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Christians, Jews and Muslims in the Same Society: The Fall of Convivencia in Medieval Spain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Roger Highfield
Roger Highfield*
Affiliation:
Merton CollegeOxford
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Extract

On 1 March 1492 the Jews were expelled from Spain. Ten years later the Moorish inhabitants of Castile were offered the alternative of conversion or emigration. The fate of the Moors in the kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon was deferred until the reign of the emperor Charles V. But though he kept the inquisition out of Aragon for forty years, he did not succeed in reconciling his Morisco subjects with their Christian brothers. Philip II failed much more notably. For his policy stimulated the great Morisco revolt of 1568–70. Thereafter they were scattered round the kingdom in a forced diaspora. In 1582 their expulsion was proposed in the council of state. Finally in 1609–10 the government of Philip III, chastened by the twelve years truce in the Netherlands, set about the expulsion of all the three hundred thousand or so Moriscos who remained.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 15: Religious Motivation Biographical and Sociological Problems for the Church Historian , 1978 , pp. 121 - 146
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1978

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References

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41 This was Antonia Giacomo Venier, papal collector (Azcona pp 379-80).

42 Ibid p 381.

43 Ibid. For the events which broke out at Toledo in the summer of 1467, culminating in El fuego de la Magdalena, see Benito Ruano, Toledo pp 93-102.

44 Pidal, Menéndez, Historia de España, 15, p 6 Google Scholar n.

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49 Ibid p 35.

50 Valera, Mosén Diego de, Cronica, ed Carriazo, J. de Mata (Madrid 1957) p 123 Google Scholar n 1 (quoting Zurita and MS L); and see Villanueva, [F. Márquez] [Investigaciones sobre Juan Alvaro de Gato] (Madrid 1960) p 130 Google Scholar.

51 Kamen p 52.

52 Fernández, [Fidel], [Fray Hernando de Talavera] (Madrid 1942)Google Scholar. The argument seems to be derived from 1 Cor 5 and perhaps from Rom 16:17.

53 The most likely passage which Talavera had in mind seem to be Apologeticum 46:15, Corpus Scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum, ed Frassinetti, P. (Turin 1965) pp 107-8Google Scholar. I owe this suggestion to the kindness of Mr G. Fowden.

54 Fernández p 173. I have been unable to follow up this author’s reference to ‘Historia Bibliográfica de Granada’, thesis for the Academia Provincial de Bellas Artes de Granada.

55 HL 3, pt i (1909) p 274, esp canon 57 and the general reference to the council of Toledo in Gómez, [A.], [‘De rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii’], in Hispaniae Illustratae, ed Schott, A., 4 vols (Frankfort 1603-8) 1 p 959 Google Scholar; for a disputed passage of the fourth council see the unedited reply of Lope de Barrientos, bishop of Cuenca to a bachelor, in Caballero, Fermín, Noticias de la vida, cargos y escritos, app 1, pp 323-42Google Scholar.

56 It is not very easy to see which canons of the council Talavera had in mind. No 2 forbade the purchase or sale of orders and no 5 the taking of fees for baptism. A ban on offering rewards for baptism might be deduced from these two canons and that would echo the same views as were expressed in the Seven Parts on offering rewards for conversion, see HL, 4 pt 2 (1911) p 1023.

57 1 November 1478, see Kamen p 35.

58 Ibid p 37.

59 Documentos, p 35 (Córdoba, Cádiz and Jerez); expulsion from Seville followed between 1484 and 1491.

60 For Abraham Senior see [Quesada, [M. A.]Ladero,] Castilla, y [la conquista del reino de] Granada (Valladolid 1967) p 221 Google Scholar and Documentos, passim. For Abrabanel and the sources quoted by Azcona see his Isabel p 644 no 40.

61 Boscolo, A., ‘Gli ebne in Sardegna durante la dominazione aragonese da Alfonso III a Ferdinando il Cattolico’. V Congreso de la Historia de la Corona de Aragón, Estudios, 5 vols (Saragossa 1952-61) 2 pp 9–17 Google Scholar. Between 1484 and 1486 there had been increasing pressure on the Jews of Burgos (Documentos p 33), on those of Vitoria and other centres (Ibid pp 33-4).

62 Fita, Fidel, ‘La verdad sobre el martirio del Santo Niño de la Guardia’, B[oletln de la R[eat] Accademia de] H[istoria, 11 (Madrid 1887] pp 7–134 Google Scholar.

63 Documentos no 177, pp 391-5.

64 F. Baer, following Bernaldez, gives a total of 200,000 ( Die Vertreibung der Juden aus Spanien in Millas Vallicrosa, Sefarad 6 (1943) pp 163-88)Google Scholar; but the number may be an overestimate. Documentos pp 55-64.

65 Records of the trials of the Spanish Inquisition in Ciudad Real, ed Bieriart, H. (Jerusalem 1974) 1 Google Scholar; see also Baroja, J. Caro, Los judlos en la España moderna y contemporánea, 3 vols (Madrid 1962) 1 pp 275-7Google Scholar.

66 Siete Partidas, 3 pp 675-6.

67 Ibid.

68 Law 3 (Ibid p 677).

69 Law 9 (Ibid pp 680-1).

70 Southern pp 67-74.

71 Hillgarth p 166. The Dominicans were particularly active. They founded schools for training missionaries in Hebrew and Arabic at Tunis (before 1250), at Murcia (1266) at Valencia and Játiva. The Franciscans founded the college of Miramar, Majorca, None of these schools seems to have survived long.

72 Ramón Martí seems to have given it up after the 1263 disputation and took to writing his major work—the Pugio Fidei cotttrajudaeos, in which he defended Christianity against the Jews. In it he drew heavily on St Thomas Aquinas’s Summa contra Gentiles, a treatise on natural theology intended to equip missionaries for debate and argumentation with Muslims’ (O’Callaghan p 496); see Hillgarth pp 165-6.

73 Hillgarth, J. N., Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth-Century France (Oxford 1971) p 26 Google Scholar.

74 Ibid p 22.

75 Ibid pp 29, 128 and n 344.

76 Ibid pp 128-9 n 347.

77 Hillgarth p 225.

78 However the dispute had been forced on the unwilling Jews by the anti-pope Benedict XIII and was by way of being a forcible instruction of the Jews in the Christian religion, see López, A. Pacios, La Disputa de Tortosa, 2 vols (Madrid 1957)Google Scholar.

79 Sec Ladero, Los mudejares, p 23 and n 19. On 17 January 1475 Abraham Jarafe, alfaqui, doctor and member of the household of archbishop Carrillo held this position.

80 The Mercedarians had been founded by Peter Nolasco. The order had been helped by James I of Aragon to set itself up in the kingdom of Valencia and Raymond Penyafort had drawn up its constitutions, O’Callaghan p 497. The Trinitarians were a French order. Both were founded to negotiate for Christians captured by Muslims.

81 Southern p 88.

82 Pérez, G. Beneyto, ‘Science of Law in Spain of the Catholic Kings’, in Spain in the Fifteenth Century, ed Highfield, Roger (New York 1972) p 282 Google Scholar.

83 Atienza, M. Garrido, Las Capitulaciones para ta entrega de Granada (Granada 1910)Google Scholar.

84 Ladero, Los mudéjares pp 31-53.

85 Printed in Azcona pp 761-3; he had long been an advocate of the conquest. Sigöenza calls him el movedor o despertador of the campaign Sigöenza, [Fr. José de][, Historia de la orden de San Jerónimo,] ed García, J. Catalina, 2 ed, 2 vols, N[ueva] Biblioteca de] A[utores] E[spañoles] (Madrid 1907-9) 2 p 300 Google Scholar.

86 del, M. del Hoyo, C. Pescador, ‘Como fue de verdad la toma de Granada.’ Al-Andalus 41 vols (Madrid 1933- ) 20 (1955) p 330 Google Scholar. There were three early biographies—by 1) Jorge de Torres, maestrescuela of Granada, 2) by the author of the ‘Breve Suma’, perhaps Jerónimo Fernández de Madrid, abbot of Santa Fe, and 3) by Alonso Fernández de Madrid, archdeacon of Alcor; the best description of them is in Azcona, [P. Tarsicio de], [La Elección y Reforma [del episcopado español en tiempo de los Reyes Católicos] (Madrid 11960) pp 243-4Google Scholar. All were written by contemporaries of Talavera. Among modern biographies the more important are Suárez, P. de Alcántara y Mimano, , Vida del Venerable don Fray Hernando de Talavera (Madrid 1866)Google Scholar and cap 4 of Márquez, Investigaciones.

87 The province of Granada was allotted the bishoprics of Guadix and Almería in addition to Granada itself. Following ancient practice Málaga was attached to Seville.

88 They may well have been right. His opponents were later to accuse him of being a member of the Contreras family through his mother. The treasurer of the chapter of Granada in his time was Antonio de Contreras, Márquez, Investigaciones, p 141 n 138.

89 Pulgar is the chief authority for calling him Hernando de Oropesa. For the date of his birth see n 97.

90 Tello, P. León and Marazuela, M. T. de la Peña, Archivo de los Duques de Frías, 3 vols (Madrid 1955-73)Google Scholar 3 (table) and no 29, p 11.

91 ‘Breve Suma’, fol 139v in Márquez, Investigaciones, p 141 n 137. Talavera’s father is said to have been muy cercana pariente de la casa de Oropesa. Another pointer may be provided by the fact that Talavera’s nephew was Francisco Herrera, dean of Granada, and one of his nieces was called María Herrera, de Pedraza, F. Bermúdez, Historia Eclesiástica de Granada (Granada 1638)Google Scholar fol 176v; she was said to have been the daughter of a certain (fulano) Herrera. A member of his household was Gabriel Alonso de Herrera, author of Libro de Agricultura (Alcalá 1513), and a fellow townsman from Talavera. It has not been noticed that the wife of the third lord of Oropesa was called Juana Herrera.

92 Bordona, J. Domínguez, ‘Algunas precisiones sobre fray Fernando de Talavera’ BRAH, 144 (1959) p 229 Google Scholar. He is referred to as ‘Fernando de Talavera, habitatori Barellinone, oriundo ville de Talavera, Archiepiscopatus de Tholeta’. Domínguez lists Talavera’s writings.

93 Azcona, Elección y Reforma, p 244.

94 The following appear to be autograph, Escorial MS b IV 26 ‘Tratado contra la demasia del vestir’ (Domínguez no 7), Escorial MS a IV 29 ‘Tratado dirigido a las religiosas de San Bernardo de Avila’ (Domínguez no 8) and the foundation document of Santiago de la Madre de Dios de Granada, Biblioteca] Na[cional] MS 6923. Less certainly autograph is BNa MS 9815 ‘Invectiva contra un medico’ (Domínguez no 14).

95 Ibid pp 227-9.

96 Quoted in Domínguez p 215.

97 Sigöenza 2 p 290. For the chronology of Talavera’s career and his interesting will, see now Aldea, Q., ‘Hernando de Talavera, su testamento y sa biblioteca, Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel, OSB, 2 vols (Silos 1976-7)Google Scholar. I owe this reference to the kindness of professor Russell.

98 Sigöenza 1 p 26.

99 Ibid 1 pp 27-31; see also Sicroff, A. A., ‘The Jeronymite Monastery of Guadalupe in Fourteenth and Fifteenth-century Spain’ in Collected Studies in Honour of Americo Castro’s Eightieth Year, ed Hornik, M. P. (Oxford 1965) pp 397–422 Google Scholar.

100 Ibid.

101 For Alfonso de Oropesa (General 29 October 1457-28 October 1468) see Azcona PP 378. 387 and Sigöenza, 1 pp 361-88. He was the author of Lumen ad revelationem gentium et gloriam tuae Israel and a life of St John Chrysostom to whom he was especially devoted, ibid 1 p 372.

102 Ibid 2 p 291, who calls her ‘duchess’, but the counts of Alba only became dukes in 1469.

103 Escritores Místicos Españoles, [ed Mir, M.], NBAE (Madrid 1911) pp 94–103 Google Scholar, Domínguez no 8; this must have been written between 1466 when the countess married and 1485 when Talavera ceased to be prior of El Prado. The countess was half-sister of the second countess of Oropesa who had married Fernán Alvarez de Toledo the second count in 1480. The most likely date for the tract is therefore between 1480 and 1486.

104 Ibid 1 pp 3-35, Domínguez no 2.

105 Sigüenza 2, pp 325-9.

106 de Madrid, [A.]Fernández, Vida [de Fray Fernando de Talavera, primo arzobispo de Granada], ed Olmedo, F. G. (Madrid 1931) p 123 Google Scholar; see Haebler, [G.], Bibl[liograßla] Ibér[ica del siglo xv], 2 vols (The Hague 1903-17)] 1 p 303 Google Scholar, no 631; Domínguez no 21; this too was written when Talavera was prior of El Prado and after 1480. It was published at Seville c1493 and has been edited by F. Márquez (Barcelona 1961).

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108 Sigüenza says (Historia de la Orden 2 p 293) that he remained prior for sixteen years. Since he became bishop of Avila in 1484 this means that he became prior about 1468. He had resigned his chair at Salamanca by proctor on 5 July 1466 ‘because he expected to absent himself from the city’, Extractos de ¡os libros de claustros de la Universidad de Salamanca, Siglo XV (1464-1481), ed Rodríguez, F. Marcos (Salamanca 1964) no 208, p 87 Google Scholar. Professor Russell kindly drew my attention to this source.

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110 Clemendn, [D.], Elogio [de la Reina Católica doña Isabel] (Madrid 1821) pp 359-71Google Scholar.

111 Ibid p 424 and see Cantero, A. Prieto, Casa y Descargos de los Reyes Católicos, cat xxiv del Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid 1969)Google Scholar. In 1479 he was an envoy to Portugal, Crónica 1 pp 404-10.

112 Clemencín, Elogio, p 420; Azcona pp 360-1; Tascón, A. Matilla, Declaratorias de los Reyes Católicos sobre reducción de juros y otras mercedes (Madrid 1952) pp 15–16 Google Scholar.

113 de las Casas, B., Historia de las Indias, ed de Tudela Bueso, J. Pérez, 5 vols. B[iblioteca de] A[utores] E[spañoles] (Madrid 1957) 1 pp 110-14Google Scholar, 118; Morison, S. E., Admiral of the Ocean Sea, 2 vols (Boston 1942) 1 pp 116-19Google Scholar, 131-2.

114 He was appointed by Sixtus IV in 1482 and continued to act until the city fell, Ladero, Castilla y Granada, pp 205-6; see also Pulgar, Crónica 2 p 334.

115 Fernández de Madrid, Vida, pp 81-4; Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 185.

116 Fernández pp 215-16.

117 Antonio, Nicolás, Biblioteca Scriptorum Hispaniae Nova, 2 vols (Madrid 1788) 2 p 166 Google Scholar.

118 Domínguez pp 213-14.

119 ‘Breve Suma’, fol 151у in Márquez, Investigaciones, p 117 n 41; Azcona p 762.

120 Domínguez p 213 (quoting ‘Breve Suma’); Sigüenza, 2 p 306; Mármol says that he learned enough to teach the ten commandments, the articles of faith and prayers in Arabic and to hear confessions, de Mármol [Carvajal], Luis, Historia del rebelion [y castigo de los moriscos del reyno de Granada] , 2 vols (2 ed Madrid 1797) 1 p 108 Google Scholar.

121 Transcribed as Ybara figun, [Garrad, K., ‘The original memorial of don Francisco] Nuñez Muley’, Atlante (London 1953- ) 2 (October 1954) p 215 Google Scholar; and see Márquez, Investigaciones p 117 and n 41.

122 Zambra from the Arabic zamr, see Corominas, J. O., Diccionario Crítico Etimológico de la lengua Castellana, 4 vols (Berne 1954) 4 pp 818-19Google Scholar. Corominas mistakenly attributes the description of Talavera in Mármol’s Rebelion to Cisneros.

123 Azcona, Elección y Reforma, p 258.

124 Gómez, De Rebus, p 961. For certain feast days he had the lessons translated into Castilian ‘so that the people could understand them’, ‘Breve Suma’ fol 149r/v in Márquez, Investigaciones p 116 n 40; Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 186v.

125 Lyell, J. P. R., Cardinal Ximenes (London 1917) p 27 Google Scholar.

126 Ibid pp 28, 34.

127 Gómez, De Rebus, p 961.

128 Tostams, Alfonsus, Commentarla in terciam partem Mathaei (Venice 1596) p 118 Google Scholar.

129 See Ladero, Los mudejares, no 88, p 235, letter of 4 January 1500. ‘We believe firmly that no one must remain who is not a Christian ... we are determined to press our policy forwards and to set aside all else.’ Cisneros claimed that Talavera shared this viewpoint.

130 Hefele, [C. J. von], [Life of Cardinal Ximenez], trans Dalton, J. C. (London 1885) p 3 Google Scholar.

131 Ibid.

132 Gómez, De Rebus, p 932.

133 Hefele p 4.

134 Ibid pp 6-8.

135 Ladero, Los mudéjares, nos 85, 88-9, 91, 96 and 99.

136 Ibid no 88.

137 Ibid no 85. Writing to the dean and chapter of Toledo on 16 January he could report that already 50,000 souls had been converted and ‘I hope in Our Lord that all this kingdom will be converted in which there are more than 200,000 souk’ (no 89).

138 Ibid no 83.

139 Ibid no 87.

140 Escritores Místicos p 11.

141 Ibid.

142 Sigüenza p 316.

143 Ibid p 309.

144 Escritores Místicos pp 4-5.

145 In a review of Ladero, mudéjares, Los in EHR, 87 (1972) p 363 Google Scholar.

146 Ferdinand and Isabella arrived in Granada in early July 1499, de Armas, A. Rumeu, Itinerario de los Reyes Católicos (Madrid 1974) pp 254-6Google Scholar. They left for Seville in the first days of December. It seems that it had been on their initiative that Cisneros had been summoned from Alcalá to Granada, Hefele p 61; Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 195.

147 Gómez, De Rebus, pp 959-60. For the date see Ladero, Los mudéjares, p 72.

148 Gómez, De Rebus, pp 958-9; it is true that he repudiated the treatment meted out to Zegri by Dr León, Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 195v. For a royal instruction, dated 12 October 1501, ordering copies of the Koran and other Muslim religious books to be burned see Ladero, Los mudéjares, no 146, p 72. It is probably to this late date that the famous incident in which Cisneros directed the burning of a pyre of Muslim books in the Plaza de Vivarrambla should be attributed.

149 Mármol, Historia del rebelion, p 124. It had reached the area round Granada by the end of December 1499 and the first few days of January 1500, Ladero, Los mudéjares, PP 73-5.

150 de Vallejo, Juan, Memorial de la vida de Fray Francisco Jiménez de Cimeros (Madrid 1913) p 38 Google Scholar, and see no 86 in Ladero, Los mudéjares, pp 230-2.

151 Nunez Muley, p 204.

152 Quesada, M. A. Ladero, Granada, Historia de un pais islámico, 1232-1572 (Madrid 1964) p 163 Google Scholar.

153 Al-Maqqari in Fernández, F. y González, , Estado social y político de los mudejares de Castilla (Madrid 1866) p 202 n 1Google Scholar.

154 Ladero, , Los mudéjares, no 139, pp 307-11Google Scholar.

155 Ibid no 144, pp 315-16 (27 September 1501).

156 Pragmatic of 12 February 1502, Ramírez, Juan, Las pragmáticas del reyno (Valladolid 1540) fols viii–ix Google Scholar; Elliott, J. H., Imperial Spain, 1461-1715 (London 1963) p 40 Google Scholar.

157 Ladero, Los mudejares, no 101 (27 March 1500).

158 Sigüenza, 2 p 316; Azcona, Elección y Reforma, pp 262-5.

159 Harvey, L. P., Actas del primer congreso internacional de estudios árabes (Madrid 1963) pp 163-78Google Scholar.