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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 May 2017
This article explores the possibility that the vernacular (Old English) may have been used in the baptismal rite in Anglo-Saxon England before the middle of the eighth century. Statements made by Bede (d. 735) and Boniface (d. 754), provisions in the Canons of the Council of Clofesho (747) and the probable existence of a lost Old English exemplar for the ‘Old Saxon’ or ‘Utrecht’ baptismal promise (Palatinus latinus 755, fols 6v–7r), all suggest that it was. The use of the vernacular was most attractive in a context of ongoing Christianization, where the faith commitment of the baptizand was foregrounded and his or her understanding of the rite correspondingly highly valued. Later, the shift of focus towards the correct pronunciation of the Trinitarian formula and the increase of general knowledge about the baptismal rite reduced the impetus for translation, and Latin became the standard language of baptism. The translation and non-translation of the baptismal rite reflect broader concerns about the place of the Church of the English and its ethnic and cultural particularity within the universal Church, and particularly its relationship with Rome.
1 ‘[Uilfrid] huic uerbum fidei et lauacrum salutis ministrabat . . . Itaque episcopus concedente, immo multum gaudente rege primos prouinciae duces ac milites sacrosancto fonte abluebat; uerum presbyteri Eappa et Padda et Burghelm et Oiddi ceteram plebem . . . baptizabant’: Bede, Historia ecclesiastica [hereafter: HE] 4.13 (Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. and transl. Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors, OMT [Oxford, 1969], 372, transl. 373).
2 Sarah, Foot, ‘“By Water in the Spirit”: The Administration of Baptism in Early Anglo-Saxon England’, in Blair, John and Sharpe, Richard, eds, Pastoral Care before the Parish (Leicester and New York, 1992), 171–92Google Scholar, at 172.
3 Studies of medieval baptism include Fisher, John Douglas Close, Christian Initiation: Baptism in the Medieval West: A Study in the Disintegration of the Primitive Rite of Initiation, Alcuin Club Collections 47 (London, 1965)Google Scholar; Cramer, Peter John, Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, c.200–c.1150 (Cambridge and New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Keefe, Susan A., Water and the Word: Baptism and the Education of the Clergy in the Carolingian Empire, 2 vols, Publications in Medieval Studies (Notre Dame, IN, 2002)Google Scholar; Spinks, Bryan D., Early and Medieval Rituals and Theologies of Baptism: From the New Testament to the Council of Trent (Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2006)Google Scholar. For Anglo-Saxon England, see Lynch, Joseph H., Christianizing Kinship: Ritual Sponsorship in Anglo-Saxon England (Ithaca, NY, and London, 1998)Google Scholar; Bedingfield, M. Bradford, The Dramatic Liturgy of Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge 2002), 171–90Google Scholar; Foot, ‘“By Water in the Spirit”’.
4 Fadda, Anna Maria Luiselli, ‘The Vernacular and the Propagation of the Faith in Anglo-Saxon Missionary Activity’, in Holtrop, Pieter N. and McLeod, Hugh, eds, Missions and Missionaries, SCH S 13 (Woodbridge, 2000), 1–15Google Scholar.
5 Hall, Alaric, ‘Interlinguistic Communication in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum’, in Interfaces between Language and Culture in Medieval England: A Festschrift for Matti Kilpiö, ed. Hall, Alaric et al. (Leiden 2012), 37–80Google Scholar; Scharer, Anton, ‘The Role of Language in Bede's Ecclesiastical History’, in idem, Changing Perspectives on England and the Continent in the Early Middle Ages (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2014)Google Scholar, art. II, at 1–8.
6 Forbes, Helen Foxhall, Heaven and Earth in Anglo-Saxon England: Theology and Society in an Age of Faith, Studies in Early Medieval Britain (Farnham, 2013), 103–11Google Scholar, quotation at 104.
7 Lynch, Christianizing Kinship, 176–7.
8 This does not, however, mean that there were no multilingual Anglo-Saxons, or that all Old English texts were meant for a monolingual audience: Gittos, Helen, ‘The Audience for Old English Texts: Ælfric, Rhetoric and “the Edification of the Simple”’, Anglo-Saxon England 43 (2014), 231–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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10 ‘Latinam . . . linguam aeque ut propriam in qua nati sunt norunt’: HE 4.2 (Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ed. and transl. Colgrave and Mynors, 334, transl. 335).
11 ‘[I]n singulis uiculis praedicando Dei uerbo et consecrandis mysteriis caelestibus, ac maxime peragendis sacri baptismatis officiis, ubi opportunitas ingruerit . . . sed idiotas, hoc est eos qui propriae tantum linguae notitiam habent, haec ipsa sua lingua discere . . . et ipse multiae saepe sacerdotibus idiotis haec utraque, et symbolum uidelicet et dominicam orationem, in linguam Anglorum translatam optuli’: Bede, Letter to Ecgbert, in Grocock, C. and Wood, I. N., The Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow, OMT (Oxford, 2013), 130–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar (Farmer, D. H., Bede: Ecclesiastical History of the English People [London and New York, 1990], 339–40Google Scholar).
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15 ‘[C]upiens eum . . . ordinari episcopum, quatinus suae gentis et linguae habens antistitem, tanto prefectius cum subiectis sibi populis uel uerbis imburetur fide uel mysteriis, quanto haec non per interpretem, sed per cognati et contribulis uiri linguam simul manumque susciperet’: Bede, in Grocock and Wood, Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow, 26–8 (D. H. Farmer, The Age of Bede [London, 1998], 189).
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17 Foot, ‘“By Water in the Spirit”’, 172; Spinks, Early and Medieval Rituals, 127.
18 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Palatinus Latinus, MS 577, fols 6v–7r.
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27 Compare canon 27 of the Statuta Bonifatii: ‘Nullus sit presbiter, qui in ipsa lingua, qua nati sunt, baptizandos abrenuntiationes vel confessiones aperte interrogare non studeat, ut intellegant, quae abrenuntiant vel quae confitentur; et qui taliter agere dedignantur, secedat in parrochia’: MGH Capitula Episcoporum 3, 364.
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34 MGH Epp. Sel. 1, 141 (letter 68). For this he was reprimanded by Pope Zacharias (741–52): it was the priest's Trinitarian intentions that counted, and the baptisms were to be considered valid. On later medieval philosophical debates regarding intentional versus conventional meaning, see Rosier-Catach, I., ‘Speech Act and Intentional Meaning in the Medieval Philosophy of Language’, Bulletin de philosophie médiévale 52 (2010), 55–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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36 ‘Illi . . . qui baptizati sunt per diversitate et declinatione linguarum gentilitatis’: MGH Epp. Sel. 1, 73 (letter 45); ET The Letters of Saint Boniface, intro. Thomas F. X. Noble, transl. Ephraim Emerton (New York, 2000), 73.
37 MGH Epp. Sel. 1, 73 (letter 45).
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49 Perhaps the use of Old English was one way in which the Anglo-Saxon baptismal rite could be distinguished from the British, especially if the Britons were seen by the Anglo-Saxons ‘to be characterized not by their Celtic speech, but by their living use of Latin’, as Harvey has suggested: Harvey, ‘Cambro-Romance’, 201.
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52 Cramer, Baptism and Change, 202.
53 Forbes, Heaven and Earth, 104–8; Spinks, Early and Medieval Rituals, 132–3.
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