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The Music of the Hattons

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2020

David Pinto
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Extract

The core of the historical collection of printed and manuscript music at Christ Church, Oxford derives from a generous bequest in the year 1710 by the late dean of the college, Henry Aldrich. Generosity of other donors is not in question, but Aldrich was more than primus inter pares. An almost contemporary bequest by Richard Goodson senior pales in comparison: printed books from before 1670 (for example) that were contributed by him number barely one-fifteenth of those from the Aldrich bequest. The means whereby Aldrich amassed his musical treasures were lost to direct investigation through the destruction of his personal papers at his express request. It is the aim of this essay to show the extent of evidence for a new claim on the origins of a large part of the collection: that Aldrich acquired shortly after the year 1670 a musical library built up by the first Baron Hatton of Kirby on the basis of his own father's collection. By correlating printed and manuscript contents, it will be shown that a further group of more widely scattered manuscripts was copied for use by Hatton's musicians, and can thus be considered as directly or indirectly dependent on his patronage.

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Articles
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Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle , Volume 23 , 1990 , pp. 79 - 108
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Copyright © Royal Musical Association, 1990

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References

Notes

1 All references to Mus. are to shelfmarks for printed and manuscript music at Christ Church. Dates of publication where relevant are those of copies there, not necessarily of first editions. I would like to express thanks to John Wing and Jennie Bradshaw of Christ Church library for unfailing good humour in the face of strange demands outside the course of duty; and to the staff of other libraries that have given such free access to their treasures. Research for this article could not have been undertaken without the help of Professor R.J.P. Williams; to him, and to Professor John Stevens for smoothing my path and for words of comfort, I am most grateful. Pamela Willetts has suggested lines of enquiry well beyond the limits of her published papers, which have been summarized here anew; the main debt will be obvious enough from works cited, but it is a pleasure to acknowledge that it is even larger than appears.Google Scholar

2 Mirjam M. Foot, The Henry Davis Gift. A Collection of Bookbindings, 1 (London, 1978), 35–49. Covers of Mus. 708–12 are illustrated in Fine Bindings 1500–1700 from Oxford Libraries (Oxford, 1968), no. 131.Google Scholar

3 Foot, The Henry Davis Gift, 2 (London, 1983), no. 97 gives details of bindings bearing this stamp on books published 1605–42; the ‘Hatton Set’ is not included. I am grateful to Tim Miller for assistance on questions of fine bindings. The modern form of the insignia of the Order of the Bath was already worn in the reign of James I; Franciscus Mennenius, Deliciœ Equestrium (Cologne, 1613), 129: ‘tres aureas coronas orbicello aureo expressas, addita hac circumscriptione, Tria in unum'—sic, for ‘Tria iuncta in uno’ as given by the Hatton bookstamp. Differentiation of rank by helmet type was not yet a uniform feature of armorial displays.Google Scholar

4 Roger North on Music, ed. John Wilson (London, 1959), 37–8, first identified Lilly's copies; a complete study was provided by Pamela J. Willetts, ‘John Lilly, Musician and Music Copyist', Bodleian Library Record, 7 (1967), 307–11. Contents of the set 432/612–13 are entirely without titling and ascription; some music formerly attributed to William Young has been reassigned to John Jenkins. See Thematic Index of Music for Viols, 1–4, ed. Gordon Dodd (London, 1980–7) for this and further information on English instrumental music before 1660 discussed here.Google Scholar

5 Hiscock, W.G., A Christ Church Miscellany (Oxford, 1946), and Henry Aldrich of Christ Church 1648–1710 (Oxford, 1960), contain indispensable guides to the collections at Christ Church and the part played in their formation by Aldrich. Willetts, ‘Lilly', cleared up the confusion between Aldrich and Lilly's associate, and listed the chief manuscripts. Mus. 1175 and 1185 have both at times been attributed to the hand of Lilly's associate, but these are definitely mistaken sightings.Google Scholar

6 Ernest Walker, ‘An Oxford Book of Fancies', The Musical Antiquary, 3 (January, 1912), 65–73 discussed Mus. 2 as the work of Aldrich. It contains 256 compositions, of which 22 are transcriptions of madrigals and motets. The boundary between vocal and instrumental is not always clear for the early Jacobean fantasy; see Pinto, David, ‘The Fantasy Manner', Chelys, 10 (1981), 17–28 for some identifications of vocal texts relevant to Mus. 2. The manuscript lacks opening portions of some pieces, such as Coprario, Fantasy no. 16 and Lupo, Fantasy no. 12 in the five-part section; these must have been lost before binding. Only one stub is evident, between ff. 49 and 50, but a bifolium ruled a5 occurs just before the last folio of the six-part section, ff. 301–2. Source order differs at times from that of the companion partbooks, and the following thirty pieces that they contain are lacking: a3: George Jeffreys, 6 fantasies (found in partbooks 417–18 but not 1080); Thomas Lupo, 4 pavans (401–2; 417–18/1080); a5: Coprario, 2 fantasies; Alfonso Ferrabosco II, 1 pavan, 3 in nomines; Thomas Lupo, 5 fantasies; Richard Mico, 3 pavans, 1 in nomine; Mico (attr.), 2 fantasies; Monteverdi, 2 madrigals; Pallavicino, 1 madrigal (403–8, and 436 but for Mico Pavan 3 and attributed fantasies). A section of 47 folios at the head of Mus. 2 ruled for two-part music was never touched. Mus. 436 appears to have been made up from the score when complete, and gives a much smaller selection of total contents in 4–6 parts.Google Scholar

7 One of the previous copyists has been identified in other manuscripts close to the Royal Music around 1625: Richard Charteris, ‘Autographs of John Coprario', Music and Letters, 56 (1975), 41–6. A link between instrumentation used by Gibbons and Jeffreys is discovered by Peter Holman in a letter to the editor, Chelys, 5 (1973–4), 79–81.Google Scholar

8 Northamptonshire Record Office, Finch-Hatton MS 4025, as noted in Sears Jayne, Library Catalogues of the English Renaissance (revised edn; Godalming, 1983). Hatton manuscripts were first scheduled in Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, First Report (1870), Appendix, 14–34: ‘Documents of inestimable value’ were found ‘mixed up with papers comparatively worthless … all in a state of chaotic confusion'. Papers at Northampton (henceforward FH) are the property of the Earl of Winchilsea and Nottingham: see Catalogue of the FINCH-HATTON Manuscripts, nos. 346–4241, ed. Edith S. Scroggs (1931; typescript available at Northamptonshire Record Office and the National Register of Archives). Bills of 1657–8 for books and bindings supplied by the London stationer William Seale seem to have been endorsed by the hand of Lilly's associate: FH 2659, 2661. This text hand, in a mixed secretary style, although absent from the Great Set is seen in Mus. 732–5, 754–9, 878–80; Lbl Add. MS 31434; Tenbury MSS 1005, 1009. It is distinct from the italic hands employed by Christopher and John Jeffreys, respectively son and brother of George. It was available to Hatton for non-musical purposes: Add. 29587 f. 47 (undated.)Google Scholar

9 Pamela Willetts, ‘Stephen Bing: a Forgotten Violist', Chelys, 18 (1989), 3–17; and The New Grove, s.v. ‘Bing, Stephen'.Google Scholar

10 Aloys Hiff, Catalogue of Printed Music Published prior to 1801 now in the Library of Christ Church Oxford (Oxford, 1919) omits mention of Porter's Motetts at this number, listing only the copy at Mus. 818–23. Mus. 877 lacks not only a part for this publication (contents are for two voices only) but also any manuscript portions, and contains only Wilson's psalter. The care taken in binding already incomplete manuscript sets supports the argument for a common provenance of all the fascicles.Google Scholar

11 Gesualdo's first two madrigal sets are found reversed in order. The reversed order has been known for printed editions after 1616–17, but as Jonathan Wainwright has been the first to point out (A Study of five Related English Manuscripts Containing Italian Music (M. Phil, thesis; University of Cambridge, 1986, Chapter 5), the 1603 editions are also reversed, and both of these are among the contents of Mus. 908–12. 36 of the motets in the preceding four-part section were identified by G.E.P. Arkwright, Catalogue of Music in the Library of Christ Church Oxford, 1 (London, 1915), with incipits of 10 remaining anonyma following in vol. 2 (London, 1923). The eight composers were A. Facchi, A. Ferrabosco I (listed under II), L. Gallerano, A. Grandi, T. Merula, G.F. Sances, B. Tomasi and E. Trabattone; the other ten pieces contain works by Aloisi, Arrigoni, Mazzochi, Merula: see Wainwright, Jonathan, A Study, and research in progress. Arkwright was rightly sceptical of ascriptions made to Pietro Reggio on the basis of three concordances with Lbl Add. MS 31440, long thought to be his holograph: see Willetts for the refutation (n. 13 below).Google Scholar

12 The two volumes of Cantica Sacra (1662, 1674; RISM D1322/16624 and 16742). Among other manuscripts see Mus. 435, 747–9; Royal College of Music MSS 2033–4, 2039; Bodleian Library MSS Mus. Sch. C. 11, D. 233–6 and E. 451, in the hand of Edward Lowe. Ascription to Dering of the unpublished motets is an underexplored topic.Google Scholar

13 Pamela J. Willetts, ‘A Neglected Source of Monody and Madrigal', Music and Letters, 43 (1962), 329–39; ‘Autographs of Angelo Notari', Music and Letters, 50 (1969), 124–7. Miss Willetts believed the hand of the final section of Mus. 880, as found throughout Add. 31434, to bear ‘some similarity’ to Mus. 2, an identification which at the time was not applauded as it merited. Her handlist of the contents of Add. 31440 is reproduced with additions by Wainwright, A Study, chapter 3. The English part of MS 31434, atrributable in toto to Henry Lawes, is discussed in Pinto, ‘The Fantasy Manner', and the texts identified. The information is recapitulated in Wainwright, A Study, chapter 2, where similar conclusions concerning the work of K were independently reached.Google Scholar

14 The other three fascicles of the Sibley MS are in the hand of one ‘I. A.'; the first is part 1 of Matthew Locke, The Broken Consort, dated 11 October 1661; the second contains a string score of Coprario's violin works found in the third; the fourth gives four sets of dances by William Gregory. The copyist was responsible for other manuscripts probably unrelated to Hatton, including Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale MS Rés. F. 770; in Musica Britannica 31–2 it is suggested that he was John Atkins, musician viol in the restored King's Music after 1660.Google Scholar

15 Mus. 878 no. [5] (f. 3) and no. [36] (f. 22v).Google Scholar

16 The terms ‘Old’ and ‘New’ for the two states are modern; the process of transformation was not clarified before revealed by Murray Lefkowitz, William Lawes (London, 1960), chapter 3. The affiliation of sources is outlined by Gordon Dodd, ‘William Lawes—Royall Consort Suite No. 9 in F, Chelys, 6 (1975–6), 3–9.Google Scholar

17 David Pinto, ‘William Lawes at the Siege of York 1644', The Musical Times, 127 (1986), 579–83 suggests how much of his time could have been spent on active service.Google Scholar

18 See also Jonathan P. Wainwright, ‘George Jeffreys’ Copies of Italian Music', this journal, below. The link between Tenbury MSS 973–6 and the separately shelved continuo part, 1273, was kindly pointed out by Mr Wainwright, who has greatly improved this study by his detailed comments, and very nobly ceded discussion of a terrain of which he has independently surveyed large tracts.Google Scholar

19 FH 2652. Only one purchase of November 1638 was of non-musical nature, but additions were made to the bill in December 1638 and February 1638/9. By that time, Martin had received £20 of Hatton, with a balance of £5–16s-0d that was not settled until the end of 1641. The wording of the bill does not make clear whether one or two volumes of Fontei's Bizzarrie were purchased; the price seems a little low for two. Evidence below suggests that provenance of one of the Christ Church copies was almost certainly provenance of both. ‘Marini’ is copied as ‘Martini’ and Pisticci, Motetti III as ‘il 3° Lib Mad’ on the bill. Unica: RISM A933 (Cremonese), C1539, F44, F45, F265, F1485, G2518, M2351, P2455, 16341; sole complete copies: F733, F1487, G2516/16363, M672, T922. S913–14 appear as unica in RISM, but as extant also at Wroclaw (PL-WRu) in II Nuovo Vogel, ed. François Lesure and Claudio Sartori (Pomezia, 1977), nos. 2557–8. The musical side of Martin's business has been examined by D.W. Krummel, ‘Venetian Baroque Music in a London Bookshop: the Robert Martin Catalogues, 1633–50', Music and Bibliography. Essays in Honour of Alec Hyatt King, ed. Oliver Neighbour (New York and London, 1980), 1–27. Though all present in Martin's catalogue of 1639, none of Hatton's purchases had been mentioned in previous issues of 1633 and 1638, with the exception of C1539, M407 and S913–14.Google Scholar

20 FANT E (Mus. 401–2), stamped ‘4.Books.', survives as only two partbooks containing music solely in three parts. As well as a missing string part there must have been a keyboard book. No accompaniments for the contents of the set were copied in Mus. 436, which served only FANT G and H. FANT D (417–18/1080), stamped ‘3.Books.’, was evidently acquired incomplete and bound without full inspection of the contents. The catalogue of the Aldrich and Goodson bequests made by J.B. Malchair in 1787 (now Lcm MS 2125) described the binding of Mus. 2 as ‘rugh calf; its present binding is modern.Google Scholar

21 This last print provides a general terminus ante quern non for the binding of the three series. MOT G is in fact the only vocal set bound by Aldrich to mix items printed before and after 1670.Google Scholar

22 It is improbable that Hatton acquired further music from Martin after the bill of 1638 was settled in 1641, in view of the imminence of war and his financial embarrassment by then (n. 48).Google Scholar

23 Grandi, Celesti Fiori; the edition of 1625 (RISM G3441) is misprinted by Krummel, ‘Venetian baroque music', no. 78, as 1638. In comparing Martin entries with copies at Christ Church, Krummel omits nine eligible prints: Krummel nos. 31, 39, 82 (Grandi, Motetti I, II, IV, VI in Mus. 926–30), 125, 133–4. Krummel no. 194 seems to conflate two separate works: Martin's catalogue of 1633 mentions Simonetti, ‘Motetti a voce sola … 1631', which is unlocated unless it is a misprint for the edition of 1630, extant at Christ Church. His catalogue of 1639 lists a clearly different edition, Ghirlanda a voce sola. 4 [viz. quarto]. Venezia. 1636'. This second edition is RISM 16362; the first edition, as Mr Wainwright points out, has been overlooked by RISM. Mus. 86 and 937–8 (Table 4B) are not in the first line for consideration as Hatton possessions, since they come (according to Malchair) from the bequest by Goodson eight years after that by Aldrich; but since the two men were colleagues, there could have been some interchange of possessions during their lifetime.Google Scholar

24 Among other editions so far unreferred to, and not listed by Martin, Mus. 908–12 contain Gesualdo's Madrigali I, II (1603; RISM G1726, G1722), IV (1604; G1736); d'India IV, V (1616); Nenna V (1612), VI (1618)—all a5; and Nenna I a4 (1621). It seems that at least two similar collections have been amalgamated to form this bound set, MAD B in Aldrich's classification. From Malchair's catalogue the following cannot be identified as possessions of Aldrich: Mus. 105–6, 225–30, 581–5, 795, 796, 805–6 and 908–12. Malchair's listings from composite bindings are not always exhaustive: cf. Mus. 301–5 and 926–30 (Lcm MS 2125 ff. 14, 43).Google Scholar

25 Martin was supplying books ‘out of Italy’ to the Bodleian from 1632 as successor to his master Henry Featherstone, who had done the same from 1622: The Bodleian Library Account Book 1613–1646, ed. Gwen Hampshire (Oxford, 1983), 46 etc.Google Scholar

26 Music by Alfonso Ferrabosco II was added later, as well as unattributed pieces such as ‘Foelices Britones’ a5, on the birth of a son (later Charles I) to James I. As well as being partially concordant with Mus. 463–7 for music by Ferrabosco I, Mus. 78–82 give the whole of his printed Madrigali I (1587). Many of the unattributed pieces can be assigned to him: Joseph Kerman, The Elizabethan Madrigal (New York, 1962), 83–90.Google Scholar

27 Mus. 373–6 contain 10 pieces a4 and (with Mus. 372) 7 pieces a5. Ascriptions are to Cato, nos. 5–7, 9, 11–16; Mason”, no. 2; Merulo, nos. 1, 3, 8; de Rore, nos. 10, 13 (in 372 only), 17. Nos. 14–16 are the three sections of a madrigal setting of Guarini's text ‘Tirsi morir volea', underlaid in the top part only. No piece is titled, but nos. 1–9 fall clearly into the categories of ricercari and canzoni. Though unattributed, no. 4 is comparable thematically and stylistically to canzoni accepted as works of Merulo, and should be added to the canon. Nos. 9 and 16 are found in Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS Mu 782 (the so-called ‘John Bull MS', olim 52.D.25) ff. 65v–7, 60v–1, in versions textually very close to 372–6. An occasion for transmission of the contents could have come with the Polish embassy to England in May 1597, led by Pawel Działyński, secretary to Zygmunt III Wasa (Cato's master).Google Scholar

28 A clear example of his hand occurs in Lbl Add. MS 29586, f. 29r-v, dated 12 November 1661. A Mr Holmes dealt with the Hatton book bills of 1657–8 (see n. 9). Lord Hatton sent instructions to ‘honest George’ over dealings with William Seale, 29 January 1659: Add. 29550 f. 344. Jeffreys wrote to George Holmes at Hatton House in Holborn, 29 June 1657: ibid. f. 302. Fragmentary airs for treble instrument, all apparently by George Holmes, are found at FH 1395, 1997, 2398 and 3431A-B.Google Scholar

29 Mus. 301 bears a small note of collation at its front, recording that the contents of the Marenzio item were found to number 108 on 24 February 1603.Google Scholar

30 Few significant acquisitions of earlier printed books were made in more recent times, one exception being The First Book of selected Church Musick, ed. John Barnard (RISM 16415), purchased in 1917. Books of plainchant and collections of metrical psalms are excluded from this discussion. At least seventeen items were missing by the early nineteenth century, of which fourteen were published before 1670; W.G. Hiscock, ‘The Christ Church Missing Books”, TLS, 1935, pp. 394, 404; ‘Christ Church Missing Books II—Printed Music', TLS 1939, p. 96; A Christ Church Miscellany, chapters 13–14. Apart from these seventeen, there are further items listed in Malchair's catalogue of the Aldrich bequest that are no longer extant, including books of airs by Campian, Corkine, Danyel and Dowland.Google Scholar

31 Hatton's plays do not seem to survive other than in the song-texts at Add. MS 10338 ff. 33–42v. The songs ‘made to and sung in Dr Hausteds Unfortunate Comedy’ follow at ff. 43–51. A marginal note to the song ‘Cruell! but once againe’ is appended on f. 46: ‘This song was made for the Comodie but I thinke not sunge'; it indicates perhaps some lapse in time as well as memory before copying. A setting, together with another from the play, is found in Henry Lawes's autograph song book (now Lbl Add. MS 53723) ff. 43v–4, but these may belong to a later occasion: Willa McClung Evans, Henry Lawes (New York, 1941), 74–5; Pamela J. Willetts, The Henry Lawes Manuscript (London, 1969). Hausted, a high-church man, was a protegé of Sir Christopher Hatton III: Laurens J. Mills, Peter Hausted, Playwright, Poet and Preacher (Bloomington, Indiana, 1944). His undergraduate rival Thomas Randolph, one of the latest ‘sons of Ben', was probably patronized by Hatton, who had a memorial tablet set up for him in 1640 at Blatherwick church with a verse inscription by Hausted: ‘The Note-Book and Account Book of Nicholas Stone', ed. Walter Lewis Spiers, Walpole Society, 7(1918–19). Hausted was resident in Banbury in 1643 and in communication with William Dugdale: Add. MS 29549 f. 87, where his poetic talents are apparently being sought after (a reference unnoticed before owing to error in cataloguing). For the relations between Randolph, anonymous poems in Add. 10338 and two branches of the Hatton family, see G.C. Moore Smith, ‘Some unpublished Poems of Thomas Randolph', Palaestra, 148 (1925), 244–57.Google Scholar

32 Anthony Wood, Athenae Oxonienses (1863; repr. 1967), 1, pp. xxxiv-xxxv. Christopher Jeffreys appears however to have matriculated at Christ Church on 9 December 1659: Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, 1.Google Scholar

33 John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music (London, 1875; repr. New York, 1963), 2, p. 584 noted that Jeffreys ‘had lands of his own’ in Northamptonshire, and ‘was succeeded in the King's chapel by Edward Low'—but at what date? If before 1646, when the king himself left Oxford, had Jeffreys and Hatton already moved out of court circles? Lowe had been organist of Christ Church from 1630, and was apparently resident throughout the War and Commonwealth period. Jeffreys of course may have become known in his own right as a musician before the wars. Sir Peter Leycester's manuscript ‘A Booke of Miscellany Collections', dated 1659, lists him as ninth of the ten ‘most excellent Artists in musicke in our dayes sub anno 1640', ‘Mr. Jefferies sometimes servant to Lord Hutton [sic]: an organist.': Hermione Abbey, ‘Sir Peter Leycester's Book on Music', Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, 21 (1984), 28–44.Google Scholar

34 Add. 29550 f. 47.Google Scholar

35 FH 4016. Moulton Park was sold at some unknown time between 1650 and 1671 by Christopher III or IV: Victoria County History, Northamptonshire, 4, ed. L.F. Salzman (London, 1937), 94–5, and Add. 29553 f. 185. Miss Willetts points out that George Jeffreys claimed over forty years association with the Hatton family's servants in a letter of 10 August 1672: Add. 29554 f. 16. In 1671 he could recall Hatton estate business of about the year 1633: Add. 29553 f. 21, etc.Google Scholar

36 Add. 29570 ff. 37–8: a relation dated 14–15 August 1645, recopied from Hatton's draft, ff. 34–5. Dugdale registered notes made by Jeffreys, f. 80. Correspondence of the Hatton and Finch families was acquired by the British Museum in 1874 and catalogued as Add. MSS 29548–29596.Google Scholar

37 Add. 29552 f. 7; letter to Jeffreys to Christopher Hatton IV, 10 January 1669. See also letters of up to 18 January 1670, ff. 9, 31, 103, 171, 197, and Add. 29551 ff. 402, 499; the same correspondents: also f. 259, a copy of a defence by Jeffreys against complaints made by Lord Hatton, sent to Christopher IV.Google Scholar

38 Add. 29552 f. 302; referred to again 2 May 1670, f. 314.Google Scholar

39 One stray book belonging to Sir Christopher II was found in Coke's library; this implies that the books of Christopher I may have passed to his cousin and heir before being returned to Coke and Lady Hatton as legatees, with the superaddition of a volume. W.O. Hassall, ‘The Books of Sir Christopher Hatton at Holkham”, The Library, Fifth Series, 5 (1950), 1–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40 Victoria County History, Essex, 5, ed. R.B. Pugh (London, 1966), 195–6. In 1568 Henry Fanshawe I had held the lease of Clayhall manor. The chapel, later used as a barn, was demolished in 1935. Gibbons's verse anthem with ensemble accompaniment, ‘Glorious and powerful God', is appropriate for the dedication of a church, and the sole contemporary setting of this text.Google Scholar

41 John Nichols, The Progresses … of King James the First (London, 1828), 1, p. 525; 2, 453–4.Google Scholar

42 Hatton House at Ely Place in Holborn had been kept by the dowager Lady Hatton and was not recovered by the family until 1648–9; Gibbons cannot have been a guest of Sir Christopher II there, as suggested by Edmund H. Fellowes, Orlando Gibbons and his Family (2nd edn, London, 1951; R/1970), 38–9, 80. However, Gibbons settled in the parish of Westminster after his marriage, and the Hattons maintained a house there, of which the contents were appraised in 1619–22 after the death of Christopher II: FH 618. An account of the patronage of Christopher II would be incomplete without mention of the partial dedication to him of Tobias Hume's Captain Humes Poeticall Musicke (1607), found uniquely in the Manchester copy. It uses an expanded form of the dedication to Philip Earl of Arundel found in the Folger Shakespeare Library copy: for text and collation see Doughtie, Edward, Lyrics from English Airs 1590–1622 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1970), 281–9, 559–60. The dedication was obviously unsolicited, and of a type regarded as unethical in its own day: see Dekker, Thomas, Lanthorne and Candle-Light (1608).Google Scholar

43 DNB sub Hatton, Dugdale, King; Mary Frear Keeler, The Long Parliament (Philadelphia, 1954). Like that of his father, the name of Christopher III appeared on the rolls of the London Inns: Joseph Foster, The Register of Admissions to Gray's Inn, 1521–1889 (London, 1889), entry for 18 March 1619/20.Google Scholar

44 The Life, Diary, and Correspondence of Sir William Dugdale, ed. William Hamper (London, 1827), 171: letter to Thomas Habington, 26 December 1637.Google Scholar

45 Lambert B. Larking, ‘On the Surrenden Charters', Archœologia Cantiana 1 (1858), 50–65; Lewis C. Loyd and Doris Mary Stenton, Sir Christopher Hatton's Book of Seals (Oxford, 1950). The Royal Commission in 1870 (p. 31) noted 21 books of heraldry, including a manuscript ‘Baronagium Angliae’ and Northamptonshire pedigrees, among Hatton papers.Google Scholar

46 Thomas Smith, Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library 1696, ed. C.G.C. Tite (Cambridge, 1984), 6; G.R.C. Davis, Mediaeval Cartularies of Great Britain (London, 1958); A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, ed. Falconer Madan el al., 2, part 2 (Oxford, 1937), 801–63.Google Scholar

47 The Note-Book … of Nicholas Stone', ed. Spiers. Hatton supplied stone for the refacing of his alma mater, Jesus College Cambridge, c. 1638: RCHM City of Cambridge (London, 1959), 1, p. 86a.Google Scholar

48 FH 4106 shows him in debt to the tune of £18, 600 at this date: H.D. Turner, ‘Charles Hatton: A Younger Son”, Northamptonshire Past and Present, 3 (1965–6), 255–62.Google Scholar

49 Life of Dugdale, Diary p. 68. Secretary Nicholas writing from Oxford to Hatton at Banbury, 30 March 1645, chided him with his rumoured intention ‘to goe to London & quitt the king, & it seemes by yor long absence you care little for or company here'; Add. 29549 f. 54.Google Scholar

50 Egerton MSS 2533–6. Nicholas papers extend to 2562; a selection was published as The Nicholas Papers, ed. G.F. Warner (Camden Society, 1886 and 1892).Google Scholar

51 Clarendon, State Papers (Oxford, 1786), 3, p. 70. The poor opinion he gave of Hatton in his monumental History (6, para. 396) was not the least of compliments he could have bestowed out of a malice that dripped on political rivals almost as severely as on military opponents.Google Scholar

52 Bodleian Library, MS Bodl. 878 ff. 22–3 mentions books sent to Hatton by Gunning on 16 March 1647, including ‘Donne's poems, and what your Lordshipp may happily like, Miltons poems though yc Gent hath not learned yt leçon to his prince, of the prince of poets’ (viz. obedience: quoting Iliad B 204–5).Google Scholar

53 CSP Domestic Series 1682, p. 583 lists the warrant of 21 December creating Christopher IV Viscount Hatton of Gretton. It records that a warrant had been signed at St Germain-en-Laye on 20 September 1649 to confer this rank on his father, whose disappointment at the failure of its ratification found expression in Nicholas papers: Egerton MS 2535 ff. 81–2v, 92–3v, 12 and 23 March 1655.Google Scholar

54 A less melodramatic interpretation would urge that Christopher IV was responsible for the shape of the Finch-Hatton archives as we receive them, and simply chose not to retain his father's papers apart from those of legal import and historic value. In this case the almost total absence of life records for Christopher III would still dog us; rather more than his son he was the active founder of family fortunes, and the minimal selection from his papers implies deliberate and odd methods of selection. Charles Hatton, a sharp critic of his father, seems to have defended his memory: Add. 29571 ff. 156–65v, esp. f. 161; written c. 1671. North's account is a more highly flavoured (though not thereby more credible) draft from which the final version of Add. 32514, the basis of all published versions to date, was watered down. For the most complete text see North, Roger, General Preface and Life of Dr John North, ed. Peter Millard (Toronto, 1984). The Psalter of David, published at Hatton's expense in 1644 (STC 2402), is now accepted as the composition of Jeremy Taylor: Falconer Madan, Oxford Books, 2 (Oxford, 1912). Nando's Coffee-House adjoined the Rainbow Coffee-House on the site of 15 Fleet Street: Philip Norman, ‘Nando's Coffee House, Fleet Street', N&Q, 14th Series, 159/1 (5 July 1930), 3–7. North's reference to it as being in business before 1670 appears to be the earliest mention for a good quarter of a century: Bryant Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses (London, 1963), nos. 857 and 1043.Google Scholar

55 Tenbury MS 1011 gives three of Purcell's Sonnata's (1683) in score, copied by Jeffreys: Z798, 790 and 791.Google Scholar

56 Edward Lowe's manuscripts include Bodleian Mus. Sch. MSS C. 12–19. Mus. 623–6 (in Bowman's hand), from Goodson's bequest, are slightly later in date. As well as pieces from Hatton sources of 1638 by Facchi, Filippi, F.M. Marini, Fontei and Sances, they contain two from Rovetta (1629) as in Table 3C, suggesting that this became available for copying in conjunction with, and not before, the others.Google Scholar

57 The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford, 1892), 2, p. 231. The Bodleian did however acquire some further manuscripts c. 1675 through donation from the 2nd Baron Hatton and Charles Hatton: Summary Catalogue, 2, part 2, 863–5 and 967–9. For Scott see Rostenberg, Leona, ‘Robert Scott, Restoration Stationer and Importer', The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 48 (1954), 49–76.Google Scholar

58 Add. 29553 ff. 245, 284, 226. Jeffreys of course could well have taken a part in settling the music with one sympathetic buyer, given his connections with Christ Church both in wartime and throughout the residence of his son. Aldrich evidently had available to him compositions by Jeffreys that did not come to Christ Church in Hatton sources: cf., in personal manuscripts compiled by Aldrich, ‘Occhi stelle mortali’ a3, Mus. 17 f.4; ‘With notes that are both loud and sweet’ a2, Mus. 18 p. 13. At some time in his life Charles Hatton joined the acquaintance of Aldrich: H.D. Turner, ‘Charles Hatton'; he could have been another intermediary.Google Scholar

59 Lot 113 in the sale of his library by Sotheby, 16 May 1797, and lot 172 in the reissued catalogue, 8 January 1810.Google Scholar

60 Classification of the Marshall collection is as Add. MSS 31384–31823. See Searle, Arthur, ‘Julian Marshall and the British Museum: Music Collecting in the Later Nineteenth Century', British Library Journal, 11 (1985), 67–87. However well respected Hatton's collection had been, a collaborator like Jeffreys could inadvertently have chanced to keep some part of it. Add. 31434 is a case in point, as is Giovan Giacomo Arrigoni's Concerti da Camera (1635). This is listed in Martin's stock (Krummel no. 7), was used by J in Tenbury MSS 973–6/1273, and by K in Mus. 880, four-part section, nos. 28–9.Google Scholar

61 Z.3.4.13 is a composite manuscript of several fascicles and loose papers; Jeffreys’ pieces occupy ff. 47v–57v: Richard Charteris, A Catalogue of… Marsh's Library, Dublin (Clifden, 1982). In respect of the Hatton links of the ‘dooble base', however, it is noteworthy that Marsh had included in MSS Z.3.4.1–6 a three-part galliard by Orlando Gibbons involving the instrument: Musica Britannica 9, no. 17. The piece is unique to Marsh with the sole exception of a hitherto unconnected version for keyboard in New York Public Library, Drexel MS 5612, pp. 214–15, untitled and unascribed: printed in English Court and Country Dances of the Early Baroque from Drexel 5612, ed. Hilda Gervers, CEKM 44.Google Scholar

62 Thomas Randolph, The Jealous Lovers (Cambridge, 1632), prefatory verse epistle to Hatton.Google Scholar

63 CSP Domestic Series, 1611–18 (James I), 355; 19 March 1616.Google Scholar

64 Craig Monson, Voices and Viols in England, 1600–1650 (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1982), chapter 1. Mus. 56–60 lack a bass book.Google Scholar

65 Monson, Voices and Viols, 61. The merits of a case linking both sets to the Fanshawe household have been put by John Aplin, ‘Sir Henry Fanshawe and Two Sets of Early Seventeenth Century Part-Books at Christ Church', Music and Letters, 57 (1976), 11–24, without reference to the identification of the copyist of 61–6 as Myriell by Pamela J. Willetts, ‘Musical Connections of Thomas Myriell', Music and Letters, 49 (1968), 36–42; ‘The Identity of Thomas Myriell', Music and Letters, 53 (1972), 431–3.Google Scholar

66 Monson, Voices and Viols, 70 et seq., discusses links between Mus. 56–60, Myriell and Tenbury MSS 807–11; all of them ‘secular’ sources for devotional music, and the only ones with instrumental parts for Matthew Jeffries’ works. Hands 1 and 2 of Mus. 56–60, as agreed by Monson, are fairly certainly the same man's work. The Myriell source Tristitiae Remedium, Lbl Add. MSS 29372–7, concords with 56–60 in giving a unique variant version for the last chorus in Orlando Gibbons's verse anthem ‘See, see, the word is incarnate'.Google Scholar

67 Lbl Add. MS 29427 ff. 11–12, nos. 3, 7 from Gioseffo Guami, Partidura per sonare delle Canzonette alla Francese (Venice, 1601), or the reprint found as Mus. 502–7, Canzonette Francese a quattro, cinque, et otto voci… (Antwerp, 1612; RISM G4807). See Guami, Giuseppe, Canzoni da Sonare, ed. Ireneo Fuser and Oscar Mischiati (Florence, 1968).Google Scholar

65 Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians (5th edn, London, 1954), ‘Tregian'. Other concordances include: a3 Marenzio, Villanelle I-V (the Hatton print is Mus. 1063–5, published 1610); a4, madrigals by Marenzio; a5, madrigals by Agazzari, Bateson, East (and also his fantasies of 1610), Gesualdo, Marenzio, Monteverdi, Nenna, Pallavicino. It should be made clear that Tregian's selection drew on music from a much wider range than even that of the Christ Church collection.Google Scholar

66 Pamela J. Willetts, ‘Tregian's Part-Books', The Musical Times, 104 (1963), 334–5. Mus. 510–14 were bound outside the grand design of Aldrich's main groups, perhaps because they were obtrusive by format and method (being manuscript copies of prints). The covers though are in matching dark calf: spines bear the letter Z without a designation of series, and enumeration ‘V.Books.'. Pieces included in Mus. 510–14 but lacking in Egerton 3665 are Pecci, Madrigali I, 6–7 and II, 7; ‘Ahi che spento', ‘O donna', ‘Ma che vita'. Tregian had copied the prima parte of this last piece, ‘Amor io parto', II, 6, into Egerton 3665 ff. 501–2v. Though ruled, f. 502v is void of music.Google Scholar

70 Fellowes, Orlando Gibbons, 62–4. John Harper, ‘Orlando Gibbons, The Domestic Content of his Music and Christ Church MS 21', The Musical Tunes, 124 (1983), 767–70 gives a fuller listing of its contents. A distinct provenance for the book is reflected in its listing in Malchair's catalogue among the books of Richard Goodson, bequeathed in 1718: Lcm MS 2125 p.3. Attempts to add portions of ‘Hatton’ madrigals do not necessarily date from before its arrival at Christ Church.Google Scholar

71 Sequence 2, nos. 13–16 in all three books: ‘My Greifes are full', ‘Praise yc Lord O my soule', ‘O praise ye Lord, for it is a good thinge”, ‘Hear my praier'; sequence 3, no. 19, ‘No, tis in vayne'. Binding for the set is modern. Between them, Mus. 56–60 and 736–8 are the major sources for the unpublished vocal music of Ford.Google Scholar

72 Sequence 3, no. 6 is an elegy by Ives on William Austin, d. 16 January 1634: ‘Sad clowdes of greife'. The other 17 pieces of this sequence are by Jenkins; they include six settings from George Herbert, The Temple (1634), and an elegy on (Anthony/Andrew) Marks the musician: Vincent Duckies, ‘John Jenkins's Settings of Lyrics by George Herbert', The Musical Quarterly, 48 (1962), 461–75.Google Scholar

73 His only known foreign travel was to Cologne in August 1673, at least partly upon the affairs of Dr Fell, then Dean of Christ Church: Harry Carter, ‘Peter de Walpergen, Punchcutter and Type-founder, 1646(?)–1703', Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1965), 48–52. The music type-face produced in Oxford c. 1694 by Walpergen was based on hand K, though credit for the calligraphic model has since fallen to the ubiquitous Aldrich. who used the type in a specimen, Mus. 1208.Google Scholar

74 Hiscock, A Christ Church Miscellany, chapter 3.Google Scholar

75 Five instrumental sets and two organ parts are discussed by Andrew Ashbee, ‘Instrumental music from the library of John Browne (1608–91), Clerk of the Parliaments', Music and Letters, 58 (1977), 43–59, with some further comments in David Pinto, ‘William Lawes’ music for viol consort', Early Music, 6 (1978), 12–24. These findings are largely repeated without citation of the latter article in Nigel Fortune with Iain Fenlon, ‘Music Manuscripts of John Browne (1608–91) and from Stanford Hall, Leicestershire', Source Materials and the Interpretation of Music: a Memorial Volume to Thurston Dart, ed. Ian Bent (London, 1981), 155–68. Both Hatton and Browne are listed indiscriminately, without identification, in Malchair's catalogue, second section.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76 Fullest statement of the arguments for assigning an unascribed group of six-part fantasies in the Great Set to Gibbons are in Orlando Gibbons, Six Fantasias, ed. Michael Hobbs (London, 1982). The Great Set contains other instrumental works that are unknown or else survive imperfectly elsewhere, such as pieces a5 by Mico, a6 by Ferrabosco II.Google Scholar