No CrossRef data available.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 January 2016
Allegiance is due, under God, to the head of the family from his dependents, as to a king; and though I confess with shame that I have been a weak and faithless ruler hitherto, the time has come for me to exert my authority in removing the abuses which I have allowed to creep into my jurisdiction … I have been close to death, and have realised that sooner or later I must give account to God not only for myself but for my family.
In a bleak and diseased Delhi, sometime after the wanton British decimation of the city in the wake of the 1857 rebellion, a Muslim nobleman by the name of Nasuh succumbs to the city’s recent cholera epidemic. After Nasuh falls unconscious, his father, who had recendy died in the same outbreak, appears to him in a dream. He tells his son that a day of reckoning awaits, and that as a father it is Nasuh’s duty to inculcate piety in his home. Surviving his illness, Nasuh sets about correcting the excesses of the various members of his family. These include his eldest daughter, who had such foolish habits as playing all night at cards, reading romances and singing idle songs; and his three sons, who were neglectful of their religious duties, read unsuitable poetry, flew kites and kept company with scandalous friends. Despite these blemishes in their household lives, Nasuh is able to persuade some members of his family of the rightness of his vision, turning his children into (respectively) a God-fearing wife and mother, and upstanding gendemen with right manners and good government professions. All are thus rewarded both in this world and the hereafter.
Thanks to David Bebbington, Katherine Schofield and Alexandra Walsham for their advice on aspects of this essay, and to the British Academy for research support.
1 Nasuh, in a letter to his son Kulleem, in Nazir Ahmad, The Repentance of Nussooh (Taubat-al-Nasuh) intro. Frances Pritchett (Delhi, 2004; first publ. 1874), 47.Google Scholar
2 For information on the cultural world of pre-1857 Delhi, which included such poetic scions as Mirza Ghalib (1797-1869), see Spear, Percival Twilight of the Mughals: Studies in Late Mughal Delhi (Delhi, 1991).Google Scholar
3 For a study of the consolidation of this idea of ‘separate spheres’, and its close interactions with changing attitudes on questions of gender and religion, see Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1987), esp. 149–92.Google Scholar
4 Lai, Ruby Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World (Cambridge, 2004), 3–5 Google Scholar. Lai’s work discusses how such allegedly ‘domestic’ arenas as the haram (the female quarters of the Mughal court) took leading roles in defining the social and political affairs of the Mughal state, hence ‘questioning] the very notion of a separate domestic sphere, or of distinct public and private domains’: ibid. 5.
5 Such as the diarist Fanny Eden, recounting a staged nautch (private dance) in the home of the Raja of Ramnagar in 1837/8: ‘the whole scene looked like the Arabian nights put to life’: Tigers, Durbars and Kings: Fanny Eden’s Indian Journals, ed. Janet Dunbar (London, 1989), 81.
6 The most famous example is perhaps Mrs Meer Hasan Ali, Observations on the Mussuhnauns of India (Karachi, 1978; first publ. 1832). This work, written by a British woman who married a Muslim nobleman and resided in Lucknow, was distinctive for the author’s access to both male and female quarters of Muslim homes. Beyond India, a comparably ethnographically rich and highly influential work from the same decade, again profoundly focused upon the routines of household life as a means of studying Muslim society, is Edward William Lane, The Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (London, 1836).
7 Stanley, Brian The History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 1792-1992 (Edinburgh, 1992), 228–32.Google Scholar
8 Bayly, C. A. Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780-1870 (Cambridge, 1996), 338–64.Google Scholar
9 In the 1860S, the evidence used to convict Muslim ‘conspirators’ in colonial courts was often obtained from raids on noble Muslim households: see, for example, Muin-ud-Din, and Khan, Ahmad eds, Selections from Bengal Government Records on Wahhabi Trials (Dacca, 1961; first publ. 1863-5), 85–6.Google Scholar
12 On the British implementation of a form of Islamic law on private/family rather than civil/criminal matters, see Kugle, Scott Alan ‘Framed, Blamed and Renamed: The Recasting of Islamic Jurisprudence in Colonial South Asia’, Modern Asian Studies 35 (2001), 257–313 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the equivalent application of Hindu personal laws, see Derrett, J. Duncan ‘The Administration of Hindu Law by the British’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 4 (1961), 10–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
13 These terms are all used to describe such practices in Tassy, Garcin de Mémoire sur quelques particularités de la religion musulmane en Inde, 2nd edn (Paris, 1869).Google Scholar
10 A whole ream of literature has examined what these categories meant in the context of Victorian England: the idealization of a society secularized in its laws, politics and attitudes to worldly progress, but devout and God-fearing in its private lives and cultural spaces: e.g. Parry, Jonathan. ‘The Disciplining of the Religious Conscience in Nineteenth-Century British Polities’, in Katznelson, I. and Stedman-Jones, G. eds, Religion and the Political Imagination (Cambridge, 2010), 214–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
11 Most famously, Queen Victoria’s ‘Proclamation on Religious Neutrality’ (1858).
14 It seems likely, although rarely evidenced explicitly, that Protestant suspicion of Catholic public ritual and ceremonialism underlay many of these attitudes among British observers and administrators.
15 Muir, William Mahomet and Islam: A Sketch of the Prophet’s Life from Original Sources, 2nd edn (London, 1896; first publ. 1861), 80–6.Google Scholar
16 The patronage of Delhi’s public life and festive occasions by the Mughal emperor and his court in the second quarter of the nineteenth century – by which time the city was under all-but-formal British control – is evoked from interviews with Muslim nobles and intellectuals in Andrews, C. F. Zakaullah of Delhi (Delhi, 2003; first publ. 1929), 22–40.Google Scholar
17 For an introduction, see Jones, Kenneth Socio-Religious Reform Movements in British India (Cambridge, 1990).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 This idea of the ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ domains (with the former being a site of colonial/postcolonial resistance) – categories distinct from, but sometimes coextensive with, private and public – is posited in Chatterjee, Partha The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, NJ, 1993), 6–13.Google Scholar
19 See Sarkar, Tanika Hindu Wife, Hindu Nation: Community, Religion and Cultural Nationalism (Delhi, 2001), 23–52.Google Scholar
20 Gangohi, Rashid Ahmad Fatawa-i-Rashidiyya (Delhi, 2007; first publ. 1903).Google Scholar
21 E.g. Ahmad, Maqbul Tehzib-ul-Islam (Lucknow, 2005; first publ. 1920).Google Scholar
22 Metcalf, Barbara Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860-1900 (Princeton, NJ, 1982), 11–13.Google Scholar
23 Of these, the operative examples, both staffed largely by British personnel but with teaching in the medium of Urdu, were Delhi’s Anglo-Arabic College (taken under British supervision in 1825) and the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh (founded 1875). See, respectively, Pernau, Magrit ed., The Delhi College: Traditional Elites, the Colonial State and Education before 1857 (Delhi, 2006)Google Scholar; Lelyveld, David Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British India (Princeton, NJ, 1978).Google Scholar
24 Defoe, Daniel The Family Instructor, in three parts, relating I. To Parents and Children. II. To Masters and Servants. III. To Husbands and Wives, 14th edn (Edinburgh, 1750).Google Scholar
25 Ahmad, Nazir The Bride’s Mirror: A Tale of Life in Delhi One Hundred Years Ago (Delhi, 2009; first publ. 1869).Google Scholar
26 Ahmad, Repentance of Nussooh, 126–7 Google Scholar; Day, Thomas The History of Sandford and Merton (repr. Chiswick, 1828).Google Scholar
27 For a comparable perspective on translation as a process of cultural adaptation rather than mere linguistic exercise, see Pernau, Magrit ‘Introduction’ to eadem, ed., Delhi College, 15–19.Google Scholar
28 Naim, C. M. ‘Prize-winning adab: A Study of Five Urdu Books written in Response to the Allahabad Government Gazette Notification’, in Metcalf, Barbara ed., Moral Conduct and Authority: The Place of adab in South Asian Islam (Berkeley, CA, 1984), 290–314.Google Scholar
29 For an excellent analysis of Ahmad’s fiction which emphasizes its reworking of ‘respectability’ (sharafat) within the context of good family values and worldly resourcefulness rather than antiquated courtly pedigree, see Lal, Ruby ‘Gender and sharafat: Re-reading Nazir Ahmad’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 18 (2008), 15–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
30 Hali, Altaf Husain Musaddas. The Flow and Ebb of Islam, intro Javed Majeed and Christopher Shackle (Delhi, 1997; first publ. 1879), 194–5.Google Scholar
31 See Majeed and Shackle’s introduction, ibid. 1-80.
32 For elaboration, see ibid., esp. 142-9, 194-201.
33 Ibid. 96-7.
34 Significantly, Hali described his Musaddas, employing a fairly simplistic metre of rhyme and fairly straightforward language, as ‘lacking in whimsy or elegance’, and as an antidote to what he called the ‘Eastern hyperbole’ of Persian literature: ibid. 96-9.
35 The British Director of Public Instruction, M. Kempson, praised Nazir Ahmad’s fiction on these grounds. He described his work as written in ‘the words of everyday life in good society, the true Oordoo of the country, and not the high-flown dialect of pedants and poets’. His novels were ‘readable every-day book[s], intelligible to common folk, and pure and practical in tone. There is no pandering to the passions or appeal to the marvellous, which appear to be the ordinary passports to popularity among Oriental writers’: M. Kempson to R. Simson (Secretary to Government, N.W.P.), 22 July 1869, in Mushirul Hasan, A Moral Reckoning: Muslim Intellectuals in Nineteenth-Century Delhi (Delhi, 2003), 260-2.
36 Collini, Stefan Public Moralists: Political Thought and Intellectual Life in Britain, 1850-1930 (Oxford, 1993), esp. 95–110.Google Scholar
37 E.g. Tosh, John A Man’s Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven, CT, 2007).Google Scholar
38 Ahmad’s Nasuh is a clear example of such a character, whose gentlemanliness is predicated on his perfecting of his household.
39 Ahmad, Bride’s Mirror, 7–8.Google Scholar
40 Atuji, in dialogue with Bari Begum, in Altaf Husain Hali, Majalis an-Nisa (first publ. 1874), in Gail Minault, Voices of Silence: English Translation of Khwaja Altaf Hnssain Hall’s Majalis an-Nisa and Chup ki dad (Delhi, 1988), 36.
41 Ahmad, Bride’s Mirror, 14.Google Scholar
42 Ahmad’s 1869 novel reinforces the conflation of femininity and domesticity, and charges women with needing to be versed in such skills as sewing, cooking and household management.
43 Hali, Majalis an-Nisa, 46–54, 69–78.Google Scholar
44 Minault’s introduction, ibid. 12.
45 Late nineteenth-century discussions on Muslim women’s education, an issue considered by reformists of the era almost uniformly in terms of home-schooling rather than institutional instruction, are explored in Minault, Gail Secluded Scholars: Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India (Delhi, 1998).Google Scholar
46 For the full text of the poem, see Minault, Voices of Silence, 141-50.
47 Ghalib’s poetry was legendary for its heady combination of wine and women: see Niazi, Sarfaraz Wine of Passion: The Urdu Ghazals of Ghalib (Karachi, 2009).Google Scholar
48 Devji, Faisal ‘Gender and the Politics of Space: The Movement for Women’s Reform, 1857-1900’, in Hasan, Zoya ed., Forging Identities: Gender, Communities and the State (Boulder, CO, 1994), 22–37.Google Scholar
49 Thanawi, Ashraf Ali Perfecting Women: Mautlana Ashraf ‘Ali Thanawi’s Bihishti Zewar, intro. Barbara Metcalf (Berkeley, CA, 1990), 202–21.Google Scholar
50 Ibid. 45-62.
51 A few influential examples include Hall and Davidoff, Separate Spheres; Langland, Elizabeth Nobody’s Angels: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Ideology in Victorian Culture (Ithaca, NY, 1995), 25–60 Google Scholar; Oakley, Ann Woman’s Work: The Housewife, Past and Present (New York, 1974)Google Scholar; Branca, Patricia Silent Sisterhood: Middle-Class Women in the Victorian Home (London, 1975).Google Scholar
52 These arguments have been developed by Laura Ann Stoler and a number of other social historians of colonial settler societies. Alison Blunt, focusing upon British housewives within India, has argued that ‘feminized discourses of domesticity’ outlining ‘the appropriate behaviour of women as housekeepers, wives and mothers’ established the household as a space inseparably bound up with imperial power, and a site for ‘establishing and maintaining imperial power relations’. The household, in other words, was essential in ‘reproducing the social, moral and domestic values that legitimated imperial rule’: ‘Imperial Geographies of Home: British Domesticity in India, 1886-1925’, Transactions of The Institute of British Geographers 24 (1999), 421-40, at 437-8.
53 Gupta, Charu Sexuality, Obscenity, Community: Women, Muslims and the Hindu Public in Colonial India (Delhi, 2001), 123–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
54 Bebbington, David Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the 1980s (London, 1989), 105.Google Scholar
55 Samuel Smiles produced one of the most famous examples of this type: Self-Help: With Illustrations of Character and Conduct (London, 1859).
56 For instance, some have argued that the long-established Islamic moral concept of adab, a notion of respectability, was apparently adapted in this period to refer less to ancestral or noble distinction and more to ideas of personal merit and responsibility. On a comparable reworking of sharafat, see n. 29 above.
57 For an exploration of religious change according to this framework, see Veer, Peter van der Imperial Encounters: Religion and Modernity in India and Britain (Princeton, NJ, 2001).Google Scholar
58 Such assumptions underwrite the works of William Muir cited above. See also the language used in Hunter, William Wilson The Indian Musalmans (Delhi, 2002; first publ. 1871), 49–63.Google Scholar