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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
The midland houses of Winchcombe and Evesham restored monasticism to the north in a fervent and wholly English form. No one can read the history of this migration and the subsequent history of Durham without feeling that here, at least, English monastic life was sound.’
In these words, Knowles summed up his view of the type of monastic observance which was instituted in the houses of the northern renovatio after the Norman Conquest. Certainly there were important Anglo-Saxon elements present in the revival of Benedictine monasticism in the north of England; Durham, Whitby and St Mary’s, York, owed much to the Anglo-Saxon monastic life as retained at Worcester and Evesham after the Norman Conquest.
1 Knowles, D., ‘The Norman Plantation’, D Rev 49 (1931) pp 441-56, pp 455-6Google Scholar
2 Other works on the revival of monasticism in the north include Knowles, MO PP 159-71; Baker, L. G. D., ‘The Desert in the North’, NH 5 (1970) pp 1-11Google Scholar; Meehan, B., Outsiders, insiders, and property in Durham around 1100’, SCH 12 (1975) 45–58 Google Scholar; Bethell, D., ‘The Foundation of Fountains Abbey and the State of St. Mary’s, York in 1132’,JEH 17 (1966) pp 11–27 Google Scholar. Derek Baker, ‘The Narratio de Fundationis of Fountains Abbey’, 1 and 2, Asoc. The most recent work on the subject is Burton, J., ‘The Origin and Development of the Religious Orders in Yorkshire’, unpublished University of York PhD thesis (1977)Google Scholar
3 Knowles, MO p 165.
4 Cooper, J. M., ‘The Last Four Anglo-Saxon Archbishops of York’, Borthwick Paper 38 (York 1970) p 1 Google Scholar.
5 Symeon of Durham] Historia [Ecclesiae] Dunelm[ensis], ed Arnold, T. RS (1882) p 120 Google Scholar. Although it is unlikely that Symeon was amongst the original community who were transferred from Jarrow and Wearmouth to Durham, his name does appear thirty-seventh on the list of those who had taken monastic vows at Durham before 1104.
6 Vix aliquod antiquae nobilitatis servaverat signum’, Symeon, Historia Dunelm p 109.
7 ‘altaria vacua et discooperata remanserunt’, Memorial [of the Foundation of Whitby], Cart[ularium Abbathiae de] Whi[eby], ed Atkinson, J.C SS 69 (1879) p 2 Google Scholar.
8 Knowles, MO p 160.
9 Symeon, Historia Dunelm, pp 108-9.
10 HRH p 47.
11 Symeon, Historia Dunelm p 112.
12 ibid. p111.
13 Memorial, Cart Whit p 1.
14 Symeon, Historia Dunelm p 111.
15 ibid p 122.
16 The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed Knowles, D. (London 1951) p 59 Google Scholar.
17 English Benedictine Kalendars after 1100, ed Wormald, [F.] 2 vols, HBS 77 81 (1939/1946) s p 46 Google Scholar.
18 Liber Eliensis ed Blake, E.O. Cser, 3 ser, 92 (1962) pp 228-39Google Scholar.
19 Folcard compiled this life for archbishop Ealdred of York (died 1069). Printed in Historians of the Church of York, ed Raine, J., 3 vols, RS (1879) 1, pp 239-91.Google Scholar
20 Gransden, A. Historical Writing in England c. 550-1307 (London 1974) p 107 Google Scholar.
21 A further example of the continuing popularity of Anglo-Saxon saints can be seen from the fact that lists of their burying places continued to be copied until the thirteenth century; see Rollason, D. W., ‘Lists of saints resting places in Anglo-Saxon England’, Anglo Saxon England 7 (Cambridge 1978) pp 61–93 p 69Google Scholar.
22 One example of this is the policy of dedicating churches on the continent to the Holy Trinity, (Matilda’s foundation at Caen – 1066) Stephen, (William’s foundation at Caen – 1065) and Peter (Jumièges – 1067.) Evreux, consecrated in 1060 was dedicated to the Saviour.
23 At Christ Church, Canterbury the feasts of Ermenhilda and Edward the martyr were removed from the calendar whilst at St. Augustine’s the feasts of Werburga, Ermenhilda, Aldhelm, Aelgifu, Swithun Eadburga, Withburga and Ceolfrith were no longer celebrated.
24 Ermenhilda, Edward, the martyr, Cuthbert, , Guthlac, , Alphege, , Erkenwold, , Dunstan, , Aethelbert, , Germanus, , Alban, , Aetheldrith, , Swithun, , Sexburge, , Oswald, and Edmund, king and martyr, , English Benedictine Kaiendars before 1100, ed Wormald, F. HBS 72 (1934) pp 212-23Google Scholar.
25 Colgrave, B., ‘The Post Bedan Miracles and Translations of St. Cuthbert’, The Early Cultures of North-West Europe, H. M. Chadwick Memorial Studies, ed Fox, C., Dickins, B. (Cambridge 1950) pp 305-32Google Scholar.
26 Battiscombe, C.F., The Relics of St. Cuthbert (Oxford 1956) p 55 note 3Google Scholar.
27 English Benedictine Kalendars afler 1100, 1, pp 167-79.
28 Le Neve 2 [Monastic Cathedrals] p 29.
29 Symeon Historia Dunelm p 113.
30 Le Neve 2, p 29.
31 Symeon Historia Dunelm p 122.
32 Offler, H. S., Durham Episcopal Charters 1071-1152, SS 179 (1968) p 63 Google Scholar.
33 Ranulf had formerly been a clerk in the royal chancery and he made considerable use of his chancery experience in the administration of his see. For further details see Southern, R. W., ‘Ranulf Flambard and early Anglo-Norman administration, TRHS, 4 Ser 16 (1933) pp 95-128, 26Google Scholar.
34 William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, ed Hamilton, N. E. S. A., RS (1870) p 274 Google Scholar.
35 Southern, R. W., ‘Ranulf Flambard’, Medieval Humanism and other Studies (Oxford 1970) pp 183–205, 202Google Scholar.
36 EYC 2, 934, pp 273-4, Durham, D[ean and] C[hapter MS] 2 ea Imae Pont.I.
37 ibid 966, p 297, Durham DC Cartulary 1 fol 49r.
38 ibid 977, p 306 Durham, DC 2 da Imae Pont. 3.
39 Symeon Historia Dunelm p 140.
40 EYC 2,876, pp 223-4.
41 Whitby Cart p 116; Jaffé 7230 p 827; Nicholl, D., Thurstan, Archbishop of York 1114-1140 (York 1964) p 98 Google Scholar.
42 ASC, ed Whitelock, D. (London 1965) p 166 Google Scholar.
43 Heming, a monk of Worcester during the time of Wulfstan’s episcopate shows considerable hostility to the Normans in his cartulary.
44 Lamb, J. W., St. Wulfstan, Prelate and Patriot, a Study of his Life and Times (London 1933) pp 83-4Google Scholar.
45 Heming, , [Cartulary, ed Hearne, T.], 2 vols (Oxford 1723) 1 pp 253, 268-9Google Scholar. This included land at Lawern, Elmley and Charlton.
46 Heming p 263. This involved land at Headsoffe. Further encroachments were made by Ralph de Bernay sheriff of Hereford who took Alfinton, Astley and Whitley. Heming pp 255-6.
47 [The] Letters of Lanfranc [Archbishop of Canterbury] ed Clover, H. and Gibson, M. (Oxford 1979) pp 126-7Google Scholar. When writing to bishop Walcher Lanfranc refers to castrum vestrum a term which seems to imply more than mere custodianship. It is probable that both William of St. Carilef and Ranulf Flambard held similar positions of military responsibility.
48 EYC 2,990, p 315. In its present form this charter is spurious although it is probably based on a genuine writ which no longer survives.
49 Durham, DC 1 ma 1mae Reg 7 (1089-94); EYC 929, p 268.
50 Durham, DC 1ma 2dae Spec 23 (1107-16); RR 2,1143, p 135.
51 Durham, DC 2da 1mae Reg 9 (1116-21); EYC 2,933, p 273. Confirmation of the gift of Barmpton. Although the younger son of a Norman baron Nigel de Aubigny was raised to the highest nobility after the battle of Tinchebrai in 1106 inheriting most of the lands in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire forfeited by Hugh fitz Baldric for his support of duke Robert.
52 Durham, DC 2da1macReg 17; EYC 3, 1894, pp 499-500. Confirmation of a gift of land in Hunsley par Rowley (1100-9)
53 RR 2,1574 p 223 (1129)
54 BM Additional MS 38816 fols 22v-3r.
55 EYC 1,351, p 268 (1100-15) The forest of Pickering Lithe, Ryedale and part of the forest of Galtres.
56 LYC 1,470, p 361.
57 EYC 1,527, p 408 (1100-16) Land in Nether Poppleton, Appleton, Hessay and St. Saviour’s Gate, York.
58 Manchester, John Rylands Library Latin MS 220 fol 358v (1100-22) Land in Rudston.
59 BM Harley MS 236 fol 21r (1125-35); EYC 2,648, p 1. The manor of Appleton Wiske and the church of Burton Agnes.
60 Harley MS 236 fol 2v; EYC 1,350, p 264. Confirmation by William II (1088-93)
61 For example the grant to abbot Aelsi of Ramsey (died 1087) in Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, ed Hart, W.H. and Loyons, P. A. RS (1884) p 233 Google Scholar; RR 1,295, P 77. For a similar grant to St Albans (c1 102) see RR 2,595, p 23.
62 Such privileges were enjoyed by Thorney RR 2,585, p 211; Battle, RR 2, 1075, p 121; and Glastonbury RR 2,1525, p 213.
63 Cox, J. C., The Royal Forests of England (London 1905) p 213 Google Scholar.
64 These were the fines payable for a breach of special peace, obstruction, forcible entry, theft and neglect of military service respectively; see N. D. Hurnard, ‘ The Anglo-Norman Franchises’ EHR (1949) pp 289-327 and pp 433-60, especially pp 299-300 and Harmer, F. E., Anglo-Saxon Writs (Manchester 1952) pp 74–82 Google Scholar.
65 ASC E (1066) p 142.
66 Both Godric of Winchcombe and Aethelnoth of Glastonbury were imprisoned by the Conqueror. Knowles, MO p 104.
67 Round, J.H. Feudal England (London 1895) pp 304-5Google Scholar.
68 [William of Malmesbury], Gesta Regum [Anglorum, ed Stubbs, W.] RS (1889) p 313.Google Scholar
69 Le Patourel, J., ‘The Norman Conquest of Yorkshire’, NH 6 (1971) pp 1-21 especially p 3Google Scholar.
70 Letters of Lanfranc p 86. Wulfstan II of Worcester was told by Lanfranc that if he assisted the archbishop of York in the consecration of a bishop of the Orkneys this would in no way be allowed to become a precedent for the archbishop of York to exercise jurisdiction over Worcester.
71 Hugh the Chantor, History of Four Archbishops of York, Historians of the Church of York, 2, RS(1886)p 100 Google ScholarPubMed
72 The Regularis Concordia, ed Symons, T. (London 1953) p 20 Google Scholar.
73 Southern, R. W., ‘English Origins of the Miracles of the Virgin’, Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4 (London 1958) pp 176–216, p 196Google Scholar.
74 ibid p 182.
75 English Benedictine Kalendars after 1100, 1, p 179.
76 Confraternity was an agreement made between otherwise independent abbeys that they would be united in prayer for one another’s dead.
77 Thorpe, B., Diplomatarium Anglicum Aevi Saxonici (London 1863) pp 615-17Google Scholar.
78 Liber Vitae Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, ed Thompson, A. H., SS 136 (1923) fols 33v,48v, 33v, 48r, 33v, 48v, 48r Google Scholar.
79 For Durham two booklists survive, one listing the donations of William of St. Carilef and the other being a composite catalogue of C1170. Both are printed in Catalogi [Veteres Librorum Ecclesiae Cathedralis Dunelmensis], SS 7 (1838) pp 117-18 and pp 1-10 respectively. For Whitby we have a catalogue of the late twelfth century printed in Cart Whit p 341, whilst the T[extus] R[offensis] 2 vols, ed Sawyer, P.H. (Copenhagen 1957-62)Google Scholar contains an inventory of the books of the cathedral priory at Rochester. For Canterbury there is a fragmentary list, dealing mainly with classical texts, printed in [James, M. R., The] Ancient Libraries [of Canterbury and Dover] (Cambridge 1903) pp 7-12Google Scholar. A detailed study of Worcester manuscripts has recently been made by Maclntyre, E. A., ‘Early Twelfth Century. Worcester Cathedral Priory with Special Reference to the Manuscripts written there’, unpublished Oxford DPhil thesis (1972)Google Scholar. For the library of Evesham as well as for the patristic works possessed by Christ Church, Canterbury, we are forced to rely on the evidence of surviving books listed by Ker, N. R. in Medieval Libraries of Great Britain (2 ed London 1964)Google Scholar.
80 Gesta Regum p 304. ‘vix sacramentorum verba balbutiebant.
81 Darlington, R. R. ed., Vita Wulfstani C ser, 3 Ser 40 (1928) p 77 Google Scholar.
82 Thomson, [R. M.], ‘The Library of Bury St Edmunds Abbey [in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’] Speculum 47 (1972) pp 617-45 P 626CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
83 Ker, N. R., English Manuscripts in the Century after the Norman Conquest (Oxford 1960) pp 7–8 Google Scholar.
84 1087-91. In 1091 he became bishop of Thetford from which place he transferred the see to Norwich where he died in 1119.
85 Epistolae Herberti de Losinga ed Anstruther, R., (Brussels 1846) p 7 Google Scholar.
86 ibid p 16.
87 Thomson, ‘The Library of Bury St. Edmunds’, p 626.
88 Oxford, Jesus College MS 93.
89 BM Royal MS 6Axvi, BM Royal MS 4Cii, BM Cotton MS Otto CI part ii and Cambridge, C[orpus] C[hristi] C[ollege] MS 12 respectively.
90 Ker, [N. R.], [Catalogue of Manuscripts containing] Anglo-Saxon, (Oxford 1957) pp 81, 113-115, 412-18, 108-110, 36-7 and 466-7Google Scholar. The references are as follows:-Cambridge, CCC MS 198 fols 321-7 and 367-77; Oxford Bodleian Library MS JJunius 121, Cambridge CCC MS 391, C[ambridge,] U[niversity] L[ibrary] MS Kk 111. 18, Cambridge, CCC MS 367 part II fols 3-6 and 11-29 and Worcester, Cathedral Library MS F174.
91 Early Worcester Cathedral Priory pp 24, 67 and 82. Thomson, ‘The Library of Bury St. Edmund’s Abbey’, p 625, shows that pre-conquest interests were also retained at Bury until the twelfth century.
92 Ker, Anglo Saxon, pp 148, 298. Durham DC MS B IV 24 fols 74-127, BM MS Cotton Vitellius D xx Burnt Cotton Fragment Bundle 1(16)
93 Durham, Catalogi, pp 117-18. TR fols 224r/v, 227v. It is likely that Canterbury possessed a similar collection although only copies of Augustine’s Letters, Gregory’s Register and Homilies and Ambrose’s De Poenitentia survive, Cambridge, T[rinity] C[ollege,]MS 140, CUL MS li III.33 fols 35-195, CUL Ff 111.9 and CUL Kkl.23 fols 65-80.
94 Durham, Catalogi, pp 1, 4, 5; two copies of Jerome’s Commentaries survive from Canterbury in Cambridge, TC MSS 142 and 168 whilst Rochester also possessed a copy TR fol 225r. Cicero, Virgil and Plato are listed in the Canterbury Catalogue, Ancient Libraries pp 8-10.
95 Cart Whit p 341.
