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Gregory IX, Frederick II, and the Liberation of the Holy Land, 1230-9

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Björn Weiler*
Affiliation:
University of Wales, Swansea

Extract

Gregory IX is rarely associated with the affairs of the Holy Land. In fact, he is most widely known for initiating the conflict between imperial and papal authority which was to occupy European society for most of the thirteenth century. After all, the conflict with Emperor Frederick II had been among the defining features of Gregory’s pontificate. In September 1227, barely six months into office, he excommunicated Frederick, and in 1241 he died after a failed attempt to try Frederick before a general council. Consequently, the period of concord between 1230, when peace was made with Frederick in the Treaty of San Germano, and March 1239, when the Emperor was excommunicated for a second time, has been described as an interlude, a breathing space, allowing both Frederick and Gregory to muster the means and arguments for their final show-down.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2000

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References

1 van Cleve, Thomas Curtis, The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen: Immutator Mundi (Oxford, 1972), pp. 2313.Google Scholar

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6 Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis pontificum romanorum selectae per G. H. Pertz, ed. Carl Rodenberg, 3 vols, MGH (Berlin, 1883-94), 1, no. 425 [hereafter: Epistolae; all references will be to vol. 1].

7 Ibid., no. 450; Rudolf Hiestand, ‘Ierusalem et Sicilie rex - Zur Titulatur Friedrichs II.’, Deutsches Archiv für Eforschung des Mittelalters [hereafter DA], 53 (1996), pp. 181-9.

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9 This is exemplified by Frederick’s preferential treatment of the Teutonic Knights. In 1229, for instance, lands regained by the truce with al-Kamil were not returned to their former owners, but granted to the Teutonic Knights instead: Anonymous, ‘Quatre pièces relatives à l’ordre Teutonique en orient’, Archive de l’Orient latin, 2 (1884), no. 3. This conformed to Frederick’s general use of the Order to cement his position in Outremer and the Eastern Mediterranean: Peter Hilsch, ‘Der deutsche Ritterorden im südlichen Libanaon. Zur Topographie der Kreuzfahrerstaaten Sidon und Beirut’, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästinavereins, 96 (1980), pp. 174-89; Walter Hubatsch, ‘Der deutsche Orden und die Reichslehnschaft über Cypern’, Nachrichlen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gōttingen aus dem Jahre 1955: Philologisch-Historische Klasse (Göttingen, 1955), pp. 245-306; David Jacoby, ‘La dimensione oltremare: Federico II, Cipro e il regno di Gerusalemme’, in Maria Stella, Calo Mariani, and Raffaelo Cassano, eds, Federico II: imagine e potere (Bari, 1995), pp. 31-5.

10 Epistolae, nos 467-8. Reinhold Röhricht, Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem (1100-1291) (Innsbruck, 1898), pp. 797-828.

11 Epistolae, no. 477.

12 Ibid., no. 450.

13 Ibid., no. 605; Maurice Sheehy, ed., Pontificia Hibemica. Medieval Papal Chancery Documents Concerning Ireland 640-1261, 2 vols (Dublin, 1962-5), 2, no. 214.

14 It is worth noting that Gregory IX emphasised the Emperor’s involvement in the calling of the campaign: Alphonse Huillard-Breholles, ed., Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi, 7 vols (Paris, 1852-61), 4, pp. 481-2 [hereafter: HB].

15 Roscher, Innocenz III, p. 212; Powell, James A., Anatomy of a Crusade: 1213-1221 (Philadelphia, PA, 1990), pp. 41-3, 5363.Google Scholar

16 Tanner, Norman P., ed., Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 2 vols (London and Washington, DC, 1990), 1, pp. 22772 Google Scholar; can. 1-4, pp. 230-6.

17 Ibid., can. 7-8, 12, 21-2, 27, 51 (pp. 237-41, 245-6, 248, 258).

18 Ibid., can. 71 (pp. 267-71).

19 Lucien Auvray, ed., Les Registres de Gregoire IX, 4 vols (Paris, 1896-1955) [hereafter: Registres], no. 4783.

20 Trusen, Wilfried, ‘Der Inquisitionsprozeß: seine historischen Grundlagen und frühen Formen’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistische Abteilung, 74 (1988), pp. 168230.Google Scholar

21 Johann Friedrich Böhmer, Eduard Winkelmann, and Julius Ficker, eds, Regesta imperii. Die Regesten des Kaiserreiches unter Philipp, Otto IV., Friedrich II., Heinrich (VII)., Conrad IV., Heinrich Raspe, Wilhelm und Richard, 1198-1272, 3 vols (Innsbruck, 1881-1901), no. 6878; Registres, nos 2735-7; Epistolae, nos 362, 537-9; Walter L. Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France, 1100-1250 (London, 1974), p. 139; Alexander Patschowsky, ‘Zur Ketzerverfolgung Konrads von Marburg’, DA, 37 (1981), pp. 641-93.

22 Epistolae, no. 601.

23 Ibid., no. 440.

24 Constitutiones, no. 158; Kurt-Viktor Selge, ‘Die Ketzerpolitik Friedrichs II.’, in Josef Fleckenstein, ed., Probleme um Friedrich II. (Sigmaringen, 1974), pp. 309-43.

25 Böhmer et al, Regesta imperii, no. 2027.

26 For a detailed study: Paul B. Pixton, The German Episcopacy and the Implementation of the Decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council, 1216-1245: Watchmen on the Tower (Leiden, New York, and Cologne 1995), pp. 357-401.

27 Kuttner, Stephan, ‘Raymond of Peñafort as editor: the “decretales” and “constitutiones” of Gregory IX’, Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law, 12 (1982), pp. 6580 Google Scholar; Brundage, James A., Medieval Canon Law (London and New York, 1995), p. 215.Google Scholar

28 Epistolae, no. 686.

29 Constitutiones, no. 308.

30 Doran, John, ‘Rites and wrongs: the Latin mission to Nicaea, 1234’, SCH, 32 (1996), pp. 13144.Google Scholar

31 Registres, no. 3789; Jean Richard, La Papauté et les Missions d’Orient au Moyen Age (XIIIe-XVe siècles) (Rome, 1977), pp. 57-8.

32 Roscher, Innocenz III, pp. 265-6.

33 Registres, nos 3126, 3188, 3201; Peter Segl, ‘“Stabit Constantinopoli.” Inquisition und papstliche Orientpolitik unter Gregor IX.’, DA, 32 (1976), pp. 209-20.

34 The most famous example was probably the killers of Thomas Becket: Frank Barlow, Thomas Becket (London, 1986), p. 258.

35 Epistolae, no. 605. Unlike earlier taxes, such as the English Saladin tithe, or the Spanish crusading tithes, this was a tax levied by the Church, rather than by secular rulers.

36 Hucker, Bernd Ulrich, Kaiser Otto IV. (Munich, 1990), p. 138.Google Scholar

37 Kedar, Benjamin Z., Crusade and Mission. European Approaches toward the Muslims (Princeton, NJ, 1984), pp. 1312 Google Scholar. For a general overview of changing papal attitudes: James M. Powell, The papacy and the Muslim frontier’, in James M. Powell, ed., Muslims under Latin Rule, 1100-1300 (Princeton, NJ, 1990), pp. 175-203. See also James Muldoon, Popes, Lawyers, and Infidels: the Church and the Non-Christian World (Liverpool, 1979), pp. 3-7.

38 Lupprian, Karl Ernst, Die Beziehungen der Päpste zu islamischen und mongolischen Herrschern im 13. jahrhundert anhand ihres Briefwechsek (Vatican City, 1981), nos 1-3, 5Google Scholar; Kedar, Crusade and Mission, pp. 133-5.

39 Lupprian, Beziehungen, p. 21.

40 Altaner, B., Die Dominikanermissionen im 13. Jahrhundert: Forschungen zur Geschichte der kirchlichen Unionen under der Mohammedaner- und Heidenmission des Mittelalters (Habelsch-werdt, 1924), pp. 72114 Google Scholar; Christoph Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, 4th ser., 28 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 20-61.

41 Epistolae, nos 512, 527-8. This was complemented by efforts to explore previously uncharted regions in Eastern Europe: Heinrich Dörrie, ‘Drei Texte zur Geschichte der Ungarn und Mongolen’, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen aus dem Jahre 1956: Philologisch-Hislorische Klasse (Göttingen, 1956), pp. 125-202.

42 Ibid., nos 512, 527-8.

43 Lupprian, Beziehungen, no. 3.

44 Extraits du Collier de Perles, in RHC.Or, 2, p. 196.

45 Epistolae, no. 634; Lupprian, Beziehungen, pp. 36-8.

46 This is also borne out with regard to missionary efforts among the Saracens in Lucera: Epistolae, nos 553, 565. For an example of how their relations could turn sour, Lupprian, Beziehungen, p. 23 n.49, referring to the case of the Emir of Tunis’ nephew. James M. Powell, ‘Frederick II and the Muslims. The making of a historiographical tradition’, in Larry J. Simson, ed., Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages. Studies in Honour of Robert I. Burns (Leiden, 1995), pp. 261-9; H. L. Gottschalk, ‘Der Untergang der Hohenstaufen’, Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 53 (1957), pp. 267-82; David S. H. Abulafia, The end of Muslim Sicily’, in Powell, Muslims, pp. 103-33; idem, ‘Ethnic variety and its implications: Frederick II’s relations with Jews and Muslims’, in William Tronzo, ed., Intellectual Life at the Court of Frederick II Hohenstaufen (Hanover, NH, 1994), pp. 213-26. Also, for a comparative perspective: Alexander Patschowsky and Harald Zimmermann, eds, Toleranz im Mittelalter (Sigmaringen, 1998).

47 Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571), 4 vols, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 114, 127, 161-2 (Philadelphia, PA, 1976-84), 1, pp. 52-8 for the following.

48 Registres, nos 2872, 2877, 2879.

49 Ibid., no. 3395.

50 Ibid., no. 3498; Epistolae, no. 688.

51 Registres, no. 3528

52 Ibid., no. 3693; Richard Spence, ‘Gregory IX’s attempted expeditions to the Latin Empire of Constantinople: the crusade for the union of the Latin and Greek churches’, JMedH, 5 (1979), pp. 163-76.

53 Registres, nos 4094-6, 4105.

54 Registres, nos 4209, 4267-8, 4605-10, 4672-86.

55 Ibid., no. 4155.

56 Annales Piacentini Gibellini, in MGH, Scriptores, XVIII (Hanover, 1863), p. 479. They also refer to troops sent by the Sultan of Egypt, thus echoing allegations brought against the Emperor during the Council of Lyon in 1245.

57 Registres, no. 4110; Epistolae, no. 716; Annales Erphordenses, in MGH, Scriptores, XVI (Hanover, 1859), p. 33.

58 Matthew Paris, Chronica Maiora, ed. H. R. Luard, 6 vols, RS (London, 1872-4), 4, pp. 299, 357, 371; Annales S. Pantaleonis Coloniensis, in MGH, Scriptores, XXII (Hanover, 1872), pp. 539-40.

59 Benjamin Hendrickx, ed., Regestes des empereurs latins de Constantinople (1204-1261/1272) (Thessalonika, 1988), no. 212.

60 Greece was not the only case which demanded immediate attention and which took up resources originally intended for the Holy Land. In 1232, for instance, the Dominicans in Bohemia had been ordered to commute crusading vows towards fighting the heathen Prussians, as they were planning to attack the lands of the Christians (Epistolae, no. 460).

61 Tanner, Decrees, 1, p. 270 (can. 71).

62 Chaplais, Pierre, ed., Diplomatic Documents Preserved in the Public Record Office 1101-1272 (London, 1964), no. 162 Google Scholar; Eduard Winkelmann, ed., Acta Imperii, 2 vols (Innsbruck, 1880-5), 1, no. 261 (pp. 173-88).

63 Epislolae, no. 438.

64 Shirley, Walter W., ed., Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of Henry III, 2 vols, RS (London, 1862-6), 1, App. v, no. 31.Google Scholar

65 Registres, nos 1801-2.

66 Ibid., no. 2180.

67 Ibid., no. 2484.

68 Ibid., no. 3606; Williamson, Dorothy M., ‘Some aspects of the legation of Cardinal Otto in England, 1237-41’, EHR, 64 (1949), pp. 14573 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Generally, for English involvement in the crusades: Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades, 1095-1588 (Chicago, 1988), pp. 101-7; Simon Lloyd, English Society and the Crusades, 1216-1307 (Oxford, 1988), pp. 8-70.

69 Constitutiones, no. 174.

70 HB, 4, pp. 503-6.

71 For English expectations as to the Emperor’s role: Thomas Rymer, ed., Foedera, conventiones, litterae et cujuscunque generis acta publica, ed. J. Carey, A. Clark, and F. Holbrooke, 4 vols in 7 (London, 1816-69), I/i p. 221; Pierre Chaplais, ed., Treaty Rolls, 1234-1325 (London, 1955), no. 14; Annals of Dunstable in Annales Monastici, ed. H. R. Luard, 5 vols, RS (London, 1864-9), 3, p. 142.

72 HB, 4, pp. 538-40; Shirley, Royal Letters, I, no. 393; Chaplais, Treaty Rolb, no. 53; Matthew Paris, Chronica Maiora, 3, p. 393.

73 Henry III both pleaded on his behalf with the Curia, and he sent troops to fight alongside Frederick’s against the Lombards: Matthew Paris, Chronica Maiora, 3, pp. 485-6, 491-2.

74 HB, 4, pp. 539-40.

75 Rymer, Foedera, 1/i, pp. 225-6.

76 Ibid., 1/i, p. 220.

77 Chaplais, Diplomatic Documents, no. 239; Close Rolls of the Reign of Henry III, 1231-4 (London, 1905), p. 559. For the precedent of Innocent III’s pontificate: Constance M. Rousseau, ‘A papal matchmaker: principle and pragmatism during Innocent III’s pontificate’, JMedH, 24 (1998), pp. 259-71.

78 Epistolae, no. 693. This also included a debate on when the crusade was to depart. Whereas Gregory favoured a campaign starting in the summer of 1238, Frederick insisted that the truce had to be observed until it expired in 1239: ibid., nos 688, 714-15; HB, 5, pp. 126-8, 139-42.

79 Constitutiones, no. III.

80 Annals of Dunstable, pp. 113-14; Annales Scheftlarienses maiores, in MGH, Scriptores, XVII (Hanover, 1871), p. 339.

81 Constitutiones, nos 161-9, 176-82; Johann Friedrich Böhmer, ed., Acta imperii selecta (Innsbruck, 1870), no. 302; Annals of Dunstable, p. 133. For the connection between England and the Empire, making this a reliable source, Nicholas Vincent, Peter des Roches: an Alien in English Politics, 1205-1238, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, 4th ser., 31 (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 471-3.

82 HB, 4, pp. 481-2.

83 Annales Scheftlarienses maiores, p. 340.

84 Annales Bergomates, in MGH Scriptores, XVIII, p. 810.

85 Winkelmann, Acta Imperii, 1, no. 351.

86 Among the reasons given for Frederick’s excommunication was that he impeded the business of the Holy Land: Matthew Paris, Chronica Maiora, 3, pp. 532-6.

87 Annals of Dunstable, pp. 132-3. For the wider background see Robert L. Benson, ‘Political renovatio: two models from Roman antiquity’, in Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable, eds, Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century (Oxford, 1982), pp. 339-86.

88 Powell, James M., ‘Frederick II and the Church: a revisionist view’, CathHR, 48 (1962), pp. 48797 Google Scholar; Norbert Kamp, ‘Friedrich II. im europáischen Zeithorizont’, in Esch and Kamp, Friedrich H., pp. 2-22; Die Konstitutionen Friedrich II. für das Königreich Sizilien, ed. Wolfgang Stürner, MGH, Leges II: Supplementum (Hanover, 1996). Also useful is Gerhard Baaken, ‘Recht und Macht in der Politik der Staufer’, HZ, 221 (1975), pp. 553-70.

89 Constitutions, no. 196.

90 Ibid., no. 175.

91 Wolfgang Stürner, ‘Der Staufer Heinrich (VII.) (1211-1242): Lebensstationen eines gescheiterten Königs’, Zeitschrift für Württemhergische Landesgeschichte, 53 (1993), pp. 13-33.

92 Rudolf Hiestand, ‘“Precipua tocius christianissimi columpna” - Barbarossa und der Kreuzzug’, in Alfred Haverkamp, ed., Friedrich Barbarossa: Handlungsspielräume una Wir-kungswesen des staufschen Kaisers (Sigmaringen, 1992), pp. 52-8.

93 Heinrich Csendes, Heinrich VI. (Darmstadt, 1993), pp. 144-58, 179-88.

94 Hucker, Otto IV, pp. 132-78.