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Poverty and Politics: The Motivation of Fourteenth Century Franciscan Reform in Italy
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Extract
After the undoubted achievements of the thirteenth century, the fourteenth is usually considered a period of spiritual recession for the major institutions of the western church. The regular orders, on the whole, suffered along with the rest, and apparently none more so than the family of Saint Francis. Like its fellows, it experienced the general decay of discipline known as conventualism. In part, however, this was but the symptom of a more fundamental malaise, a diffuse but widespread disenchantment with the ideal which, in the previous century, the order had made peculiarly and gloriously its own, that of absolute evangelical poverty; and this in turn, it goes without saying, followed from the catastrophic double conflict on poverty which filled the first quarter of the fourteenth century: the ‘practical’ conflict over observance between the spirituals and community, which led many spirituals into heresy and revolt against the church; and the ‘theoretical’ conflict which embroiled pope John XXII with all shades of opinion in the order, and came likewise to a heretical and schismatic end. No wonder, then, if the fourteenth century seems, for the Franciscans, an epoch peculiarly bleak.
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References
1 The position is described in all general accounts of the order, for example, Holzapfel, Handbuch, pp 80-2; Moorman, History, cap 28.
2 A telling aspect is considered by Vauchez, A., ‘La place de la pauvreté dans les documents hagiographiques à l’époque des spirituels’, in Chi erano gli Spirituali, Atti del 3° Convegno Internazionale della Società Internazionale di Studi Francescani (Assisi 1976) pp 125-43Google Scholar.
3 Survey of the two aspects in Moorman, History, caps 17, 25. For a more detailed account up to 1323: Lambert, [M. D.], [Franciscan Poverty] (London 1961)Google Scholar.
4 Outlines in such general accounts as Holzapfel, Handbuch; Moorman, History. The main secondary studies: Ehrle, F., ‘Das Verhältniss der Spiritualen zu den Anhängern-der Observanz’, ALKG 4 (1888) pp 181-90Google Scholar; Pulignani, M. Faloci, ‘Il B. Paoluccio Trinci e i Minori Osservanti’, MF 21 (1920) pp 65–82 Google Scholar; Brengio, [L.], [L’Osservanza francescana in Italia nei secolo XIV] (Rome 1963)Google Scholar. [M.] Sensi, [‘Brogliano e l’opera di fra Paoluccio Trinci’], Picenum Seraphicum 12 (officially, 1975; however, the volume had not appeared at the time of writing). References here are to note, not page numbers in the-author’s typescript, a copy of which was kindly supplied by the Capuchin historical institute, Rome. Apart from relevant items in AM and Bull Franc, the chief early sources are: the narratives and documents collected by Pulignani, M. Faloci, ‘Il B. Paoluccio Trinci da Foligno’, MF 6 (1896) pp 97–128 Google Scholar; [Bernardini Aquilani Chronica fratrum minorum de observantia, ed Lemmens, L.] (Rome 1902)Google Scholar; Jacobilli, [L.], [Vita del B. Paolo detto] Paoluccio [de’ Trinci da Fuligno] (Fuligno 1627)Google Scholar; Jacobilli, [L.], [Vite dei] Santi [e Beati dell’Umbria,] 1 (Fuligno 1647)Google Scholar. The present interpretation is based on. part of the writer’s PhD thesis for the university of Edinburgh, The Franciscan Regular Observance 1368-1447 and the divisions of the Order 1214-1528 (1974); a revised version. of this study is to be published by the Capuchin Historical Institute, Rome.
5 Most evident in the failures of Philip of Majorca to have the literal observance accepted: see Brengio pp 27-37.
6 A full account of the incident, with sources, is given later.
7 AM anno 1323 no 22 (2 ed vol 7 p 9).
8 See Lambert cap 10.
9 Jacobilli, Paoluccto, p 22.
10 See Moorman, History, p 360.
11 Ibid p 352.
12 Jacobilli, Paoluccio, p 23.
13 The foregoing picture of Paoluccio is based on MF 6 (1896) pp 101, 104-5 ί Jacobilli, Paoluccio, pp 22-4; AM anno 1323 no 22 (2 ed vol 7 p 9).
14 For the following description see: AM 1368 no 12(2 ed vol 8 p 210); MF 6 (1896) pp 106-7; Brengio pp 45-6. Brugliano lies between Colfiorito and Serravalle, on the route from Foligno to Camerino.
15 AM anno 1415 no 34 (2 ed vol 9 p 382); Lemmens p 24.
16 AM anno 1380 no 29 (2 ed vol 9 pp 41-2). For further terms see Sensi n 101.
17 See Moorman, J. R. H., Saint Francis of Assisi (London 1963), cap 2 Google Scholar. This is a fine short account. The nearest approach to a standard modern critical life is O. Englebert, trans Cooper, E. M., Saint Francis of Assisi (2 ed Chicago 1965)Google Scholar.
18 Jacobilli, Paoluccio, p 23.
19 MF 6(1896) pp 104-5.
20 On John of Valle: Jacobilli, Santi, pp 371-2; AM anno 1334 no 24 (2 ed vol 7 p 168), anno 1351 no 40 (2 ed vol 8 p 87); Brengio pp 38-40. On Gentilis of Spoleto: AM anno 1350 no 15 (2 ed vol 8 p 45); Brengio pp 49-51.
21 A recent study of Angelo: Berardini, L., Frate Angelo da Chiarirlo alla luce della storia (Osimo 1964)Google Scholar.
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24 On Gerald Odo: Langlois, C. V., ‘Guiral Ot’, Histoire Littéraire de la France 36 (Paris 1927) pp 203-25Google Scholar; Bartolomé, L., Gerardo de Odón (Murcia 1928)Google Scholar.
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26 Fundamental documentary studies: Ehrle, F., ‘Das Verhältniss der Spiritualen zu den Fraticellen’, ALKG 4 (1888) pp 64–180 Google Scholar; Oliger, L., ‘Documenta inedita ad historiam fraticellorum spectantia’, AFH 3 (1910) pp 253-79Google Scholar, 505-29, 680-99; 4 (1911) pp 3-23. 688-712; 5 (1912) pp 74-84; 6 (1913) pp 267-90, 515-30, 710-47. A recent synthesis: Schmitt, C., ‘Fraticelles’, DHGE 18 (1977) cols 1063–1108 Google Scholar.
27 Clareno’s group: ALKG 4 (1888) p 9 lines 12-14; other groups: AFH4 (1911) pp 694, 697, 702.
28 See Schmitt, Benoit, pp 169-72.
29 Chronicle [of the Twenty-Four Generals], AF 3 (1897) p 530; AM anno 1331 no 21 (2 ed vol 7 p 126)—Wadding’s dating is at fault here; Schmitt, Benoît, p 173; AFH6 (1913) p 278.
30 Bull Franc 6 (1902) p 245-6; see below.
31 With the possible exception of Raymond Gaufridi, who had a hand in events leading to Celestine V’s authorisation of the literal observance in 1294: see Moorman, History, 194.
32 As by Brengio, p 45.
33 ALKG 4(1888) 161-2.
34 Fortanerius Vassalis (1343-8) and William Farinier (1348-57). For the former see AM anno 1343 no 10 (2 ed vol 7 P 293); for the latter, a circular letter of 1349: Pratesi, [R.], [‘Una lettera enciclica del ministro generale Guglielmo Farinier’], AFH 50 (1957) pp 348-63Google Scholar, at p 361.
35 Delorme, F. M., ‘Acta capitali generalis anno 1346 Venetiis celebrati’, AFH 5 (1912) pp 698–709 Google Scholar, at p 707.
36 Bull Franc 6 (1902) p 245.
37 The hermitages are listed in the bull we are about to consider, ibid pp 245-6. Paoluccio’s adherence to the movement: AM anno 1355 no 7 (2 ed vol 8 p 106).
38 The question can be discerned in Clement VI’s bull of 1343, Bull Franc 6 (1902) p 245, and Farinier’s encyclical of 1349, Pratesi p 361.
39 Bull Franc 6 (1902) pp 245-6.
40 A contemporary’s view: Chronicle, AF 3 (1897) p 547; a modern view: Brengio PP 49-52.
41 Jacobilli, Paoluccio, pp 27-8; AFH 3 (1910) p 302.
42 The evidence of the Chronicle, above note 40, is confirmed by Wadding: AM anno 1350 no 15 (2 ed vol 8 p 45), anno 1355 no 7 (2 ed vol 8 p 106).
43 Ibid; Chronicle, AF 3 (1897) p 547.
44 AM anno 1355 no 2 (2 ed vol 8 p 103); Chronicle, AF 3 (1897) p 549.
45 Details in Brengio pp 53-60.
46 Bull Franc 6 (1902) pp 292-3.
47 AM anno 1362 no 4 (2 ed vol 8 p 154); Jacobilli, Santi, p 374.
48 AM anno 1368 no 10 (2 ed vol 8 p 209); MF 6 (1896) p 104; Jacobilli, Paoluccio, p 31; Brengio pp 68-9. For some difficulties in the story see Sensi nn 79-83.
49 As preceding note.
50 MF 6 (1896) p 105.
51 Sources for the narrative: Lemmens pp 7-8; MF 6 (1896) pp 101, 105-6; AM anno 1368 no 11 (2 ed vol 8 p 210); Jacobilli, Paoluccio, pp 33-5; Brengio pp 69-77. For a sceptical view see Sensi nn 84-6.
52 Ibid pp 63-4.
53 MF 6 (1896) p 106.
54 Jacobilli, Paoluccio, pp 26-7, but sec Sensi nn 24-30.
55 See MF 6 (1896) pp 112-13. The papal bulb concerned were omitted from Bull Franc 6. The text of one is reprinted in AFH 69 (1976) pp 460-71.
56 Slightly varying accounts in: Lemmens pp 10-12; MF 6 (1896) pp 102-3, 107-9; AM anno 1374 nos 22-5 (2 ed vol 8 pp 299-300); Jacobüli, Paoluccio, 43. Discussion of the sources: Brengio pp 104-9, Sensi nn 104-10.
57 See AFH 4 (1911) pp 691-2.
58 The provincial: MF 6 (1896) p 108; the general: AM 1374 nos 20-1 (2 ed vol 8 pp 298-9); the holy see: Bull Franc 6 (1902) pp 533-4.
59 The details in Brengio cap 5.
60 Witness the tone of a letter from the provincial in 1380: AM anno 1380 no 29 (2 ed vol 9 pp 41-2).
61 See MF 6(1869) pp 124-7.
62 See Nimmo, D. B., ‘Reform at the Council of Constance: the Franciscan case’, SCH 14 (1977) pp 159-73Google Scholar. at pp 167-70.