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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 February 2025
Western plainsong studies have typically focused on fully notated manuscripts, which provide the most complete witnesses to the repertories that have interested scholars in the field. Recent work, however, has shown that partially notated manuscripts, fragments, and marginalia can yield different kinds of insights into manuscript culture, as well as the uses and functions of musical notation. This article explores how a partially notated manuscript preserving the Old Hispanic rite, Toledo, Cathedral Archive, MS 35–6 (T6), can expand our knowledge of Old Hispanic chant, its scribal practices, manuscript culture, and notation. We identify the specific palaeographical traits and melodic dialects associated with each scribe. On this basis, we hypothesize that scribes used notation for a variety of reasons: to train in singing and writing, to practise writing, to correct particular melodies and notational forms, to preserve particular versions within a variant melodic tradition, and as an aide-memoire. T6 offers new insights into the various ways that the Old Hispanic oral tradition could be supported by writing.
This article was equally co-researched and co-authored during Wride’s placement at the University of Colorado, Boulder. We are grateful to the South, West and Wales Doctoral Training Partnership for their funding and support during this placement.
1 In this article we use manuscript sigla derived from Randel, Don in An Index to the Chant of the Mozarabic Rite (Princeton University Press, 1973)Google Scholar. The exceptions to this are L8 (instead of AL) and BL for British Library manuscripts (reflecting their move to the British Library from the British Museum where they were held at the time of Randel’s work).
2 Despite the unified appearance of L8, the recent work of Elsa De Luca has demonstrated that several scribes were responsible for the body of the manuscript, and in addition there were numerous corrections throughout. De Luca, Elsa, ‘A Methodology for Studying Old Hispanic Notation: Some Preliminary Thoughts’, Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the 17th Meeting of the IMS Study Group, Venice (Italy), 28–31 August 2014 , ed. Borders, James (Edizione Fundazione Levi, 2020), 19–40 Google Scholar.
3 Most dates offered for T6 are in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Tenth century: Carlo, Agustín Millares, Los códices visigóticos de la Catedral toledana: cuestiones cronológicas y de procedencia (Ignacio de Noreña, 1935), no. 25Google Scholar; Carlo, Agustín Millares, ‘Manuscritos visigóticos: notas bibliográficas’, Hispania Sacra, 14 (1963), no. 175Google Scholar; Zacarías García Villada, Paleografía española (Centro de estudios históricos, 1923), no. 175; Jordi Pinell, ‘Los textos de la antigua liturgia hispánica’, in Estudios sobre la liturgia mozárabe, ed. Juan Francisco Rivera Recio and Louis Brou (Diputación Provincial, 1965), 109–64; Don M. Randel, An Index to the Chant of the Mozarabic Rite (Princeton University Press, 1973). Early eleventh: Marius Ferotin, Le Liber mozarabicus sacramentorum et les manuscrits mozarabes (Gregg, 1969), cols. 738–54; Charles Upson Clark, Collectanea Hispanica (E. Champion, 1920), n. 702. Eleventh century: Casiano Rojo and Germán Prado, El canto mozárabe; estudio histórico-crítico de su antigüedad y estado actual, Revue de Musicologie, 11 (Diputación Provincial, 1929), 19; Higini Anglés, ‘La música medieval en Toledo hasta el siglo XI’, in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, 7, ed. M. Honecker, G. Schreiber and H. Finke (Aschendorff, 1938), 1–68 (p. 40); Juan F. Riaño, Critical and Bibliographical Notes on Early Spanish Music (Quaritch, 1887), no. 9. End of tenth–early eleventh century: Mundó, Anscari, ‘La datación de los códices litúrgicos visigóticos toledanos’, Hispania Sacra, 18 (1965), 1–25 Google Scholar; Janini, José, Gonzálvez, Ramon Ruiz, and Mundó, Anscari, Catálogo de los manuscritos litúrgicos de la Catedral de Toledo (Diputación Provincial, 1977)Google Scholar, no. 77.
4 Colophons are sometimes incorrect or are interpreted incorrectly. For example, the manuscript Santo Domingo de Silos, Biblioteca de la Abadía, MS 5 (Silos 5) contains a colophon which has been interpreted in a number of ways by scholars. The date has been read as 1009 (e.g., Millares Carlo and others, Corpus de códices visigóticos (Fundación de Enseñanza Superior a Distancia, 1999), 181), 1059 (e.g., Ann Boylan, ‘Manuscript Illumination at Santo Domingo de Silos (Xth to XIIth centuries)’ (PhD dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1990), 231), and 1056 (e.g., Manuel C. Díaz y Díaz, Códices visigóticos de la monarquía leonesa (Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, 1983), 474.
5 For some manuscripts, geography has also been used as a means of classification. For example, the ‘Toledan’ manuscripts do not have known origins and display diverse characteristics, yet their current-day preservation in the city has led to scholars defining them as Toledan. For more on the issues with the ‘Toledan’ corpus, see Carrillo, Raquel Rojo, ‘Old Hispanic Chant Manuscripts of Toledo: Testimonies of a Local or of a Wider Tradition?’, in A Companion to Medieval Toledo: Reconsidering the Canons, ed. Yasmine, and Beale-Rivaya, Jason Busic (Brill, 2018), 97–139 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also a recent doctoral thesis on this topic: Wride, Emily, Old Hispanic Musical and Notational Practices in Toledo: A Study Based on the Manuscript Toledo, Cathedral Archive, MS 35–4 (PhD dissertation, University of Bristol, 2023)Google Scholar; and David Santana Cañas (PhD dissertation, Complutense University, forthcoming).
6 Jordi Pinell, ‘El problema de las dos tradiciones del antiguo rito hispánico: Valoración documental de la tradición B, en vistas a una eventual revisión del ordinario de la misa mozárabe’, in Liturgia y música mozárabes: Ponencias y comunicaciones presentadas al I Congreso Internacional de Estudios Mozárabes, Toledo 1975, ed. Jordi Pinell and others (Instituto de Estudios Visigótico-Mozárabes, 1978), 3–44. See also Emma Hornby and Rebecca Maloy, Music and Meaning in Old Hispanic Lenten Chants: Psalmi, Threni and the Easter Vigil Canticles (Boydell & Brewer, 2013), 5–14; and Emma Hornby and others, Understanding the Old Hispanic Office: Texts, Melodies, and Devotion in Early Medieval Iberia (Cambridge University Press, 2022), 23–29.
7 A more detailed study of Tradition B would help to further distinguish the differences between these two traditions.
8 Randel, Don M., Responsorial Psalm Tones for the Mozarabic Office (Princeton University Press, 1969)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 Hornby, Emma and Maloy, Rebecca, ‘Melodic Dialects in Old Hispanic Chant’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 25 (2016), 37–72 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hornby, Emma and Maloy, Rebecca, ‘Fixity, Flexibility, and Compositional Process in Old Hispanic Chant’, Music and Letters, 97 (2016), 547–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 A fragment from Coimbra (Archivo da Universidade, IV-3a S-Gv, 44 (22)) contains horizontal notation and is therefore an example of horizontal notation outside of its usual association with Toledan manuscripts. More work is needed on this fragment to establish whether it originates from Coimbra, Toledo, or elsewhere.
11 This ongoing work is being carried out by Marcus Jones in his PhD thesis on the scribes and notation of BL45. See also, Hornby, Emma, Jones, Marcus, and Wride, Emily, ‘Scribal Identity and Scribal Roles in Early Medieval Iberia: A Case Study of Santo Domingo De Silos, Biblioteca Del Monasterio MS 6’, Early Music History, 41 (2022), 181–231 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 León, Cathedral Archive, MS 8; Biblioteca de la Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, MS 609; Biblioteca Histórica de la Universidad de Salamanca, MS 2668.
13 Maloy, Rebecca, Songs of Sacrifice: Chant, Identity, and Christian Formation in Early Medieval Iberia (Oxford University Press, 2020), 105–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
14 In recent work, Carmen Julia Guttierez suggests that L8 was copied between 950 and 960, ‘Librum de auratum conspice pinctum: Sobre la datación y la procedencia del antifonario de León’, Revista de Musicología, 43 (2020), 19–76. Elsa De Luca suggested dates between 900 and 905 in ‘Royal Misattribution: Monograms in the León Antiphoner’, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 14 (2017), 25–51. Previous dating has included the following. Early-tenth century: Manuel C. Díaz y Díaz, ‘Some Incidental Notes on Manuscripts’, in Hispania Vetus: Musical-liturgical Manuscripts from Visigothic Origins to the Franco-Roman Transition (9th–12th Centuries), ed. Susana Zapke (Fundación BBVA, 2007), 93–111; Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, ‘El ordo missae de la tradición hispánica A’, I Congreso internacional de estudios mozárabes (1978), 45–64. Mid-tenth century: Millares Carlo and others, Corpus. Tenth century in general: see, for example, Pinell, ‘Los textos’, 109–64.
15 Scholars who place BL45 in the tenth century include Juan Carlos Asensio Palacios, El canto gregoriano: historia, liturgía, formas (Alianza, 2003), 88; Pinell, ‘Los textos’, 135; and Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, Manuscritos y fuentes musicales en España (Alpuerto, 1980), 80. Others have placed it in the eleventh century. See, for example: Millares Carlo and others, Corpus, 86; Susana Zapke, ‘Notation Systems in the Iberian Peninsula: From Spanish Notations to Aquitanian Notation (9th–12th Centuries)’, in Hispania Vetus, ed. Zapke, 189–244 (pp. 201 and 205); Walker, Rose, Views of Transition: Liturgy and Illumination in Medieval Spain (University of Toronto Press, 1998), 58 Google Scholar.
16 A30 has a suggested origin of San Millán de la Cogolla. Díaz y Díaz, Libros y librerías en la Rioja altomedieval (Diputación Provincial, 1991), 191–2; Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, ‘El Liber misticus de san Millán de la Cogolla Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, Aemil. 30’, Miscellànea Litúrgica Catalana, 3 (1984), 111–224 (p. 114).
17 Susan Boynton attributes BL51 to the abbey of Santo Domingo de Silos in ‘Eleventh Century Continental Hymnaries Containing Latin Glosses’, Scriptorium, 53 (1999), 200–51 (p. 244).
18 José Janini, Liber ordinum sacerdotal (cod. Silos, ach. Monástico, 3) (Abadia de Silos, 1981). See also Millares Carlo and others, Corpus, 180; and Boylan, ‘Manuscript Illumination’.
19 Herminio González Barrionuevo, ‘Los códices “mozárabes” del archivo de Silos: Aspectos paleográficos y semiológicos de su notación neumática’, Revista de Musicología, 15 (1992), 403–72; Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, El ‘Breviarium gothicum’ de Silos: Archivo monástico, ms. 6 (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1965). See also Hornby, Jones, and Wride, ‘Scribal Identity’.
20 Mundó, ‘La datación’; Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, Historia de la música española I: Desde los orígenes hasta el ‘ars nova’ (Madrid, 1998), 109; Millares Carlo and others, Corpus, 112.
21 José Janini, Liber missarum de Toledo y libros místicos, Vol. II (Toledo, 1982); Mundó, ‘La datación’; Wride, Old Hispanic Musical and Notational Practices.
22 Mundó, ‘La datación’, 19. Zapke states it is ‘Probably of northern peninsular origin’ in Hispania Vetus, ed. Zapke, 300.
23 ‘Escrito probablemente en Toledo’, in Janini, Ruiz Gonzálvez, and Mundó, Catálogo, no. 77. For a discussion of why the origins of manuscripts associated with Toledo are uncertain, see Rojo Carrillo, ‘Old Hispanic Chant Manuscripts’.
24 ‘Scriptus est caractere gothico vetustissimo, sed eleganti sane, non admodum magno […] Ego vero codicem ante Toleti per Alfonsum VI restaurationem scriptum fuisse, credo’. Andrés Marcos Burriel, Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 13053, 480–81.
25 See footnote 3 for bibliography concerning the dating of the manuscript.
26 On this see the analysis of Hand 7 later.
27 Janini, Ruiz Gonzálvez, and Mundó, Catálogo, no. 102–03; and Janini, Liber missarum, 153.
28 Concerning the suppression of the Old Hispanic rite, see Ruiz, Teófilo, ‘Burgos y el Concilio de 1080’, Boletin de la Institutición Fernán González, 59/194 (1980), 73–83 Google Scholar. Ludwig Vones, ‘The Substitution of the Hispanic Liturgy by the Roman Rite in the Kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula’, in Hispania Vetus, ed. Zapke, 43–59.
29 Alfonso VI is said to have permitted the continued practice of the Old Hispanic rite in Toledo post-1085. The continued practice in the city is attested to by the existence of six Mozarabic parishes from the twelfth century onwards. See Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol, ‘Les six paroisses mozarabes de Tolède’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 58 (2015), 387–93. Evidence of horizontal notation is also preserved in a fragment from Coimbra which is usually dated to the eleventh century, although it requires further study.
30 ‘el añadido de Tc [T6] se sitúa por lo menos en el XII. Los rasgos de la escritura, sin embargo, no excluyen una datación aún recentior’. Nicolò Messina, ‘Toletanus ABC 35.6 Eterne prolis patris et inclite: Notas previas a la edición crítica del himno de Bartolomé (A H 27, 138:96)’, Actas del III Congreso de la Asociación Hispánica de Literature Medieval (Salamanca, 3 al 6 de octubre de 1989), ed. María Isabel Toro Pascua (Biblioteca Española del Siglo XV, 1994), 629–42.
31 Rankin, Susan, ‘On the Treatment of Pitch in Early Music Writing’, Early Music History, 30 (2011), 105–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘Calligraphy and the Study of Neumatic Notations’, in The Calligraphy of Medieval Music, ed. John Haines (Brepols, 2011), 47–62.
32 Susan Rankin, The Winchester Troper (Stainer & Bell, 2007); and also, The Lyell Lectures 2022. From Memory to Written Record: English Liturgical Books and Musical Notations, 900–1150, The Lyell Lectures 2022, Bodleian Libraries.
33 González Barrionuevo’s work builds on that of Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, who noted that there were several scribes in each of the Silos manuscripts. González Barrionuevo, ‘Los códices’; Fernández de la Cuesta, El ‘Breviarium gothicum’ de Silos.
34 De Luca, ‘A Methodology’. This approach is also taken by Emma Hornby and Rebecca Maloy, ‘Notated Chant in the Opening Folios of the León Antiphoner’, in Les folios introductifs de l’Antiphonaire de León (Archivo de la Catedral de León, ms. 8, fol. 1–27), ed. Thomas Deswarte (Brepols, 2024), 149–79.
35 A similar combined approach to scribal identification in an Old Hispanic manuscript is taken by Hornby, Jones, and Wride, ‘Scribal Identity’.
36 For example, Old Hispanic notation contains several neumes which were written from right to left. In most Western notations, neumes were written from left to right. Rankin, Susan, Writing Sounds in Carolingian Europe: The Invention of Musical Notation (Cambridge University Press, 2018), 120 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Emma Hornby and others, Understanding the Old Hispanic Office, 178–234.
37 This method was first used by Hornby and Maloy in Music and Meaning.
38 We thank Toledo Cathedral Archive for permission to reproduce images of the manuscript Toledo, Cathedral Archive MS 35–6. For a summary of the contents of T6, the chants and feasts it contains, and which scribe contributed to each chant, see Appendix 1.
39 ‘Puncta’ (‘punctum’ in the singular) are pen strokes which represent single notes and are typically a short horizontal line or a dot.
40 An exception to this is A30, see, for example, fol. 39v.
41 For a discussion of the NLHL neume, see Hornby and others, Understanding the Old Hispanic Office, ch. 6.
42 Some scribes in the manuscript Silos 6 also sometimes use the curve at the top of their descending gestures.
43 For a discussion of the specific placement of neumes on a folio and its significance see Rankin, ‘On the Treatment of Pitch’.
44 These images are taken from the database neumes.org.uk and are used with permission of Emma Hornby.
45 The only other northern manuscript that does not make this distinction is the Rioja manuscript Santo Domingo de Silos, Biblioteca del Monasterio, MS 5 (Silos 5). The manuscripts associated with late medieval Toledo do not make this distinction either.
46 For a discussion of these formulas (Formula A and Formula B), see Hornby and Maloy, ‘Fixity’; and Hornby and others, Understanding the Old Hispanic Office, ch. 7.
47 Rankin warns that ink colour does not always indicate the presence of multiple individuals in Writing Sounds, 85 (n. 30). While ink colour aids in our characterizing the scribes, our identification of these hands instead relied on palaeographical analysis.
48 De Luca, ‘A Methodology’.
49 Other differences between Hands 4 and 5 can be seen in Appendix 2, rows A, Q, and R.
50 Louis Brou, ‘Notes de paléographie musicale Mozarabe’, Anuario musical, 7 (1952), 51–76.
51 It is perhaps these characteristics, similar to those seen in later horizontal notations, which led to Janini claiming this hand wrote in the twelfth century. Janini, Liber missarum, 153.
52 For an example of Hand 3 making a distinction between these shapes, see Figure 3, ‘es’, line 1, neumes 5 and 6 (NH-NLH). For a discussion of this formula see Hornby and Maloy, ‘Fixity’, 556–65.
53 This scribe writes fol. 152v–top of fol. 153r, fol. 153v, and part of the text for the antiphon on fol. 154v. Some of the distinctive elements of this text scribe are the e with an open loop and the a with minim strokes that curve strongly to the right. On fol. 153v, they write the text for an antiphon, but not the main text of the folio, suggesting that they may have had specialist knowledge of certain chant texts. The brevity of this text stint could also explain why this musical notation, likely written by the same person, is only found on this folio.
54 Commonly, neumes are written after the text, often at a later stage. Rankin acknowledges this phenomenon in ‘On the Treatment of Pitch’, 113 (n. 31).
55 Brou, ‘Notes’.
56 For discussions of the meaning of this shape, see Brockett, Clyde W., Antiphons, Responsories, and Other Chants of the Mozarabic Rite (Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1968), 100 Google Scholar; Barrionuevo, Herminio González, ‘Présence de signes additionels de type mélodique dans la notation “mozarabe” du nord de l’Espagne’, Etudes grégoriennes, 23 (1989), 141–51Google Scholar; and Hornby and others, Understanding the Old Hispanic Office, ch. 6.
57 While this is present in some other manuscripts, it is not always common. For example, in neumes.org.uk (accessed 30 May 2022), L8 has 630 examples of an NLL with an initial rising stroke, compared to fifty-nine without one. In the manuscripts Silos 4 and Silos 6, there are no examples of an NLL without the initial rising stroke.
58 Virgae are normally short rising lines which indicate a note higher in pitch than the previous one. See, for example, Hiley, David, Western Plainchant: A Handbook (Clarendon Press, 1995), 342–43Google Scholar.
59 Notation at the ends of mass prayers also appears in Toledo, Cathedral Archive, MSS 35–34, 35–37, and 35–33, 35–35, London, British Library, Add. MS 30846, and Silos 6.
60 The Coimbra fragment, usually dated to the eleventh century, also preserves horizontal Old Hispanic notation. This fragment requires further study.
61 The other example is the flyleaves of Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, MS 10001 (BN01). Silos 5 may also contain an example of horizontal notation in a manuscript that otherwise uses vertical notation, although this instance needs further study.
62 For a discussion of the regional characteristics of responsory verse tones, see Randel, Responsorial Psalm Tones. For melodic dialects at cadences and openings, see Hornby and Maloy, ‘Melodic Dialects’.
63 The Toledo dialect does not appear in T6.
64 This cadence type refers to internal cadences, that is, those which are not the final cadence of the chant. Final cadences do not follow this rule.
65 For a detailed description of this type of cadence see Hornby and Maloy, ‘Melodic Dialects’, 42–51.
66 The single note is common in late manuscripts from Toledo.
67 Hornby and Maloy, ‘Melodic Dialects’, 42–51.
68 The late Toledan manuscripts use N+NHL+N occasionally, however, a preliminary study seems to show a tendency for N+N+N.
69 The ‘relationship ratio’ methodology was developed by Hornby and Maloy to show overall melodic similarities using the formula ‘(number of comparable notes between chants x 2) / (total number of notes in version 1 + total number of notes in version 2)’. Hornby and Maloy, Music and Meaning, 20.
70 Some of these occur in different melodic contexts, such as the square and V-shaped NH discussed earlier. In other cases, however, the reasons for the choices are not clear.
71 See Hornby, Jones, and Wride, ‘Scribal Identity’. In his doctoral thesis, Marcus Jones also observed, Marcus Jones has also observed elements of León notation in manuscripts associated with the Rioja region.
72 Hands 1, 7, and 13 only wrote incipits, with no cadences to use as a point of comparison. In Alleluia iustitia (Figure 6), the only chant notated by Hand 6, there are no cadences which suggest a particular dialect. Moreover, although the chant is present in six other manuscripts (L8 and five from the Rioja: Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, MS Aemil. 30; BL45; London, British Library, Add. MS 30851 (BL51); Santo Domingo de Silos, Biblioteca del Monasterio, MS 3 (Silos 3); and Silos 6), it cannot easily be categorized because there are small melodic variants across all versions. In contrast, Hand 9 wrote the first section of a psalmus chant; this chant is melodically stable across all extant manuscripts, with a ratio of 0.95 or above. It cannot therefore be claimed to be either more like the Rioja or León melody.
73 See Appendix 4 for a full list of all melodic relationship ratios.
74 Maloy, Songs of Sacrifice, 141–42.
75 The final alleluia is not notated in T6.
76 Eduardo Henrik Aubert explores these ideas in his unpublished work, Writing Music, Shaping the Medium: Reading Notation in MS Albi 44. We express our thanks for his personal communication.
77 Canon XXVI. José Vives, Concilios visigóticos e hispano-romanos (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1963), 202. On roles for specialized singers, see Molly Lester, ‘The Politics of Sound and Song: Lectors and Cantors in Early Medieval Iberia’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 72 (2021), 471–90.
78 Rankin, Writing Sounds, 145–46.
79 Elaine Statton Hild, ‘Verse, Music, and Notation: Observations on Settings of Poetry in Sankt Gallen’s Ninth- and Tenth-Century Manuscripts’ (PhD dissertation, University of Colorado Boulder, 2014), 49–52.
80 Aubert, Writing Music.
81 For example, twelve chants begin with the similar words ‘Angelus Domini’. See Randel, An Index.
82 In all other manuscripts containing neumes in the mass prayers, the neumes are always found on the final syllables of the Post Sanctus prayer. T6, however, also has some neumes on the final syllables of the Ad Oratio Dominicam and the Inlatio.
83 Rankin, Writing Sounds, 145.
84 On the appearance of specific melodic progressions at the end of melisma sections, see Maloy, Songs of Sacrifice, 141–42.
85 This melodic progression does not relate to any notated syllables on the page, perhaps because it was erased later by Hand 3.
86 Boynton, Susan, ‘Orality, Literacy, and the Early Notation of Office Hymns’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 56 (2003), 99–168 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
87 Other examples can be seen in Sacerdos Zaccarias (fol. 135v, Hand 3) and Acceperunt prudentes (fol. 153v, Hand 7). In Sacerdos Zaccarias, it has a unique reading on 24 per cent of its syllables compared to cognate chants in L8, BL45, and MSC (of this 24 per cent, L8 and BL45 have the same melody 50 per cent of the time) (see Appendix 4 for relationship ratios). Acceperunt prudentes, differs on every syllable with more than one note from that of L8, BL45, Sal, BL51, Silos 6, and Silos 3.
88 Hand 8 was presumably writing after Hand 9 had notated the first section of the psalmus as we see little reason for Hand 8 to have left the opening of the psalmus blank.
89 In ‘La notación del Antifonario de León’, Herminio González Barrionuevo also identifies a scribe who corrects the notation of another. In El Canto Mozárabe y su entorno: Estudios sobre la música de la liturgia viego hispánica, ed. Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, Rosario Álvarez Martínez, and Ana Llorens Martín (Sociedad Española de Musicología, 2013), 105–06.
90 Such as Silos 6. See Hand C in Hornby, Jones, and Wride, ‘Scribal Identity’.
91 Owing to the erasing of previous material, we cannot confirm how much the current melody differs from the original version written by Hand 2.
92 ‘to the psalmist belongs the office of singing. He is to say the benedictiones, psalmi, laudes, sacrificii, responsoria, and whatever belongs to the skill of singing’. On specialized singers, see Don M. Randel, ‘Responsorial Psalmody in the Mozarabic Rite’, Études grégoriennes, 10 (1969), 87–116. The Isidorian authenticity of this letter was questioned by Roger E. Reynolds, ‘The “Isidorian” Epistula ad Leudefredum: Its Origins, Early Manuscript Tradition, and Editions’, in Visigothic Spain: New Approaches, ed. Edward James (Clarendon Press, 1980), 251–72; and ‘The “Isidorian” Epistula ad Leudefredum: An Early Medieval Epitome of the Clerical Duties’, Medieval Studies, 41 (1979), 252–330. Deswarte, Thomas, ‘Isidore of Seville and the Hispanic Order of Grades: Considerations on the “De ecclesiasticis officiis” and the “Epistola ad Leudefredum”’, Sacris erudiri, 58 (2019), 361–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, argues for Isidore’s authorship.
93 Hornby, Jones, and Wride, ‘Scribal Identity’, see Hands C, E, and F.
94 Hand 6, who only notated one chant, a sono, might also be a specialist singer; however, we do not have enough evidence to confirm this.
95 Aubert, Writing Music.
96 Randel, Responsorial Psalm Tones.
97 Aubert, Writing Music.
98 Other scribes who notate the start of a feast or occasion and did not continue immediately writing the following chant are Hand 3 (fol. 107r, and 132r: Praelegenda – the first chant of the mass; fol. 140r: Sono incipit), Hand 4 (fol. 123v: Vespertinus), and Hand 6 (fol. 151v: Sono).
99 Hornby, Jones, and Wride, ‘Scribal Identity’, Hand C.
100 Both manuscripts have a high relationship ratio with T6: L8/T6; 0.95; BL45/T6; 0.92.
101 Evidence for this scribe writing after Hand 4 includes the correction of the word ‘apparuit’ to ‘dixit’ by Hand 4, which was then corrected again by Hand 5; Hand 4 notated four syllables during the chant Ne timeas. It would be unusual for Hand 5, who notated every other syllable to leave these blank. Although we can say that Hand 5 wrote after Hand 4, it is not possible to know whether the two were working concurrently.
102 The ratios for this chant do not include the melismas which differ greatly between sources.
103 First verse only.