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DAVID HUME AS A PROTO-WEBERIAN: COMMERCE, PROTESTANTISM, AND SECULAR CULTURE

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 January 2021

Margaret Schabas*
Affiliation:
Philosophy, University of British Columbia, Canada

Abstract

David Hume wrote prolifically and influentially on economics and was an enthusiast for the modern commercial era of manufacturing and global trade. As a vocal critic of the Church, and possibly a nonbeliever, Hume positioned commerce at the vanguard of secularism. I here argue that Hume broached ideas that gesture toward those offered by Max Weber in his famous Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904-5). Hume discerned a strong correlation between economic flourishing and Protestantism, and he pointed to a “spirit of the age” that was built on modern commerce and fueled by religious tolerance. The Roman Catholic Church, by contrast, came under considerable attack by Hume, for fostering intolerance and draining and diverting funds. Hume recognized several of the dispositions that later appealed to Weber: an increased work ethic and tendency to frugality, enterprise, and investment in Protestant regions. A neo-Weberian literature now points to additional factors, the spread of literacy and the fostering of a network of trust among strangers, both of which Hume noted. Insofar as modern commerce both feeds upon and fosters more liberties and representative government, Hume also linked these with the advent and spread of Protestantism. My aim is not to suggest that these arguments have merit—there is good reason to question each and every assertion under the historical microscope—but rather to highlight the broader religious and cultural context in which Hume’s economics was broached.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© Social Philosophy & Policy Foundation 2020

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Footnotes

I wish to thank the following for their input: Robert Brain, John Christopolous, Tim Costelloe, Mukesh Eswaran, James Harris, Michael Gill, Paul Russell, David Schmidtz, and Carl Wennerlind. Special thanks go to the anonymous referee and to the managing editor, Sarah Raskoff.

References

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4 The various works by David Hume will henceforth be given the following well-established abbreviations:

HL The Letters of David Hume, ed. Greig, J. Y. T., 2 Vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932)Google Scholar.

DNR Dialogues concerning Natural Religion, ed. Smith, N. K. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1935)Google Scholar.

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HE The History of England, 6 Vols. (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Classics, 1983).

E Essays: Moral, Political, and Literary, ed. Eugene F. Miller (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Classics, 1985; rev. ed. 1987).

EHU An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (first published 1748 as Philosophical Essays Concerning Human Understanding), ed. Tom L. Beauchamp (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998).

EPM An Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals, ed. Tom L. Beauchamp (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998 [1751]).

THN A Treatise of Human Nature, ed. David Fate Norton and Mary J. Norton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007 [1739–40]).

NHR Natural History of Religion, ed. Tom L. Beauchamp (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).

5 See Susato, Ryu, “Hume’s Nuanced Defense of Luxury,” Hume Studies 32, no. 1 (2006): 167–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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7 See the collection in Wennerlind, Carl and Schabas, Margaret, eds., David Hume’s Political Economy (London and New York: Routledge, 2008)Google Scholar.

8 See Schabas, Margaret and Wennerlind, Carl, A Philosopher’s Economist: Hume and the Rise of Capitalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 From 1753–54 until 1777, the twelve essays of the Political Discourses were reissued, and some were substantially revised or retitled, as part of what has come to be entitled Hume’s Essays: Moral, Political, and Literary. There were several different titles for the collection, but on the Continent, the twelve translations between 1752 and 1776, mostly in the form of a book, preserved Hume’s initial title of Political Discourses.

10 Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. T. Parsons (London and New York: Routledge, 1992 [1930])Google Scholar. Richard Tawney’s Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (1926) also advanced this broad historical link, that Protestantism was a necessary condition for the emergence of Capitalism. Some scholars renamed the Weber thesis as the Weber-Tawney thesis. See for example Munro, John, “Tawney’s Century (1540–1640): The Roots of Modern Capitalist Entrepreneurship,” in Landes, David, Mokyr, Joel, and Baumol, William J., eds., The Invention of Enterprise (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 107–55Google Scholar.

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13 The literature is extensive, but one leading example is Greif, Avner, Institutions and the Path to the Modern Economy: Lessons from Medieval Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In general, the more historians probe into the archives of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the more apparent it becomes that various regions in Europe were monetized and engaged in nascent capitalist practices. Almost half the arable land in England in 1436, for example, was cultivated by gentry or yeoman, and not by the aristocracy, Church, or Crown.

14 Hume recognized the autonomy of the northern Italian cities, pointing specifically to the powerful Bank of St. George founded in Genoa in 1407 that essentially governed the state (E-24; see also E-88–92).

15 For an argument that toleration is a hard-earned outcome of religious strife, see Dees, Richard, “’The Paradoxical Principle and Salutary Practices’: Hume on Toleration,” Hume Studies 31, no. 1 (2005): 145–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 On Smith’s debt to Hume on this specific matter, see Schliesser, Eric, Adam Smith: Systematic Philosopher and Public Thinker (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 348CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There is a substantial literature on Smith’s analysis of competitive religious markets; for a summary, see Otteson, James R., Adam Smith’s Marketplace of Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One of the only articles in this discourse that links Smith to Hume on the subject is Eswaran, Mukesh, “Competition and Performance in the Marketplace for Religion: A Theoretical Perspective,” B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis and Policy 11, no. 1 (2011): 136CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Quoted in Shovlin, John, “Hume’s Political Discourses and the French Luxury Debate,” in Wennerlind, Carl and Schabas, Margaret, eds., David Hume’s Political Economy (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 203Google Scholar.

18 As a Jacobite, Steuart had lived in exile in France for some twenty years. Steuart, James, An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, ed. Skinner, Andrew, Kobayashi, Noboru, and Mizuta, Hiroshi (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1998 [1767]), 8485Google Scholar.

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24 On the importance of honoring market contracts and acting honestly, see THN 334–42; EPM 82. See also Schabas, Margaret, “‘Let Your Science Be Human’: David Hume and the Honourable Merchant,” European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 21, no. 6 (2014): 977–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Smith depicts the prudent man that typifies the merchant as “reserved,” temperate, discrete, and not one to frequent “convivial societies” that are known for “jollity and gaiety.” See Smith, Adam, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, eds. Raphael, D. D. and McFie, A. L. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), 214Google Scholar.

25 Hundert, Edward, The Enlightenment’s Fable: Bernard Mandeville and the Discovery of Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Schabas, Margaret, “Bees and Silkworms: Mandeville, Hume and the Framing of Political Economy,” Journal of the History of Economic Thought 37, no. 1 (2015): 115CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 On the ubiquity of credit and “paying on tick” (running up a tab), see Mokyr, Joel, The Enlightened Economy: An Economic History of Britain, 1700–1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 373Google Scholar. On the mechanisms by which money stimulated economic growth for Hume, see Schabas, Margaret, “Temporal Dimensions in Hume’s Monetary Theory,” in David Hume’s Political Economy, ed. Wennerlind, Carl and Schabas, Margaret (New York: Routledge, 2008)Google Scholar.

27 The fact that the additional money is endogenous to the nation it benefits is critical. See Wennerlind, Carl, “David Hume’s Monetary Theory Revisited: Was He Really a Quantity Theorist and an Inflationist?Journal of Political Economy 113, no. 1 (2005): 223–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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29 Hume had lived in France for three years in 1734–37, and on moving to London lived at the Rainbow Coffeehouse, a regular meeting place for French Protestant refugees (HL 1:26). He also stayed briefly in Cork, Ireland in 1746. There are almost no letters during this period, but the two surviving letters from Reims each contain several observations about the standard of living of the burghers of the town (HL 1:19; 22–23).

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33 Jared Rubin, “Printing and Protestants: An Empirical Test of the Role of Printing in the Reformation,” Review of Economics and Statistics 96 (2014): 270–86.

34 See Mun, Thomas, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade (New York: Augustus M. Kelly, 1986 [1664]), 3Google Scholar.

35 Benito Arruñada, “Protestants and Catholics: Similar Work Ethic, Different Social Ethic,” The Economic Journal 120, no. 547 (2010): 890–918.

36 On prostitution in early modern Rome, see Storey, Tessa, Carnal Commerce in Counter-Reformation Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

37 See Mossner, Ernest Campbell, The Life of David Hume, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), 639Google Scholar. Hume had also obtained a crown pension for Jean-Jacques Rousseau.

38 See Michael B. Gill, “Hume’s Progressive View of Human Nature,” Hume Studies 26, no. 1 (2000): 87–108.

39 Ignatieff, Michael, The Needs of Strangers (London: Chatto and Windus, 1984)Google Scholar.

40 Arouet de Voltaire, François Marie, Philosophical Letters, trans. Ernest Dilworth (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1961), 26Google Scholar.

41 On Hume’s sympathetic account of the Jewish moneylenders in twelfth-century York, see Baier, Annette C., The Cautious Jealous Virtue: Hume on Justice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 2325Google Scholar.

42 Translated in Gay, Peter, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation (New York: Norton, 1966), 24Google Scholar.

43 Its inventor, Thomas Henry Huxley, in 1878, wrote the first book on Hume’s epistemology; moreover, this work influenced Huxley’s project to establish the theory of agnosticism. See Jiwon Byun, “Thomas Henry Huxley’s Agnostic Philosophy of Science,” Ph.D. Dissertation, Philosophy, University of British Columbia (2017). Mossner remarks on Hume’s agnosticism and unwillingness to identify with atheism. See Mossner, The Life of David Hume, 483–86. In his Early Memoranda, Hume spells out “three kinds of Atheists” with reference to ancient philosophers to illustrate each kind: Theodorus, the Epicureans, and Aristotle and the Stoics. See MEM 501.

44 Gaskin, J. G. A., “Hume on Religion,” in Norton, David Fate and Taylor, Jacqueline, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Hume, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 506Google Scholar. See also Gill, Michael B., The British Moralists on Human Nature and the Birth of Secular Ethics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)Google Scholar.