This paper discusses some of the tensions revealed in the development and implementation of recent area-based approaches to social policy in England. Such programmes are now a central feature of Government policy practice, although similar programmes have been developed in the past in the UK and other welfare capitalist countries. They reflect concerns to combat social exclusion and ‘join-up’ service provision. They are also evidence of a shift towards more agency based policy practice – from ‘top-down’ to ‘bottom-up’ planning. Thus participation of citizens is a key element in all programmes. Some of the problems of securing such participation are discussed, including in particular the tendency for expectations of participation to lead to pathological interpretations of the causes of (and solutions too) social exclusion.

The nature of welfare state regimes has been an ongoing debate within the comparative social policy literature since the publication of Esping-Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990). This paper engages with two aspects of this debate; the gender critique of Esping-Andersen's thesis, and Kasza's (2002) assertions about the ‘illusory nature’ of welfare state regimes. It presents a gender-focused defamilisation index and contrasts it with Esping-Andersen's decommodification index to illustrate that, whilst individual welfare states have been shown to exhibit internal variety across different policy areas, they are both consistent and coherent in terms of their policy variation by gender. It concludes, in contrast to both the gender critique of Esping-Andersen, and Kasza's rejection of the regimes concept, that the ‘worlds of welfare’ approach is therefore neither gender blind or illusory, and can, if limited to the analysis of specific areas such as labour market decommodification or defamilisation, be resurrected as a useful means of organising and classifying welfare states.

Building on Stimson's (2000) analysis, this paper examines the shift from a focus on health towards one of crime within UK drug policy. The increased use of coerced or compulsory treatment of drug users is discussed with reference to harm reduction theory and the question of whose harm is prioritised in shaping drug services. We also identify mechanisms by which the efficacy of treatment approaches based on coercion may be lessened or reduce the efficacy of other existing services. Failure to consider these may be an important omission in any appraisal of the impact of policies that increasingly prioritise crime prevention and coercion over heath and voluntarism.

This paper uses the social model of disability to examine visually impaired children's experiences of their housing and neighbourhoods and finds that they did not experience any significant problems with the design of them. The source of their problems was within these environments, and was caused by factors such as the intensity of movement, for example, from flows of traffic. We conclude by discussing the social policy implications of these findings.

The Norwegian Parliament passed new rules for child maintenance determination in 2001. This article discusses the 2001 reform, and the debate preceding it, in the light of literature on changing ‘breadwinner assumptions’ in social policy. It is argued that the reform was a clear example of the politicisation of fatherhood in Norway, in that a key concern was to encourage continued care from non-resident fathers. Much less attention was paid to the situation of custodial parents, and to children's material needs. In assuming that parents living apart will conform to the (yet unusual) dual earner/dual carer model, policy makers may be putting undue stress on vulnerable families.

The purpose of this article is to contrast productivism with post-productivism and raise a question mark over the extent to which social democrats should support the former rather than the latter. It offers a definition of post-productivism, explaining this in terms of the ‘reproductive value’ of care and sustainability. The paper then sketches the limits to social democracy and indicates why post-productivist solutions might therefore be appropriate. It concludes by speculating on some implications for social policy.

Third sector or civil society organisations are seen by many as important routes through which citizens contribute to the development and implementation of public policy and to the democratic process. This contribution has been acknowledged in the UK in the requirement for their participation across a range of new government policies and programmes. But how far are these claims justified? This paper explores, through a case study approach focusing on issues relating to older people, how voluntary and community organisations input to the policy process. It argues for a clearer balance between state and voluntary sector, based around ‘creative tension’.

The recent emergence of the term social capital into the vocabulary of policy makers in the UK is indicative of the community-led model which is currently being championed by New Labour. However, before the practical value (if any) of this particular ‘new’ idea can be realised, ways of measuring social capital which would make it ‘fit for purpose’ in the local policy setting need to be developed. The findings of one project, which set about measuring social capital in four West Midlands boroughs, provides the basis for a preliminary assessment of what a social capital-oriented tool may actually contribute to the development and implementation of policies at the local level.

This article discusses the implications of the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA). It suggests that the HRA is designed to promote a classic liberal conception of political citizenship, which protects the individual from the exercise of arbitrary state power, and not to extend the role of the state as a welfare provider. It goes on to argue that the government has limited the effectiveness of the HRA by claiming that they are building a culture of rights and responsibilities whilst treating human rights as an issue for the courts rather than an issue for government and public authorities generally. The article concludes by discussing extending the HRA to include economic, social and cultural rights.

In recent years, there has been increasing focus on the question of how to balance work and life commitments in both academic and political debates. Homeworking is one initiative that has been promoted as a way of improving the work–life balance. This paper examines the experience of homeworking drawing on a recently completed ESRC study on homeworkers. Using the data from 45 interviews and 3 focus groups with homeworkers from different socio-economic backgrounds, it explores the question of whether working (or not) from home improves people's capacity to balance their work and life commitments.

Declining state provision, low levels of financial capability (FSA/DTI, 2002), and, it must be added, regulation on savings and investments have impacted severely on the ability of some sections of the UK population to purchase life assurance and savings products. In addition, according to a report submitted to the Treasury, ‘there is a wide consensus that the UK population is not saving enough for retirement. Savings levels are 20 per cent or more below what they should be. The problem appears to be particularly acute amongst the less affluent, where insufficient levels of saving are likely to have a more serious impact’ (Sandler, 2002: 2). This is due in no small part to current banking and insurance practices that have excluded many of the least affluent customers from essential financial services (Kempson and Whyley, 1998; Kempson et al., 2000; NCC, 1997), that afford them the protection of:

[bull ] Financial security for a rainy day;

[bull ] Greater comfort during retirement and old age;

[bull ] Access to greater independence and opportunity throughout their lives; (HM Treasury, 2001b)

Ideally for less affluent consumers, product design should incorporate simplicity and transparency, preferably offer automatic savings of small amounts weekly or fortnightly and be flexible enough for payments to be suspended during times of financial hardship without incurring penalties (Kempson and Whyley, 1998: 50–51).

This article reports the findings of a longitudinal study of the impact of government coalfield regeneration policy on the Nottinghamshire ex-mining community of Warsop Vale, whose colliery closed in 1989. Based on interviews with local residents, community development workers and representatives of regeneration agencies, the study highlights tangible improvements in community resources and the recent introduction of an innovative new housing scheme as evidence of a positive impact of government measures. Particular importance is attached to the key role of local government, the voluntary sector and regeneration agencies in carefully cultivating the local social capital and raising Warsop Vale's political profile since 1989, enabling it to seize the opportunities inherent in New Labour's coalfield policy.

This article discusses New Zealand's experiences with health care rationing policy. It reviews attempts to define ‘core services’, the development of prioritisation techniques for service access and funding, new technology assessment, and the management of subsidised pharmaceuticals. The New Zealand experience offers various lessons: that rationing policy development is, by nature, a ‘messy’ process; that central coordination of rationing policy is crucial unless differentiation in regional initiatives and service access are desired; and that through ongoing highlighting of the need for it, rationing policy development is likely to become an accepted reality.

Debate on pension privatisation in Europe has provided useful insights into the diversity of European pension systems in terms of ideological orientation, design features and reform paths followed. However, the gender dimension has often been neglected. Thus a recent analysis states that, depending on predominant social values, pension privatisation may be ‘consistent with the notion of collective responsibility for needs-satisfaction’ (Hyde et al., 2003: 189). Yet the unequal effects of privatisation on men and women are ignored. This article argues that, despite considerable variation among countries in the nature of their private pension schemes, the latter share a failure to incorporate allowances for periods of unpaid caring work over the lifecourse. Comparison of the needs-satisfying capacity of private and public pensions must take account of the situation of those who raise the next generation of producers and taxpayers.

This study explores issues about securing quality of provision in social care using evidence from research into training in the adult care sector in two English local authorities. It shows that progress towards securing a trained workforce is slow and explores reasons for this. It argues that since the government is making particular efforts to increase training in this sector, these data provide a good test case of the problems about using regulation to raise care standards. It concludes that significant progress is unlikely to be made in respect of training unless the impact of other factors, such as the occupational segregation of the workforce and contracting out, are also taken into account.

This paper will present evidence from the interim results of a large scale longitudinal project designed to track the development of partnership working between the new primary care organisations (Primary Care Groups and Trusts) entrusted with the commissioning and in some cases provision of health care, and local authority social services departments, regarding health and social care services for older people in the UK. Drawing on theoretical work concerning the role of partnership working in the governance of welfare, the author uses a framework originally devised by the Nuffield Centre for Health at the University of Leeds to analyse the interim data, and to draw conclusions about the feasibility of current policy pushes towards partnership working and service integration around health and social care for older people.

Our recent paper on state-mandated private pension schemes in Western Europe has been criticised by Ginn because it did not look specifically at the impact of private provision on women. This was not our intent, but she raises important issues that are largely ignored in economics-driven pension privatisation policy discourses. She has addressed this omission by demonstrating that private pension provision may result in significant levels of economic disadvantage among women retirees. We do not disagree with the broad thrust of her analysis and its conclusions. However, because she has failed to appreciate the crucial difference between voluntary and state-mandated private pension provision, her thoughtful analysis does not invalidate our proposition that the state-mandated provision of private pensions in Western Europe is consistent, to varying degrees, with the notion of collective responsibility for needs satisfaction.

The relationship between research, policy and practice remains a contested area. This article explores pressures for researchers to make their work more useful and relevant to policy and practice, and for practitioners to undertake research. Whilst there are clearly areas of mutual interest and benefit, we argue that the research, policy and practice communities also have distinct traditions, skills and obligations which should be recognised and valued rather than artificially suppressed. Narrow conceptions of research utility constrain the debate about what each community has to offer and how best to communicate with each other across borders.

There are many debates about individualisation. In this section of the journal we are most concerned to probe the nature of the concept itself and how it is gendered, and the extent to which ideas about individualisation are underpinning the extensive restructuring of social provision that has been going on in welfare states during the last decade. As a set of processes, individualisation has major implications for family formation, labour supply and gender equality. There is some evidence that policymakers' assumptions about the progress of individualisation are outrunning changes in behaviour on the part of both men and women, with particularly serious implications for women. There is also some evidence that other policy developments may lag behind women's aspirations for greater autonomy or impede their efforts to achieve greater economic independence.

This article presents a case study of income redistribution in South Korea. By analysing the most comprehensive household income survey (National Survey of Family Income and Expenditure), it identifies a growing sign of change regarding the extent to which social security is beginning to play an important role in reducing income inequality. Nonetheless, it argues that its impact is yet to be sizeable enough to make a significant difference and, still further, that social security is of little use in terms of mitigating increasing inequality of original incomes which comprise the largest part of gross income.