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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
In his Life of St. Patrick Jocelin of Furness quotes an Irish saying: “The Lord gave Ireland not to Palladius, but to Patrick.” This is indeed the view of the Patrick legend from the seventh century onwards. According to this legend, Pope Celestine sent his archdeacon Palladius to Ireland to preach Christ to the Irish; but Palladius failed completely, “because nobody can take from the world that which is not given him from above.” It was his successor Patrick who laid the foundations of the Irish church.
This legend, to say the least, over-simplifies the facts. Prosper of Aquitaine, a contemporary of Palladius, distinctly tells us that Palladius was sent “to the Irish believing in Christ” as their first bishop, in other words, with orders to organize a diocese on the basis of Christian communities already existing, however sporadic the latter may have been. The legend is further contradicted by a seventh century Irish tradition which has preserved the names of three churches founded by Palladius in Leinster.
1 Jocelin, , Vita S. Patricii, c. 25.Google Scholar
2 Muirchu, , Vita S. Palricii, Rolls Ser., p. 272, 20–21.Google Scholar
3 Chronica Minora ed. Mommsen, , I, (1892), p. 473.Google Scholar
4 O'Rahilly, T. F., The Two Patricks (Dublin, 1942).Google Scholar
5 See my article “Was Palladius surnamed Patricius?” in Studies, 32 (1943), 323–326.Google Scholar
6 For general reference consult Collingwood, R. G. - Myres, J. N. L., Roman Britain and the English Settlements (Oxford, 1936);Google ScholarTierney, M., “The European background of St. Patrick's mission”: Studies, 21 (1932), 199–212.Google Scholar
7 In Conf. 1 Patrick's father is said to be “of Bannauem Taburniae, because he owned a country seat in the vicinity.”
8 Conf. 1,9, 10.
9 Conf. 1, 2, 12, 27.
10 See Bury, , Life of St. Patrick, 19 f. It is most unikely that Calpurnius should have held the offices of decurio and deacon concurrently.Google Scholar
11 Conf. 16.
12 Rolls Ser., 302, 8–10.
13 For details consult MacNeill, Eóin, Phases of Irish History (Dublin, 1919);Google ScholarCeltic Ireland (Dublin, 1921);Google Scholar and especially Early Irish Laws and Institutions (Dublin, 1934).Google Scholar Irish history dawns with Niall “of the Nine Hostages” at the beginning of the fifth century; the first historical character that stands in the full light of day is Niall's son, Laogaire. See O'Rahilly, T. F., Early Irish History and Mythology (Dublin, 1946).Google Scholar The earlier history of Ireland is an artificial fabrication, arbitrarily synchronized with the principal events in the world chronicles of Christian antiquity. Irish historical records begin with the introduction of Christianity; Laogaire, who acceded to the kingship of Ireland about 428, is “the first king after the faith.”
14 Book of Armagh, fol. 9r.
15 According to Muirchu he did so for 30 or 40 years, but these figures are unreliable. On the basis of Bury's and MacNeill's chronology of Patrick's life, which in my opinion is substantially sound, Patrick could not possibly have spent at Auxerre more than 24 years.
16 Grosjean, P., S.J., Anal. Bolland., 63 (1945), 116–117.Google Scholar
17 Best edition: Bernard, J. H. - Atkinson, R., The Irish Liber Hymnorum. (Henry Bradshaw Publ. 13) I (1898), 2–13.Google Scholar In my opinion nothing stands seriously in the way of accepting the tradition that this hymn was composed by Secundinus in the lifetime of Patrick.
18 Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland, ed. Haddan, A. W. and Stubbs, W., II/2, (1878), 328–330.Google Scholar
19 Conf. 38.
20 Conf. 41.
21 Hiberione qui numquam notitiam Dei habuerunt nissi (Late Latin for sed) idula el inmunda usque nunc semper coluerunl nuper facta est plebs Domini. It is possible, although in my opinion unlikely, that Hiberione qui means “those in Ireland who.”
22 Conf. 51.
23 Conf. 51.
24 Conf. 52.
25 Conf. 53. Illis qui iudicabant per omnes regiones quos ego frequentius visitabam. In agreement with MacNeill (cf. Earty Irish Laws, 99) I understand by qui iudicabant those who passed sentence, not those who gave advice—the kings, not the brehons.
26 Conf. 35, 37, 51, 53.
27 Conf. 52.
28 Patrick says he was freed and indemnified propter Deum et necessarios amicos quos ante praevidimus.
29 Rolls Ser., 308, 1–11.
30 This sounds more trustworthy than Muirchu's story (Rolls Ser. 285, 26–286, 2), according to which Laogaire, terrified by divine prodigies, agrees at long last, though much centre coeur, to be baptized.
31 Conf. 41; Epist. 12.
32 Muirchu (Rolls Ser. 274, 1–11) records that some time before Patrick's arrival the druids circulated a warning against the new religion which he was to preach. Among other things, his doctrine is discredited as subversive (regna subversum). Such defamation is typical. A more specific motive for the attitude of the actual rulers has been suggested by MacNeill, (Early Irish Lams, 103),Google Scholar who thinks the kings were also priests.
33 Thus Toynbee, , A Study of History, I (1934), 53 ff.,Google Scholar points out that Christianity became the religion of the “internal proletariat” of the Roman Empire before it spread to the ruling classes.
34 A good illustration from modern times are the experiences of Lievens, Fr. in India: Neue Zeitschrift für Missionsrwissenschaft, I (1945), 272, note 1.Google Scholar
35 Audite omnes, Verse 14.
36 Conf. 40.
37 Audile omnes, V. 21–24.
38 Conf. 48, 50.
39 Conf. 37. In the face of such statements we may ask where Patrick got the large sums of money which he needed in dealing with the Irish kings. The way in which he sometimes speaks of these transactions seems to suggest that he largely relied on his private means; his family, as we have seen, was wealthy. Besides, the Irish mission may have been partly financed by the church of Auxerre—by those “brethren and saints of the Lord” whom he longs to see again (Conf. 43).
40 Audite omnes, V. 26.
41 Conf. 14; Epist. 12.
42 E.g. Conf. 38, 40, 50, 51.
43 Rolls Ser., 273, 6–8.
44 Rolls Ser., 305, 8–19.
45 Conf. 50.
46 Aui quando ordinavit ubique Dominus clericos per modicitatem meant et minis-terium gratis dlstribui illis, si poposci ab aliquo illorum vel pretium vel calciamenti mei, dicite adversus me et reddam vobis.
47 Epist. 3.
48 Conf. 40.
49 Cf. Conf. 53 (after his enumeration of expenses for admission to those quos ego frequentius visitabam): Non me paenitet nec satis est mihi; adhuc impendo et super-impendam.
50 Audite omnes, V. 35: quibus erogat ut panes verba evangelica.
51 The date in the Ulster Chronicle (444) is suspect. The alternative date 457. which is implied in the Book of Armagh (saec. IX in.) and has been accepted by the Four Masters, is far more likely to be true.
52 Epist. 7.
53 Rolls Ser., 322, 7.
54 Bury, , Life of St. Patrick, 377Google Scholar understands “a place where bishops are ordained.” This translation is questionable on material as well as philological grounds. Fieri is often used by Hiberno-Latin writers as an equivalent of the dependent form of the Gaelic copula. I owe this information to Dr. Charles MacNeill, Dublin.
55 Life of St. Patrick. 375–9.
56 Rev. Grosjean, P., S.J., Anal. Bolland. 62 (1944), 44–46; 51–60.Google Scholar
57 Conf. 42.
58 Book of Armagh, fol. llv.
59 Lebor Brecc (Rolls Ser., 552, 15–16).
60 Rev. Ryan, J., S.J., Irish Monasticism (1931), 101 ff.Google Scholar
61 See Kenney, J. F. in Thought, 8 (1933), 214–20.Google Scholar
62 Epist. 14, 15.
63 Epist. 15, ibi venundali ingenui homines, Christiani in servitutem redacti sunt.
64 Cf. Conf. 49.
65 Conf. 42.
66 Although in its present form it dates from ca. 900, it is based on an earlier document which in my opinion was written at the beginning of the eighth century.
67 Early Irish Laws, 76.
68 Conf. 48, 49.
69 Life of St. Patrick, 355–357.
70 Early Irish Laws, 148.
71 Cf. Tripartite Life (Rolls Ser. 266).
72 Rolls Ser., 322, 23–28.
73 Rolls Ser., 216–218.
74 Cf. Grosjean, P., S.J., Anal. Bolland. 63 (1945), 103.Google Scholar The Patrick legend has made up for this failure; there we read that the obstinate prince was turned into a fox and left human society for the wild forests.
75 Epist. 16, indignum est illis Hibernionaci (Hibernia nati MSS.) sumus.