Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
A muddy pool, it is said, can pretend to any depth, an observation applicable to much of the revisionist liberalism now widespread in the academy. Unable for ideological or prudential reasons to accept, say, a conservative, classically liberal, or Marxist critique of modern society, but increasingly uncomfortable with the failure, as it is viewed, of bourgeois democracy, neoliberal system-builders have sought a synthesis of the “best” elements of socialist economics (yielding equality) and market relations (efficiency) within a “genuinely” democratic framework. The publication of Charles E. Lindblom's Politics and Markets is as an important auspice of this trend. Recipient of the American Political Science Association's most prestigious book award and laudatory comment in the journals of opinion, the volume has also sparked reaction in business circles, as in the Mobil Oil advertisement which took issue with Lindblom's analysis of big business' “privileged position” in the governance of the world's polyarchies (i.e., the “crippled” democracies of North America, Western Europe, Japan and related systems).
1 Quoted in Payne, Robert, The Life and Death of Lenin (New York 1964), p. 482Google Scholar. Payne comments: “Such messages were continually being sent from the quiet room in the Kremlin. It had become a habit to write shoot … it was like brushing flies. What is chiefly remarkable about these murderous telegrams is their vulgarity.” No doubt these are not the writings referred to.
2 Hyperbolic blurbs adorning the paperback version are illustrative: a “great book, certain to be one of the most influential written by a political scientist in the last quarter century,” according to Everett C. Ladd; “An important book, a genuinely enlightening book” wrote Michael Walzer in the New York Review of Books; “Few books have as much to teach us as this one” asserted Robert L. Heilbroner in the New York Times Book Review; “I'll gladly place this volume on the same shelf as Veblen, Schumpeter, and Keynes” effused Robert Lekachman in The New Republic. Not all political scientists have had unqualified praise; see Anderson, Charles W., “The Political Economy of Charles E. Lindblom,” American Political Science Review, 72 (11 1978), 1012–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Oppenheimer, Joe A., “Small Steps for Political Economy,” World Politics, 33 (10 1980), 121–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar. And economists, interestingly, have been less culpable: see, “Three Reviews of Charles E. Lindblom,” by Solo, Robert, Fusfeld, Daniel R. and Buchanan, James, Journal of Economic Issues, 13 (03 1979), 207–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Among Lindblom's, most important contributions are, with Dahl, Robert A., Politics, Economics and Welfare (New York, 1953)Google Scholar; with Braybooke, David, A Strategy of Decision (London, 1963)Google Scholar; and The Intelligence of Democracy (New York, 1965)Google Scholar.
4 As brilliantly described in a larger context by Bell, Daniel, The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (New York, 1976)Google Scholar.
5 See, e.g., Harold, and Lasswell, and Kaplan, Abraham, Power and Society (New Haven, 1950)Google Scholar; and Peabody, Robert L., Organizational Authority (New York, 1964), pp. 5–6Google Scholar.
6 Bunyan, James and Fisher, H. H., The Bolshevik Revolution: Documents and Materials (Stanford, 1934), pp. 510–19Google Scholar.
7 Quoted in Payne, , Life and Death of Lenin, p. 448Google Scholar.
8 Ibid., p. 510.
9 Groth, Alexander J., “USSR: Pluralist Monolith?” British Journal of Political Science, 9 (08 1979), 460CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Ibid., p. 454.
11 Ibid., p. 457.
12 See Plamenatz, John, Man and Society, vol. 1 (New York), 378Google Scholar.
13 Pearlmutter, Amos, “The Comparative Analysis of Military Regimes,” World Politics, 33 (10 1980), 96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
14 Letter to Weydemeyer, George (5 03 1852), in Selected Correspondence of Marx and Engels, 1846–95, trans. Torr, Dona (New York, 1942), p. 57Google Scholar.
15 Wade, L. L., A Logic of Public Policy (Belmont, California, 1970), pp. 15–16Google Scholar.
16 Weber, Max, The Prostestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Parsons, Talcott (London, 1930)Google Scholar.
17 And, “The study of the causes of poverty is the study of the causes of the degradation of a large part of mankind” (Principles of Economics, 1st ed., [1890], pp. 3, 4).
18 (New York, 1953).
19 Data for areas mentioned are widely reported and presumably familiar to serious scholars. Useful sources are the annual Statistical Abstract of the United States (below business data are from the 1979 edition); the Census Bureau's occasional Social Indicators; and a good summary of many trends, Wattenberg, B. J., The Real America (New York, 1976)Google Scholar.
20 The Structure of Earnings (London, 1968)Google Scholar.
21 Jain, S. and Tieman, A., Size Distribution of Income: A Compilation of Data, Development Research Center Discussion Paper No. 4, World Bank (Washington, D.C., 1973)Google Scholar.
22 Yugoslavia's regional inequities are profound (as much as 3:1 among republics and 10:1 among districts) and actually increased under Tito's rule. See Bicanic, Rudolf, Economic Policy in Socialist Yugoslavia (Cambridge, 1973), p. 181Google Scholar. As another observer noted on the basis of 1961 official exchange rates, “Slovenia stood at about the same level as Italy, whilst Kosmet ranked with Thailand” (Hodius, F. W., The Yugoslav Community of Nations [Paris, 1968], p. 28)Google Scholar.
23 (New York, 1975).
24 Financing the 1972 Election (Lexington, Mass., 1976)Google Scholar.
25 Owens, John R. and Olson, Edward C., “Campaign Spending and the Electoral Process in California, 1966–1974,” Western Political Quarterly 30 (12 1977), 493–511CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 Common Cause, , Frontline, 3 (04/05 1977)Google Scholar.
27 Adamany, David W., Campaign Finance in America (North Scituate, Mass., 1972), pp. 126–48Google Scholar.
28 Sutton, Frank X. et al. , The American Business Creed (Cambridge, Mass., 1956), p. 292CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
29 Alexander, Herbert E., “Campaign Financing in International Perspective,” in Parties, Interest Groups and Campaign Finance Laws, ed. Malbin, M. J. (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1980), p. 350Google Scholar.
30 See, however, The Media Institute's Con Men and Clowns (Washington, D.C., 1980)Google Scholar, a content analysis of the TV networks' top 50 prime-time series in which two out of three businessmen were portrayed as foolish, greedy or, in half the cases, criminal. Only 3 percent were shown doing anything socially or economically productive.
31 Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups. 5th ed. (New York, 1964), pp. 98, 72–102Google Scholar.
32 Politics, Pressures and the Tariff (New York, 1935), ppl 286–87Google Scholar.
33 “Businessmen in Politics,” Pressure Groups in American Politics (New York, ed. Mahood, H. R., 1967), p. 96Google Scholar.
34 The Governmental Process (New York, 1951)Google Scholar.
35 This is not to say that Lindblom, Key, and Schattschneider are necessarily correct. As one important study of the limits of business power noted: “We have found objection not so much to our findings as to the fact that our findings might be correct. There are those who would prefer that the facts we report not be so” (Bauer, R. A., Pool, I. de Sola and Dexter, L. A., American Business and Public Policy [New York, 1963], p. 484)Google Scholar.
36 (New York, 1973). Tendentious scholarship also occurs in Lindblom's reference to the “self-congratulatory tone” of a book by a Sears vice-president, Worthy, James C., Big Business and Free Men (New York, 1959)Google Scholar aimed at showing “how far” businessmen have succeeded in “legitimizing their privileged position” (p. 204). Worthy's, book actually argues that “On all counts liberalism is a more suitable philosophy for business than conservation” (p. 193)Google Scholar, urges businessmen to avoid propaganda and intolerance, and comments on the insecurity of businessmen in the face of hostility from government and intellectuals.