónica Najerense, c. 3, p. 49; Chronicon mundi, p. 100; Historia de rebus Hispanic, p. 208.

4 On the rebellion of the monk Roberto, see Gregory VII, Das Register, ed. E. Caspar, 2nd edn, 1 vol. in 2, MCH Epistolae Selectae, 4-5 (Berlin, 1955) [hereafter Registrum], viii, 2-4, pp. 517-21; La documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (965-1216), ed. D. Mansilla (Rome, 1955) [hereafter MDhl], nos 19-21, pp. 32-6; Regesta pontificum romanorum, ed. P. Jaffé, rev. S. Loewenfeld (Leipzig, 1885) [hereafter JL], 5173-5.

5 See la Calzada, Luciano de, ‘La proyección del pensamiento de Gregorio VII en los reinos de Castilla y León’, Studi Gregoriani, 3 (1948), p. 65 Google Scholar; Linchan, Peter, History and the Historians of Medieval Spain (Oxford, 1993), pp. 188–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 On the Kingdom and Church of Aragon in this period, see Duran Gudiol, Antonio, Ramiro I de Aragón (Zaragoza, 1978)Google Scholar; Buesa Conde, D.J., El rey Sancho Ramirez (Zaragoza, 1978)Google Scholar; Ramos Loscertales, J. M., El reino de Aragón bajo la dinastia pamplonesa (Salamanca, 1961)Google Scholar; Ubieto Arteta, Antonio, ‘Ramiro I de Aragón y su concepto de la realeza’, Cuadernos de Historia de España, 20 (1953), pp. 45–62 Google Scholar; Antonio Durán Gudiol, ‘La iglesia de Aragón durante el siglo XI’, Estudios de la Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón [hereafter EEMCA], 4 (1951), pp. 7-68, idem, ‘La iglesia de Aragón durante los reinados de Sancho Ramirez y Pedro I (¿1062?-1104)’, Anthologica Annua, 9 (1961), pp. 85-277; Paul Kehr, ‘Cómo y cuándo se hizo Aragón feudatorio de la Santa Sede’, EEMCA, 1 (1945), pp. 285-326; idem, ‘El papado y los reinos de Navarra y Aragón hasta mediados del siglo XII’, EEMCA, 2 (1946), pp. 74-186.

7 See Férotin, Marins, Le Liber Ordinum en usage dans l’église Wisigothique (Paris, 1907)Google Scholar; Manuel Germán Prado, Historia del rito mozárabe y toledano (Madrid, 1928); Pierre David, Études historiques sur la Galice et le Portugal du VIe au XIIe siècle (Lisbon, 1947); W. C. Bishop, The Mozarabic and Ambrosian Rites (London, 1924); Brou, Louis, ‘Bulletin de liturgie mozarabe, 1936-1948’, Hispania sacra [hereafter HS], 2 (1949), pp. 459–84 Google Scholar, idem, ‘“Liturgie mozarabe” ou “liturgie hispanique”’, Ephemerides liturgicae, 63 (1949), pp. 66-70; Pinell, J. M., ‘Liturgia Hispánica’, Diccionario de Historia Eclesiástica de España, 2 (Madrid, 1972), pp. 1303–20.Google Scholar

8 ES, 3, p. 84.

9 Ralph Glaber, Historiarum libri quinque, ed. and trans. J. France, in Rodulfus Glaber Opera, ed. J. France, N. Bulst and P. Reynolds (Oxford, 1989), bk 3, iii, pp. 114-15. The older monks of Cluny had great misgivings about the whole thing.

10 The Roman rite, as one would expect, was introduced into Catalonia in the ninth century. The two liturgies must have co-existed for some time, though, as the reformers were utterly silent on the question, it would seem the process of change was already complete. On this problem, see J. F. Rivera, ‘Gregorio VII y la liturgia mozárabe’, Revista Española de teologia, 2 (Madrid, 1942), pp. 13-14; Antonio García y García, ‘Reforma Gregoriana e idea de la “militia Sancti Petri” en los reinos Ibericos’, Studi Gregoriani, 13 (1989), p. 257.

11 On Hugh Candidus and subsequent reforming legates in Spain, see Säbekow, G., Die päpstlichen Legationen nach Spanien tmd Portugal bis zum Ausgang des 72. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1931), pp. 12-34, 62–9.Google Scholar

12 Papsturkunden in Spanien, 2: Navarra und Aragon, ed. Paul Kehr (Berlin, 1928), pp. 257-60. The document is a forgery, but the false privileges are wrapped up in real events. See Antonio Ubieto Atleta, ‘La introducción del rito romano en Aragón y Navarra’, HS, 1 (1948), p. 306; Rivera, ‘Gregorio VII y la liturgia mozárabe’, p. 11; Kehr, ‘El papado y los reinos de Navarra y Aragón’, p. 93.

13 David, Études historiques, pp. 394-5, raised serious doubts about the authenticity of Alexander’s letter as it appears in the Codex Aemilianensis (ES, 3, p. 273). That the traditionalists were using forged pontifical letters to defend themselves is probable from Gregory VII’s letter of May 1076 to Bishop Jimeno of Burgos (Regislmm, iii, pp. 283-4; MDhI, no. 12, pp. 20-1; JL, 4993): ‘Quod autem filii mortis dicunt se a nobis litteras accepisse, sciatis per omnia falsum esse. Procura ergo, ut Romanus ordo per totam Hyspaniam et Gallitiam et ubicumque potueris in omnibus rectius tueatur.’ It is very possible that Alexander tried to sit on the fence in 1067 and this was interpreted as approval of their rite by the Spanish embassy. See Ubieto Arteta, ‘La introducción del rito romano’, p. 308; Kehr, ‘El papado’, p. 93; Rivera, ‘Gregorio VII y la liturgia mozárabe’, p. 8; Duran Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante el siglo XI’, p. 44.

14 Documentos correspondientes al reinado de Sancho Ramirez, ed. J. Salarrullana de Dios and E. Ibarra y Rodriguez, 2 vols (Zaragoza, 1907-13) [hereafter DSR], 1, no. 3, pp. 7-8; JL, 5398; Johannes Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz für Laienfürsten: Die politisene Geschichte des päpstlichen Schutzprivilegs für Laien (11-13. Jahrhundert) (Heidelberg, 1980), pp. 52-9, 63-70; Kehr, ‘Cómo y cuándo’, p. 302; Garcia y Garcia, ‘Reforma Gregoriana’, p. 253; Kehr, ‘El papado’, p. 94; Buesa Conde, El rey Sancho Ramirez, pp. 16-17, 43; Durán Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante los reinados’, p. 101.

15 Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz, pp. 53-6; JL, 5398 (1 July 1089), for Urban II’s subsequent protection of Sancho Ramirez, his sons and his kingdom, in return for an annual tribute.

16 On this seemingly abortive enterprise, see J. Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la Bula de la Cruzada en España (Vitoria, 1958), pp. 52-5; Marcus Bull, Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the First Crusade: The Limousin and Gascony, c.970-c. 1130 (Oxford, 1993), pp. 81-2; Kehr, ‘El papado’, p. 102.

17 David, Études historiques, pp. 376-7; Duran Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante los reinados’, pp. 100, 120; Buesa Conde, El rey Sancho Ramirez, p. 25; Bull, Knightly Piety, p. 86, has very reasonable doubts about the marriage actually being dated to 1068 and a date after 1069 would seem more reasonable as Peter I was apparently born then; Felicia was the mother of kings Alfonso I and Ramiro the Monk.

18 Durán Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante el siglo XI’, p. 38; Ubieto Arteta, ‘La introducción del rito romano’, p. 301; M. Defourneaux, Les Français en Espagne aux XIe et XIIe siècles (Paris, 1949), would seem to have overestimated Cluniac influence.

19 Crónica de San Juan de la Peña, p. 51; JL, 4691; MDhI, no. 4, pp. 7-9; Kehr, Papsturkunden, 2, nos 3-4, pp. 260-5.

20 ‘…Christiane fidei robur et integritatem ibi restauravit, simonyace heresis inquinamenta mundavit, et confusos ritus divinorum obsequiorum ad regulam et canonicum ordinerai reformavit’: JL, 4691; MDhI, no. 4, p. 8. The letters to San Victorian and San Pedro de Loarre are printed in Kehr, Papsturkunden, 2, nos. 3-4, pp. 260-5.

21 DSR, 2, pp. 85-7.

22 Registrum, i, 7, pp. 11-12; MDhI, no. 6, pp. 12-13; JL, 4778; Kehr,’El papado’, p. 104:’Non latere vos credimus regnum Hyspanie ab antiquo proprii iuris s. Petri fuisse, et adhuc licet diu a paganis sit occupatum, lege tamen iustitie non evacuata, nulli mortalium sed soli apostolice sedi ex equo pertinere. Quod enim auctore Deo semel in proprietate ecclesiarum iuste pervenerit, manent eo, ab usu quidem, sed ab earum iure, occasione transeuntis temporis, sine legitima concessione divelli non poterit. Itaque comes Evulus de Roceio, cuius famam apud vos haud obscuram esse putamus, terram illam ad honorem s. Petri ingredi et paganorum manibus eripere cupiens hanc concessionem ab apostolica sede obtinuit, ut partem illam, unde paganos suo studio et adiuncto sibi aliorum auxilio expeliere posset, sub conditione inter nos facte pactionis ex parte s. Petri possideret.’

23 Duran Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante ei siglo XI’, p. 49.

24 For the letter of Gregory recommending to Alfonso VI Bishop Pablo Muñoz of Burgos, see Registrum, i, 83, pp. 118-19; MDhI, no. 10, pp. 17-18; JL, 4871: ‘Romanum ordinem in divinis officiis, sicut ceteri Hyspani episcopi, qui synodo interfucrunt, se celebraturum, et ut melius potent observaturum promisit.’

25 Registrum, i, 64, pp. 92-4; MDhI, no. 8, pp. 15-16; JL, 4840.

26 Registrum, i, 63, pp. 91-2; MDhI, no. 9, pp. 16-17; JL, 4841: ‘Litteras nobilitata tuesuavitate plenas leti suscepimus, in quibus quanta fidelitate erga principes apostolorum Petrum et Paulum ac Romanum ecclesiam ferveas satis perspeximus; quam tamen, si litteras tuas nullas videremus, per legatos apostolice sedis evidenter compertam habebamus. In hoc autem quod sub ditione tua Romani ordinis officium fieri studio et iussionibus tuis asseris, Romane ecclesie te filium, ac earn concordiam et eamdem amicitiam te nobiscum habere, quam olim reges Hyspanie cum Romanis pontificibus habebant, cognosccris.’

27 See Pèrez de Urbel, Fray Justo, ‘El último defensor de la liturgia mozárabe’, in Miscellanea liturgica in honorem L. Cuniberti Mohlberg, 2 vols (Rome, 1949), 2, pp. 189–97 Google Scholar; R. Menéndez Pidal, La España del Cid (Buenos Aires, 1939), p. 163; David, Études historiques, p. 399.

28 See Andreu, Antonio Baso, ‘La iglesia aragonesa y el rito romano’, Argensola, 1 (1956), p. 163 Google Scholar; Buesa Conde, El rey Sancho Ramirez, pp. 44-7; Buesa Conde, ‘El abad Banzo y el cambio de rito en el Serrablo (1071)’, Amigos del Serrablo, 4 (1972), pp. 9-10.

29 DSR, i, pp. 22-4; Federico Balaguer, ‘Los limites del obispado de Aragón y el concilio de Jaca de 1063’, EEMCA, 4 (1951), p. 119.

30 Buesa Conde, El Rey Sancho Ramirez, p. 20; also Balaguer, ‘Los limites del obispado de Aragón’, pp. 116-20; J. Gavira Martin, Estudios sobre la iglesia española medieval: Episcopologios de sedes navarroaragonesas durante los siglos XI y XII (Madrid, 1929), pp. 39-44.

31 See Lacarra, J. M., ‘Desarrollo urbano de Jaca en la Edad Media’, EEMCA, 4 (1951), pp. 139–55 Google Scholar; Buesa Conde, Sancho Ramirez, pp. 50-4; Lacarra, J. M., ‘Les villes-frontière dans l’Espagne des XIe et XIIe siècles’. Le Moyen Âge, 69 (1963), pp. 205–22 Google Scholar; Bisson, Thomas N., The Medieval Crown of Aragon (Oxford, 1986), pp. 13–14.Google Scholar

32 Registrum, ii, 50, pp. 190-2; MDhI, no. 11, pp. 18-20; JL, 4927; Gavira Martin, Episcopologios, pp. 44, 104; Durán Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante los reinados’, p. 108 (on the King’s disapproval of the Bishop’s actions).

33 Colleción diplomática de la catedral de Huesca, ed. A. Durán Gudiol, 2 vols (Zaragoza, 1965-9), 1, no. 39, pp. 54-6; El libro de la cadena del Concejo de Jaca, ed. Dámaso Sangorrin (Zaragoza, 1921), no. 6, pp. 87-97, no. 7, pp. 99-108, is a letter of Gregory VII, confirming the privileges of the Jacan see.

34 Sangorrin, El libro de la cadena, no. 6, pp. 87-97.

35 See Abadal, Ramon de, ‘Origen y proceso de consolidación de la sede ribagorzana de Roda’, EEMCA, 5 (1952), pp. 7–82 Google Scholar; Arroyo llera, F., ‘El dominio terricorial del obispado de Roda (siglos XI y XII)’, HS, 22 (1969), pp. 69–128 Google Scholar; Gros Bitria, E., Los limites diocesanos en el Aragón Oriental (Zaragoza, 1980), esp. pp. 45–84.Google Scholar

36 Serrano y Sanz, M., Noticias y documentos históricos del condado de Ribagorza hasta la muerte de Sancho Garcés III (Madrid, 1912), p. 59 Google Scholar; Gavira Martín, Episcopoiogios, pp. 103-4; Duran Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante el siglo XI’, pp. 41-2, 51.

37 Registrum, i, 63, pp. 91-2; MDhl, no. 9, pp. 16-17; JL, 4841; Salomón lived on until 1097, and the measure of respect in which he was held can be discerned from the Necrologio de Roda, ed. J. Villanueva, Viage literario a las iglesias de España, 22 vols (Madrid, 1803-52) [hereafter VL], 15, p. 334: ‘Anno MXC. VII obiit Salomon Episcopus Rotae. Capta est civitas Oscha et civitas Jherusalem’; Salomón is also described as bishop in the Chronicon alterum Rivipullense, VL, 5, p. 246: ‘1097 ob. Salomon monachus et episcopus’; a letter of Salomón in 1095 to Peter I (VL, 15, pp. 355-6), in which he laments that when he had been bishop all monasteries had been under episcopal control, is testimony to the success of Sancho Ramírez.

38 El Cartulario de Roda, ed. Juan. F. Yela Utrilla (Lérida, 1932) [hereafter CR], p. 20; Ubieto Arteta, ‘La introducción del rito romano’, p. 313; Kehr, ‘El papado’, p. 127.

39 CR, p. 19; Sancho Ramirez gave a series of donations to the Rodan see (CR, pp. 24-5, 58, 61-2, 329-30); Arroyo Iiera, ‘El dominio territorial’, p. 79.

40 CR, p. 87; VL, 15, p. 192; Gavira Martin Episcopologios, pp. 104-7, 150; Kehr, Papsturkunden, 2, pp. 36, 43; idem, ‘El papado’, p. 117.

41 Cartulario de Alaon, ed. José Luis Corral Lafuente (Zaragoza, 1984), no. 268, pp. 252-3.

42 VL, 15, p. 301.

43 Pérez du Urbel, ‘El último defensor’, pp. 196-7.

44 Lacarra, J. M., ‘“Honores” et “Tenencias” en Aragon (XIe siècle)’, Annales du Midi, 80 (1968), p. 485 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Duran Gudiol, ‘La iglesia durante el siglo XI’, pp. 53, 56.

45 Gavira Martín, Episcopologios, pp. 44, 84; Kehr, ‘El papado’ p. 116; Gros Bitria, Los limites diocesanos, p. 75. The letter obtained by Garcia from Gregory VII in 1084/5, in which the Pope attributes to this Bishop and his father Ramiro I the introduction of the Roman rite (in Kehr, ‘Cómo y cuándo’, pp. 314-17), is authentic. Yet, as Kehr has shown, the Bishop had the interests of his Jacan sec at heart and the situation of the Pope in these years was an ideal opportunity for pulling the pallium over his eyes (‘Cómo y cuándo’, pp. 289-313); Ramiro I, nevertheless, did make generous donations to St Peter’s in his will of 1061; see Cartulario de San Juan de la Peña, ed. A. Ubieto Arteta, 2 vols (Valencia, 1962-3), 2, no. 159, p. 199.

46 Ubieto Arteta, ‘La introducción del rito romano’, p. 321.

47 De la Calzada, ‘La proyccción del pensamiento de Gregorio VII’, p. 63.

48 Registrum, ix, 2, pp. 569-72; MDhl, no. 22. pp. 36-9; JL, 5205. For the difficulties in Castile after 1080, see Ramón Gonzálvez, ‘The Persistence of the Mozarabic Liturgy in Toledo after A.D. 1080’, in Santiago, Saint-Denis, and Saint Peter: the reception of the Roman Liturgy in León-Castile in 1080, ed. B. F. Reilly (New York, 1985), pp. 157-85.

49 Registrum, iv. 28, pp. 343-7; MDhl, no. 13, pp. 21–5; JL, 4993: ‘Preterea notum vobis fieri volumus quod nobis quidem facere non est liberum, vobis autem non solum ad futuram sed etiam ad presentem gloriam valde necessarium, videlicet, regnum Hyspanie ex antiquis constitutionibus beato Petro et sancte Romane ecclesie in ius et proprietatem esse traditum.’

50 See the will of Lopé Garcés in c.1080: ‘Eo anno venit comes Pictavensis in Ispania et gloriosus rex Sancius fecit ilium reveni in patria sua’; DSR, 2, p. 134; for the interpretation of Sancho’s devotion by his successors, see B. Palacios Martin, La coronación de los reyes de Aragón (Valencia, 1975).