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Signs, Wonders, Miracles: Supporting the Faith in Medieval Rome

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Brenda Bolton*
Affiliation:
Formerly University of London, Queen Mary & Westfield College

Extract

Judging by the quantity of surviving texts – whether vitae or saints’ lives, libelli miraculorum or narratives of miracles for public reading in church, lectionaries or collections of liturgical readings, inventiones and translationes or accounts of relics found and later moved to a new location, popular receptivity to signs, wonders and miracles had reached a high point by the turn of the twelfth century. Whilst ordinary laypeople remained fascinated by supernatural phenomena, intellectuals were already beginning to challenge the preternatural in a process described by Chenu as the ‘desacralizing’ of nature. In the first book of his treatise, De Sanctis et eorum pignoribus (c.1120), Guibert, Abbot of Nogent, had contrasted the credulity of the faithful towards pseudo-miracles with the growing unease experienced by many scholars at inadequate written evidence for the authentication of relics. Andrew of Saint-Victor (d.1175), in an exposition on the literal interpretation of Scripture, found himself arguing for a natural explanation of events before any recourse to the miraculous. In the School of Pastoral Theology at Paris, Master Peter the Chanter (d.1197) vehemently criticized trial by ordeal as a flagrant tempting of God whereby a supposedly miraculous intervention was allowed to intrude into the regular legalistic operation of the courts. In the years immediately following the Chanter’s death, his former students, led by Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) and like-minded clerical associates, developed a significant agenda, emphasizing rationality and record keeping to sustain the faith of the Church within a new and more firmly pastoral context.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2005

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66 Kuttner and García, ‘New Eyewitness Account’, 125, 11. 66–8, suggest similarities with the first antiphon for the distribution of the palms on Palm Sunday.

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69 Carlo Cecchelli, ‘Fans olei’, in Capitolium 1 (1925/6), 535–9, unhelpfully suggests the existence of petroleum deposits in Trastevere.

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80 BAV, Galletti MS Vat. lat. 8051, fol. 13.

81 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 151r.

82 Ibid.: ‘in eodem quoque loco in fundamento terra madida inventa est, que expressa magis oleum quam aquam emittebat, quousque ad hec tempora, sicut expressa fuit, reservata apparet’.

83 LiberPontificalis, 1: 141; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 1–59.

84 Liber Pontificalis, 1: 8; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 24–65, for discussion of this complex problem.

85 Liber Pontificalis, 2: 78; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 106–15, esp. 115: ‘itself an “authentic” simulation of the Grotto of the Nativity’.

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89 Kuttner and García, ‘New Eyewitness Account’, 144–5; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 215–17.

90 Kuttner and García, ‘New Eyewitness Account’, 144–5, n. 85. Cf. Boyle, Leonard, ‘The Date of the Consecration of the Basilica of San Clemente’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 30 (1960), 41727.Google Scholar

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95 Galletti MS Vat. lat. 8051/1, fol. 134: ‘Ego Guido dei gratia presbiter cardinalis venerande ecclesie Sancte Marie tituli Calixti et Penestrinensis (sic) episcopus’.

96 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 152V: ‘canitie admirabilis … continuo faciente usque ad tempora vixit concilii’.

97 Ibid.: ‘… sed cum tempus instaret concilii, sicut ab eodem sepe audivi’.

98 Ibid.; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 338–9.

99 Ugonio, Historia delle stationi di Roma, 134. Tertullian saw ‘statio’ as derived from military use, standing on post or guard: see Baldovin, Urban Character of Christian Worship, 143; C Mohrmann,’Statio’, Vigiliae Christianae 7 (1953), 1–15, repr. in eadem, Études sur le latin des chrétiens, 4 vols (Rome, 1965), 3:307–30.

100 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 151r.

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103 Cf., ‘In nativitate Domini’, PL 217, 456, for an identical citation.

104 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 152V; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 343: ‘And the conceit was delicious: quia Innocentius fecit corpus, et Innocentius inmittet anima.

105 Ibid.

106 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 153v: ‘Gaudens et exultans versus est ad propria’.

107 Sermones de Tempore XXVII-XXIX, PL 217, 433–50.

108 Brenda Bolton, ‘“The Caravan Rests”: Innocent III’s Use of Itineration’, in Omnia disce, 41–60, 51–2 and 54–5.

109 PL 215, 1435–7.

110 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 15 iv.

111 Moretti, De postrema dedicatione, fols 162r-163v.

112 Hampe, K., ‘Eine Schilderung des Sommeraufenthaltes der Römischen Kurie unter Innocenz’ III in Subiaco 1202’, Historische Vierteljahrsschrift 8 (1905), 50935.Google Scholar

113 PL 215, 1436: ‘Cum ergo magnum et arduum sit sacramentum altaris’.

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115 Chronica romanorum pontificum… ignoto monacho Cisterciensis, 36: ‘Idem dominus papa Innocentius iij us obiit xvij Kal. Augusti’.

116 Ibid.: ‘… ad cuius tumulum, sicut dicitur, ceci, maniaci et aliis infirmitatibus detenti Deo favente sanati sunt’.

117 Gary Dickson, The 115 Cults of the Saints in Later Medieval and Renaissance Perugia: a Demographic Overview of a Civic Pantheon’, Renaissance Studies 12 (1998), 6–19, repr. in idem, Religious Enthusiasm in the Medieval West: Revivals, Crusades, Saints, Variorum Reprints, CS 695 (Aldershot, 2000), X, 18. But Innocent’s biographer does speak of fons papalis which flowed in Spoleto following his visit in 1198, Gesta Innocentii, X (bis), col. xxvi; Deeds of Pope Innocent III, transl. Powell, 12.