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Aleksandr Polezhaev and Remembrance of War in the Caucasus: Constructions of the Soldier as Victim

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Susan Layton
Susan Layton*
Affiliation:
Centre d'Études du Monde Russe, Soviétique et Post-Soviétique, Paris
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Extract

And thus the whirligig of time brings in his revenges.

—Shakespeare, Twelfth Night

Paul Fussell's The Great War and Modern Memory was a landmark in the study of literature's role in shaping a society's remembrance of war. Although Fussell's book is primarily devoted to famous British poets of World War I, he stimulates thinking about the general question of how any military conflict comes to exist in the minds of civilian readers. A fascinating aspect of this immense topic concerns the power of words in the absence of images. Before newsreels and television regularly exposed civilians to scenes of carnage, writers had to rely on language to "depict" things a reader had never witnessed and probably never would. A picture can serve as a powerful substitute for seeing a massacre, and just one may leave an indelible mark. But words alone lack the stunning immediacy of visual images, an argument we can trace back to Aristotle. Verbal "depiction" is only a metaphor, as Viktor Shklovskii stressed when he asserted (with reference to suicide) that "'Blood' in poetry is not bloody." Unlike some deconstructionists, Shklovskii was not fretting about how much reality bloodshed has "prior to verbal configurations." He pinpointed instead the emotional and aesthetic detachment of readers never threatened by violence.

Type
Articles
Information
Slavic Review , Volume 58 , Issue 3 , Fall 1999 , pp. 559 - 583
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 1999

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References

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18. The fullest accounts of the poet's life are V. V. Baranov, “Biograficheskii ocherk,” and Kamenev, L. B., “O Polezhaeve,” both in Polezhaev, A. I., Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow-Leningrad, 1933), 65–126 Google Scholar, and 17–18, 28–30. See also V. Murav'ev, “Stikhi i zhizn’ Aleksandra Polezhaeva,” in Polezhaev, A. I., Stikhotvoreniia: Poemy (Moscow, 1981), 4–24.Google Scholar Murav'ev notes the lack of facts to support the widely believed story that Polezhaev was beaten in 1837 (22).

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22. Aleksandr, Polezhaev, “Erpeli ”i “ChirIurt ”: Dve poemy (Moscow, 1832).Google Scholar

23. Susan, Layton, Russian Literature and Empire: Conquest of the Caucasus from Pushkin to Tolstoy (Cambridge, Eng., 1994), 36–53 Google Scholar. My book also treats pertinent writings by Bestuzhev-Marlinskii and Lermontov (178–91 and 222–28); Polezhaev (65–67, 160–62, 217–18); and Pushkin's retreat from romanticism (62–65). On the latter subject, consult also Greenleaf, Pushkin and Romantic Fashion, 138–55; and Helfant, “Sculpting a Persona,” 370–77. In my usage, the sublime refers to the romantic poetics of Caucasian space that had Russian antecedents but derived largely from European traditions traced in Nicolson, Marjorie Hope, Mountain Gloom and Glory: The Development of the Aesthetics of the Infinite (Ithaca, 1959)Google Scholar. For an alternative view, stressing parallels between poetry and empire, see Harsha, Ram, “Russian Poetry and the Imperial Sublime,” in Greenleaf, Monika and Moeller-Sally, Stephen, eds., Russian Subjects: Empire, Nation, and the Culture of the Golden Age (Evanston, 1998), 21–49.Google Scholar

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26. The latter point is stressed in Kamenev, “O Polezhaeve,” 17–18, 24–25; N. F. Bez'iazychnyi, introduction to Polezhaev, A. I., Sochineniia (Moscow, 1955), 36–37 Google Scholar; and Bel'chikov, introduction to Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 2d ed., 23–24. Contrary emphasis on Polezhaev's heroic voice appears in Kiselev-Sergenin, “'Bespriutnyi strannik, '” 38–40.

27. “Erpeli” bears the date 1830, and a Russian officer recalled hearing the poet read the work in July of that year: see Karpov, S. A. and Korsakov, A., “Zametki o Belinskom, Lermontove, Polezhaeve i grafe Potemkine,” Russkii arkhiv 19, no. 3 (1881): 459 Google Scholar. On Polezhaev's combat record, see Efremov, P. A., “Biograficheskii ocherk,” in Polezhaev, A. I., Stikhotvoreniia (St. Petersburg, 1889), xl–xlii Google Scholar; and Baranov, “Biograficheskii ocherk,” 95, 100–103. The Russian infantry's main weapon was the bayonet, as underlined in Curtiss, John Shelton, The Russian Army under Nicholas I, 1825–1855 (Durham, 1965), 4, 123–24Google Scholar; and Moshe, Gammer, Muslim Resistance to the Tsar: Shamil and the Conquest of Chechnia and Daghestan (London, 1994), 302n23 and 306n2.Google Scholar

28. The events are recounted in Dubrovin, N. A., Kavkazskaia voina v tsarstvovanie imperatorov Nikolaia I i Aleksandra II (1825–1864 g.) (St. Petersburg, 1896), 14–16Google Scholar. Russian troops returned to destroy Erpeli in October 1831, as Dubrovin approvingly relates on page 47.

29. After surviving Siberia, the Decembrist I. I. Gorbachevskii expressed similar resentment toward Pushkin for having never suffered the “straits, humiliation, and deprivations, the hunger and cold that we suffered.” Quoted in Baranov, “Biograficheskii ocherk, “ 29. But on the anxieties, (as well as the stimulation) of Pushkin's exile, see Stephanie Sandler, Distant Pleasures: Alexander Pushkin and the Writing of Exile (Stanford, 1989), 1–15.

30. Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 3d ed., 290, 282, 268–69.

31. Ibid., 269, 267.

32. Ibid., 261, 262, 280.

33. Ibid., 270, 264, 272–76.

34. Ibid., 290–92.

35. Ibid., 293–94.

36. Bakhtin, “Art and Answerability,” 2.

37. Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 3d ed., 296.

38. Ibid., 304–5. Such commerce is detailed in Barrett, Thomas M., “Crossing Boundaries: The Trading Frontiers of the Terek Cossacks,” in Brower, Daniel R. and Lazzerini, Edward J., eds., Russia's Orient: Imperial Borderlands and Peoples, 1750–1917 (Bloomington, 1997), 231–44.Google Scholar

39. Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 3d ed., 295, 296–97.

40. Compare V. V. Baranov's commentary on “Erpeli” in Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 2d ed., 443.

41. On the general syndrome, see William, Ryan, Blaming the Victim, 2d ed. (New York, 1976).Google Scholar

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45. Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 3d ed., 318, 309, 318, 317.

46. Ibid., 317, 321.

47. Ibid., 320–21. For interpretation of the “misanthrope” as the imam, see Iusufov, R. F., Dagestan i russkaia literatura kontsa XVIII i pervoi poloviny XIX veka (Moscow, 1964), 176 Google Scholar; and Kiselev-Sergenin, “'Bespriutnyi strannik, '” 45. See also Voronin, I. D., A. I. Polezhaev: Zhizn’ i tvorchestvo (Saransk, 1954), 145–48.Google Scholar

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51. Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 3d ed., 126–27.

52. In Polezhaev, A. I., Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow, 1832 Google Scholar), the French epigraph was used: see facsimile of title page in his Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 2d ed. “Erpeli” i “Chir Iurt” used a standard English version that wrongly eliminates “shame “: “Evil be to him who evil thinks. “

53. Kiselev-Sergenin, “'Bespriutnyi strannik, '” 563; see reproduction of the lithograph between 160–61. Beneath the image, these four lines from Polezhaev's “Venok na grobe Pushkina” (A wreath on Pushkin's grave) appear: “I poeticheskie vezhdy / Somknula groznaia strela, / Togda kak svetlye nadezhdy / Vilis’ vokrug ego chela!” (And a terrible arrow / Closed the poetic eyes, / While bright hopes / Hovered ‘round his brow!).

54. Severnaia pchela, 28 March 1833, no. 69: 1; Moskovskii telegraf, 1832, no. 16: 566–70; and Literaturnye pribavleniia k Russkomu Invalidu, 1833, no. 13: 102–4.

55. Makarov, K, “Vospominaniia o poete A. I. Polezhaeve,” Isloricheskii vestnik 44 (April 1891): 11.Google Scholar. For the story about the censor, see Aleksandr, Herzen, Sobranie sochineniia, 30 vols. (Moscow, 1954–64), 8: 168.Google Scholar

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59. “Spisok slishkom uzhe plokhikh stikhotvorenii, ne voshedshikh v eto izdanie,” in A. Polezhaev, Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow, 1857), 209–10.

60. Dobroliubov, N. A., “Stikhotvoreniia A. Polezhaeva,” Sobranie sochinenii, 9 vols. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1961–64), 2: 47–53.Google Scholar

61. For the view of Russia as the Europeanized civilizer, see Dobroliubov “O znachenii nashikh poslednikh podvigov na Kavkaze,” Sobranie sochinenii, 5: 446–47.

62. Severnaia pchela, 20 August 1857, no. 180: 1–2.

63. A. V Druzhinin, “Stikhotvoreniia Polezhaeva,” Sobranie sochinenii, 8 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1965–67), 7: 427–28, 429, 432–33Google Scholar. Druzhinin admired military heroism but found colonialism dispiriting, as argued in my “Colonial Mimicry and Disenchantment in Alexander Druzhinin's ‘A Russian Circassian, '” Russian Review (forthcoming).

64. Kotliarevskii, A. A., “Stikhotvoreniia Polezhaeva: Vtoroe izdanie,” Sochineniia, 4 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1889–95), 1: 417–39.Google Scholar First published under the pseudonym Ek. S—t in Otechestvennye zapiski 126, no. 10, pt. 3 (1859): 86–101; see bibliography by A. N. Pypin, in Kotliarevskii, Sochineniia, 4: i-cl.

65. Some recent, varied treatments of this long-standing issue are Mark, Bassin, “Russia between Europe and Asia: The Ideological Construction of Geographical Space,” Slavic Review 50, no. 1 (Spring 1991): 1–17 Google Scholar; Paul M., Austin, “The Exotic Prisoner in Russian Romanticism,” Russian Literature 16–18 (October 1984): 217–29Google Scholar; Layton, Russian Literature and Empire, 10, 71–88; Greenleaf, Pushkin and Romantic Fashion, 108–14; various contributions in Brower and Lazzerini, eds., Russia's Orient, particularly Yuri Slezkine, “Naturalists versus Nations: Eighteenth-Century Russian Scholars Confront Ethnic Diversity,” 27-57; David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, “Svet s Vostoka,” Rodina, November 1995, no. 6: 30–33; and Katya Hokanson, “Pushkin's Captive Crimea: Imperialism in The Fountain of Bakhchisarai,” in Greenleaf and Moeller-Sally, eds., Russian Subjects, 133–34.

66. Herzen revised Prison and Exile (London, 1854)Google Scholar for Byloe i dumy, in Herzen, Sobranie sochineniia, 8: 165–68.

67. Anon, introduction to Polezhaev, A. I., Sobranie sochinenii (Moscow, 1888), vi–ix.Google Scholar

68. Gerbel', N.V., Russkie poety v biografiiakh i obraztsakh, ed. Polevoi, P., 3d ed. (St. Petersburg, 1888), 319 Google Scholar; “A. I. Polezhaev,” Zhivopisnoe obozreniie, 1888, no. 3: 38; and P. B—kov, “A. I. Polezhaev,” Niva, 1888, no. 3: 82. In fact, the military court preserved Polezhaev from corporal punishment in 1828, but Nicholas took the occasion to prohibit shortening the poet's twenty-five-year term of service.

69. D. D. Riabinin, “Aleksandr Polezhaev (1807–1838 [sic]). Biograficheskii ocherk,” Russkii arkhiv 19, no. 1 (1881): 315, 336, 340–41, 351–55, 361–66.

70. Karpov and Korsakov, “Zametki o Belinskom, Lermontove, Polezhaeve,” 460.

71. Pypin, A. N., “Zabytyi poet: A. I. Polzhaev i ego stikhotvoreniia,” Vestnik Evropy 310 (March 1889): 153–97Google Scholar, esp. 153–58, 167–73, 178, 183–85. The topos of rejuvenative nature also features in Petr Bykov, “A. I. Polezhaev,” Vsemirnaia illiustratsiia, 1888, no. 991: 54.

72. Nil, Popov, “Novye svedeniia o Polezhaeve,” Russkii arkhiv 19, no. 2 (1881): 471 Google Scholar; Efremov, “Biograficheskii ocherk,” xviii-xxvi, xliii-xliv, liii-liv; Skabichevskii, A. M., Ocherki istorii russkoi tsenzury (1700–1863 g.) (St. Petersburg, 1892), 217–19Google Scholar; Makarov, “Vospominaniia o Polezhaeve,” 110–13; Belozerskii, E., “K biografii poeta A. I. Polezhaeva,” Istoricheskii vestnik 61 (September 1895): 644–47Google Scholar; and Iakushkin, V. E., “A. I. Polezhaev, ego zhizn’ i poeziia,” Vestnik Evropy 185 (June 1897): 717–29Google Scholar.

73. Makarov, “Vospominaniia o Polezhaeve,” 115.I have seen eleven images of Polezhaev produced between 1838 and 1895.

74. Dubrovin, Kavkazskaia voina, 47–48. See also D. I. Romanovskii, “Generalfel'dmarshal Kniaz’ Aleksandr Ivanovich Bariatinskii i kavkazskaia voina, 1815–1879 gg,” Russkaia starina 30 (February 1881): 304.

75. Davydov, Denis, Zapiski v Rossii tsensuroiu nepropushchennyia (London, 1863), 41.Google Scholar

76. Grigor'ev, Apollon, Sochineniia (St. Petersburg, 1876), 295–99.Google Scholar

77. Nikolai Lorer, Zapiski dekabrista (Moscow, 1931), 214.

78. Aleksandr Herzen, “MDCCCLXIII,” Sobranie sochinenii, 17: 10. My bibliographical guide vainly argues that Herzen championed the mountaineers: Gadzhiev and Pikman, Velikie russkie revoliutsionnye demokraty, 14–26.

79. Compare Sandler, Distant Pleasures, 28–39, 163.

80. See similar remarks about the Russian public's displaying neither excitement nor guilt regarding imperialism in Slezkine, Yuri, Arctic Mirrors: Russia and the Small Peoples of the North (Ithaca, 1994), 128–29n77Google Scholar; and Brower, Daniel, “Imperial Russia and Its Orient: The Renown of Nikolai Przhevalsky,” Russian Review 53 (July 1994): 377–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

81. Romanovskii, “General-fel'dmarshal Bariatinskii,” 249–52, 287–89, 292.

82. Kolomiets, “Bariatinskii,” 48. On the general's glory days, see Barrett, Thomas M., “The Remaking of the Lion of Dagestan: Shamil in Captivity,” Russian Review 53 (July 1994): 353–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Rieber, Alfred J., ed., The Politics of Autocracy: Letters of Alexander II to Prince A. I. Bariatinskii (1857–1864) (Paris, 1966), 65–67.Google Scholar

83. Tornov, Baron F. F. [Tornau], “Gergebil',” Russkii arkhiv 19, no. 2 (1881): 425 Google Scholar. (Tornov discusses the preferred spelling of his name in a note on page 445.)

84. For songs, consult Vsevolod Sakharov, “Gvardeiskii Prometei, ili Kavkaz A. A. Bestuzheva-Marlinskogo,” and Chekalin, Sergei, “Posle boia,” both in Rodina, 1994, no. 3–4: 109–10 and 71Google Scholar; and L. N. Tolstoi, “Nabeg” and Hadji Murat in Sobranie sochinenii, 12 vols. (Moscow, 1972–76), 2: 16 and 12: 355–56. On theatrical spectacle, see Akty sobrannye kavkazskoiu arkheograficheskoiu kommissieiu, 12 vols. (Tiflis, 1866–96), 11: 903–6. For heroic Cossack battle lore, see Thomas M. Barrett, “Lines of Uncertainty: The Frontiers of the North Caucasus,” Slavic Reviexu 54, no. 3 (Fall 1995): 600–601. Russia would also erect monuments to the army in the Caucasus, as detailed in V. A. Potto, Pamiatniki vremen utverzhdeniia russkago vladychestva na Kavkaze, 2 vols. (Tiflis, 1906 and 1909). My thanks to Valérie Le Galcher-Baron for this reference.

85. A. I. Polezhaev, “Ai, akhti, ikh, ura / Pravoslavnyi nash tsar',” Stikhotvoreniia i poemy, 3d ed., 199–200; see also I. N.|Rozanov, ed., Pesni russkikh poetov (XVIII-pervaia polovina XlXveka) (Leningrad, 1936), xxxv.Google Scholar

86. Brower, “Imperial Russia and Its Orient,” 367–81; McReynolds, Louise, The News under Russia's Old Regime: The Development of a Mass-Circulation Press (Princeton, 1991), 82–86 Google Scholar; Schneider, William H., An Empire for the Masses: The French Popular Image of Africa, 1870–1900 (Westport, 1982), 72, 117–20, 191–92Google Scholar; and Giddings, Robert, “Cry God for Harry, England and Lord Kitchener: A Tale of Tel-el-Kebir, Suakin, Wadi Haifa and Omdurman,” in Robert, Giddings, ed., Literature and Imperialism (Houndsmills, 1991), 201–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

87. Arkhiv kniazia Vorontsova, 40 vols. (Moscow, 1882–97), 36: 259; cited in Semen Ekshtut, “Aleksei Ermolov,” Rodina, 1994, no. 3–4: 32.

88. Kolomiets, “Bariatinskii,” 47.

89. “Lermontovskii muzei v Nikolaevskom Kavaleriiskom Uchilishche,” Russkaia starina 30 (March 1881): 713; and “Otkrytie Lermontovskogo muzeia, 18 dek. 1883 g.,” Russkaia starina 41 (January 1884): 240.

90. Viskovatov, Lermontov, 129, 336–37.

91. I borrow the quoted term from Francis Spufford, “The War That Never Stopped” [review of Joanna Bourke, Dismembering the Male], Times Literary Supplement, 22 March 1996, 12.

92. F. Iukhotnikov, “Pis'ma s Kavkaza,” Russkoe slovo, April 1861, no. 3: 9–13, esp. 12.

93. Herzen, Du développement des idees révolutionnaires en Russie, in Sobranie sochinenii, 7: 52, 81, 88; “La conspiration russe de 1825,” ibid., 13: 124; and “Avgusteishie puteshestvenniki,” ibid., 13: 16. A military geographer, Veniukov is quoted in Gadzhiev and Pikman, Velikie russkie revoliutsionnye demokraty, 25. Those authors fail to note Veniukov's insensitivity to the mountaineers’ suffering, as evident in his “Kavkazskie vospominaniia (1861–1863),” Russkii arkhiv 18, no. 1 (1880): 419.

94. “Iz zapisok Murav'eva-Karskago,” 323. Murav'ev-Karskii served as Caucasian viceroy from 1854 to 1856.

95. von-Kliman, F., “Voina na vostochnom Kavkaze s 1824 po 1835 g. v sviazi s miuridizmom,” Kavkazskii sbornik 15 (1894): 522–23.Google Scholar

96. Wirtschafter, From Serf to Russian Soldier, 109.