No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
The Political Consequences of Suffrage Exclusion
Organizations, Institutions, and the Electoral Mobilization of Women
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 January 2016
Extract
Core share and HTML view are not available for this content. However, as you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
By the close of the first decade following ratification of constitutional female suffrage in the United States, it had become commonplace to read of female political leaders bemoaning the inefficacy of women's lobbying organizations, which despite their lobbying efforts did not engage in any electoral activity such as the mobilization of female voters (see, for example, NYT 10 March 1928: 3; NYT 31 March 1931: 22). That this should have been the case raises an interesting question: Why not? That is, given the likelihood that women's votes would have increased the efficacy of these lobbying efforts, why weren't the leaders of women's lobbying organizations, in particular those of the former suffrage machine, the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), pursuing those votes?
- Type
- Special Section: Institutions and Institutionalism, part 2
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Social Science History Association 1996
References
New York Times (NYT)Google Scholar
The Woman Voter (TWV), 1910–20Google Scholar
The Woman Citizen (TWC), 1917–20Google Scholar
Aldrich, J. H. (1993) “Rational choice and turnout.” American Journal of Political Science 37: 246–78.Google Scholar
Aldrich, J. H. (1995) Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Party Politics in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Alpern, S., and Baum, D. (1985) “Female ballots: The impact of the nineteenth amendment.” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16: 43–67.Google Scholar
Artie, R., and Averous, C. (1973) “The telephone system as a public good: Static and dynamic aspects.” Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science 4: 89–100.Google Scholar
Cott, N. (1987) The Grounding of Modern Feminism. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Cott, N. (1990) “Across the great divide: Women in politics before and after 1920,” in Tilly, L. A. and Gurin, P. (eds.) Women, Politics and Change. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.Google Scholar
DuBois, E. C. (ed.) (1981) Elizabeth Cady Stanton; Susan B. Anthony: Correspondence, Writings, Speeches. New York: Schocken.Google Scholar
Frohlich, N., and Oppenheimer, J. A. (1978) Modern Political Economy. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.Google Scholar
Glaser, W. A. (1959) “The family and voting turnout.” Public Opinion Quarterly 23: 563–70.Google Scholar
Hardin, R. (1995) One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Harper, I. H. (ed.) (1922) History of Woman Suffrage. Vol. 5. New York: Little and Ives.Google Scholar
Harvey, A. (1995) “The legacy of disfranchisement: Women in electoral politics, 1917–1932.” Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.Google Scholar
Miller, A. H., Gurin, P., Gurin, G., and Malanchuk, O. (1981) “Group consciousness and political participation.” American Journal of Political Science 25: 494–511.Google Scholar
Miller, A. H., Wlezien, C., and Hildreth, A. (1991) “A reference group theory of partisan coalitions.” Journal of Politics 53: 1134–49.Google Scholar
Muncy, R. (1991) Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 1890–1935. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
North, D. C. (1990) Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Palfrey, T. R., and Rosenthal, H. (1985) “Voter participation and strategic uncertainty.” American Political Science Review 79: 62–78.Google Scholar
Palfrey, T. R., and Rosenthal, H. (1988) “Private incentives in social dilemmas: The effects of incomplete information and altruism.” Journal of Public Economics 35: 309–32.Google Scholar
Rohlfs, J. (1974) “A theory of interdependent demand for a communications service.” Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science 5: 16–37.Google Scholar
Rosenstone, S. J., and Hansen, J. M. (1993) Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy. New York: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Rosenthal, N., Fingrutd, M., Ethier, M., Karant, R., and McDonald, D. (1985) “Social movements and network analysis: A case study of nineteenth-century women's reform in New York State.” American Journal of Sociology 90: 1022–54.Google Scholar
Schlesinger, J. (1975) “The primary goals of political parties: A clarification of positive theory.” American Political Science Review 69: 839–49.Google Scholar
Shingles, R. D. (1981) “Black consciousness and political participation: The missing link.” American Political Science Review 75: 76–91.Google Scholar
Stanton, E. C., Anthony, S. B., and Gage, M. J. (1881a) History of Woman Suffrage. Vol. 1. New York: Fowler and Wells.Google Scholar
Stanton, E. C., Anthony, S. B., and Gage, M. J. (1881b) History of Woman Suffrage. Vol. 2. Rochester, NY: Charles Mann.Google Scholar
Straits, B. C. (1990) “The social context of voter turnout.” Public Opinion Quarterly 54: 64–73.Google Scholar
Sugden, R. (1984) “Reciprocity: The supply of public goods through voluntary contributions.” Economic Journal 94: 772–87.Google Scholar
Uhlaner, C. (1989a) “Rational turnout: The neglected role of groups.” American Journal of Political Science 33: 390–422.Google Scholar
Uhlaner, C. (1989b) “‘Relational goods’ and participation: Incorporating sociability into a theory of rational action.” Public Choice 62: 253–85.Google Scholar
Verba, S., and Nie, N. H. (1972) Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality. New York: Harper and Row.Google Scholar
Young, L. (1989) In the Public Interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920–1970. New York: Greenwood.Google Scholar
You have
Access