Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
This article explores a neglected area in political philosophy and moral economic theory: the origins of normative economic theorizing in classical Greek philosophy. That theory is a critique of the market and the acquisitive life in light of an alternative location of the economy in the oikos or household oriented towards the securing of the good life. Its core elements of the well-ordered community, the good life, and of the foreignness of economic activity to these ends are analyzed here. The article concludes with a critical appraisal of this theory, and an examination of its value for political philosophers concerned to find a non-rights based approach to the economy.
1. See Schumpeter, Joseph, History of Economic Analysis, ed. Schumpeter, Elizabeth Brody (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954), p. 57Google Scholar; and Arendt, Hannah, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), pp. 27–30.Google Scholar
2. On the relationship between moral economic theory and political philosophy see my “A Note on the Idea of the Moral Economy,” American Political Science Review 87 (1993): 943–48Google Scholar and “On the Idea of the Moral Economy,” American Political Science Review (forthcoming). Seminal works in the moral economic tradition include Polanyi, Karl, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957)Google Scholar; Scott, James C., The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976)Google Scholar;Thompson, E. P., “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past & Present 50 (1971): 76–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For recent social scientific critiques of it see Bates, Robert H. and Curry, Amy Farmer, “Community Versus Market: A Note on Corporate Villages,” American Political Science Review 86 (1992):457–463CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hechter, Michael, “Karl Polanyi's Social Theory: A Critique,” in The Microfoundations of Macrosociology, ed. Hechter, Michael (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; North, Douglass C., “Markets and Other Allocation Systems in History: The Challenge of Karl Polanyi,” Journal of European Economic History 6 (1977): 703–16Google Scholar; Popkin, Samuel L., The Rational Peasant (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979)Google Scholar; Taylor, Michael, “Structure, Culture, and Action in the Explanation of Social Change.” In Politics and Rationality, ed. Booth, William James, James, Patrick and Meadwell, Hudson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).Google Scholar
3. See Maclntyre, Alasdair, Whose Justice? Which Rationality? (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press 1988), p. 211Google Scholar and After Virtue (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984), pp. 227-28.Google Scholar
4. I use emporium in two senses in this article: a free use meaning the market generally and a more specific, historically nuanced employment, to refer to maritime trade. Where the distinction between emporium and agora matters theoretically, I use the appropriate term.
5. Xenophon, , Oeconomicus, trans. Lord, Carries (Xenophon's Socratic Discourse [Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1970], Section xx. 27).Google Scholar
6. Smith, Adam, Lectures on Jurisprudence, ed. Meek, R. L., Raphael, D. D. and Stein, P. G. (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics. Reprint of Vol. 5 of the Glasgow Edition, 1982), p. 527.Google Scholar
7. Demosthenes, , Private Orations, trans. Murray, A. T. (London: William Heinemann. Loeb Classical Library), vols. 4, 6. Oration lvii. 30–31, 36,45.Google Scholar
8. Xenophon, , Oeconomicus viii. 3, 18, 23Google Scholar; iii. 3, 4, 10; vii. 22, 29; Mossé, Claude, La femme dans la Grèce antique (Brussels: Éditions Complexe, 1990).Google Scholar
9. Xenophon, , Oeconomicus xx. 15, 21Google Scholar and xxi. And see Caster, Marcel, “Sur l'Économique de Xénophon,” in Mélanges offerts à A.-M. Desrousseaux (Paris: Librairi Hachette, 1937), p. 53.Google Scholar
10. Aristotle, , Politics, trans. Lord, Carries (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 1254a-b, 1281a12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar And see also Xenophon, , Oeconomicus xxi and Caster, , “Sur I'Économique de Xénophon,” pp. 49, 51.Google Scholar
11. Aristotle, Politics 1252a-b, 1259a40ff; and Humphreys, S. C., The Family, Women and Death (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983), p. 2.Google Scholar
12. Aristotle, , Politics 1257bg10ff; Nicomachean Ethics, trans. Rackham, H. (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1982), 1133b.Google Scholar
13. See Aristotle, , Politics 1257a.Google Scholar
14. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 1131b25ff; Politics 1301b30ff.
15. See Humphreys, , Family, Women and Death, p. 12Google Scholar; and Finley, , “Aristotle and Economic Analysis,” in Studies in Ancient Society, ed. Finley, M. I. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974), p. 34.Google Scholar
16. Aristophanes, , Plutus, in Aristophanes, vol. 3, trans. Rogers, B. B. (London: William Heinemann, 1968), lines 87–92, 493–95, 774–77.Google Scholar
17. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 1133a19ff. “Framework of the community” translates Edouard Will's suggestion for en tais koinoniais in Will, “De l'aspect éthique des origines grecques de la monnaie,” Revue historique 212 (1954): 209–31, p. 215.Google Scholar See also Nicomachean Ethics 1131a, 1132b, 1133a-b; Politics 1301b30 and see Will, “De l'aspect éthique des origines grecques de la monnaie,” pp. 218,220,245.Google Scholar
18. Aristotle, Politics 1257b15ff. On the fear for material sustenance and the regulation of the market see Garnsey, Peter, Famine and Food Supply in the Greco-Roman World: Responses to Risk and Crisis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19. Aristotle, Politics 1280bff. See also Veyne, Paul, Le pain et le cirque (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1976), pp. 188–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Humphreys, , Family, Women and Death, p. 10Google Scholar; and Finley, , “Aristotle and Economic Analysis,” p. 32.Google Scholar
20. Aristotle, , Politics 1277b–1278a, 1290b–1291aGoogle Scholar; and Vidal-naquet, Pierre, Le chasseur noir, p. 214Google Scholar and La démocratic grecque vue d'ailleurs (Paris: Flammarion 1990), p. 15.Google Scholar On metics and the meaning of the word (as those who live among us) see Whitehead, David, The Ideology of the Athenian Metic (Cambridge: The Cambridge Philological Society. Supplementary Volume no. 4,1977), pp. 6ff.Google Scholar
21. Lysias, , Lysias (Orations), trans. Lamb, W. R. M. (London: William Heinemann. Loeb Classical Library, 1930).Google Scholar (Cited hereafter as Orations) xxii. 14. See also Aristotle, Politics 1258a39ff; Demosthenes, , Private Orations xxxvii. 52Google Scholar; Mossé, Claude, “The ‘World of the Emporium’ in the Private Speeches of Demosthenes,” in Trade in the Ancient Economy, ed. Garnsey, Peter et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 58–59Google Scholar; Veyne, , Le pain et le cirque, pp. 125–26Google Scholar; Finley, , “Aristotle and Economic Analysis,” p. 42.Google Scholar
22. Herodotus, , The History, trans. Grene, David (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 1. 153.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Herodotus adds that “This taunt of Cyrus was directed against all of the Greeks, because they set up marketplaces in which to buy and sell. The Persians themselves do not have such places, nor is there any such marketing among them.” [Herodotus is here discussing the agora, not the emporium]. It is telling that Cyrus does not use the word for market, but rather refers merely to “a place” [choros]; Herodotus, on the other hand, is able to name that place as the market. Xenophon, , in his Constitution of the Lacedaemonians, in Scripta Minora, trans. Marchant, E. C. (London: Heinemann. Loeb Classical Library, 1946)Google Scholar, section vii, makes a similar point about the Spartan banning of money-making activities for free men and that can usefully be contrasted to Pericles' praise of Athens' openness to those activities. See Thucydides, , The Peloponnesian War, trans. Crawley, Richard (New York: The Modern Library, 1951), p. 105.Google Scholar
23. Lysias, , Orations xxxi.6–7Google Scholar; and Aristophanes, , Plutus, 1151.Google Scholar
24. For commentary see Will, Edouard, “Trois quarts de siècle de récherches sur l'économie grecque antique,” Annales: Économies, sociétés, civilisations 9 (1954) 7–19., pp. 17–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mossé, , “The ‘World of the Emporium’ in the Private Speeches of Demosthenes,” p. 58Google Scholar; Humphreys, S. C., Anthropology and the Greeks (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), pp. 137, 144Google Scholar; Welskopf, Elisabeth Charlotte, “Gedanken und politische Entscheidungen der Zeitgenossen der Krisenperiode Athens über Charakter und Entwicklung der Sklaverie,” in Hellenische Poleis, ed. Welskopf, Elisabeth Charlotte (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1974), p. 81.Google Scholar
25. Herodotus, , The History, I.32.Google Scholar
26. Xenophon, , Ways and Means iv. 33 in Scripta Minora, trans. Marchant, E. C. (London: W. Heinemann. Loeb Classical Library, 1946).Google Scholar See also Gauthier, Philippe, Un commentaire historique des Poroi (Paris: Librairie Minard, 1976), pp. x, 20–21, 23, 85,168, 240, 244.Google Scholar
27. Aristotle Politics 1252b29; Nicomachean Ethics 1097b7ff, 1134a26ff, 1177ab. On the centrality of autarky see Edouard Will, be monde grec et I'orient, vol. 1 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972), pp. 202,632.Google Scholar
28. See Demosthenes, , Private Orations lvii. 31–33,45Google Scholar and Aristophanes, Plutus 532–33.Google Scholar
29. See Humphreys, , Anthropology and the Greeks, pp. 143–44Google Scholar; Paul Cartledge, “‘Trade and Politics’ Revisited: Archaic Greece,” in Garnsey, Trade in the Ancient Economy, p.9.
30. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 1096a6ff.
31. Aristotle, Politics 1277a36ff.
32. Xenophon, , Oeconomicus xii. 2Google Scholar; Aristotle Politics 1255b30ff and Aristotle, Magna Moralia, trans. Armstrong, G. Cyril (Cambridge MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1935).CrossRefGoogle Scholar 1198b12ff.
33. Aristophanes, , Plutus 533.Google Scholar
34. Aristophanes, , Plutus 144–46Google Scholar; Aristotle Politics 1267b1ff.
35. Aristotle, Politics 1256b31.
36. Aristotle, Politics 1257b28 and 1323b7–10. On scarcity in ancient economic thought see my “Pandora's Jar: Scarcity and the Standard of Living in Ancient Economic Theory,” Archives européennes de sociologie (forthcoming).
37. Aristophanes, , Plutus 493–95, 774–76.Google Scholar
38. Xenophon, , Oeconomicus i. 10–12, iii. 1–2.Google Scholar
39. Aristotle, Politics 1254a-b; Xenophon, , Oeconomicus xxi. 2Google Scholar; Caster, , “Sur I'Économique de Xénophon,” pp. 49, 51, 53.Google Scholar
40. Aristotle, Politics 1258a14; and Aristophanes, , Plutus 144–46, 159, 170–71, 804ff.Google Scholar
41. Aristophanes, Plutus 187ff; and see Aristotle, Politics 1256b29, 1257b40ff, 1265a33ff, 1323b7–10; Nicomachean Ethics 1179alff.
42. For an analysis of the historical background to this use of the household economy see Humphreys, , Family, Women and Death, p. 12.Google Scholar
43. Aristotle, Politics 1275b27–31.
44. Aristophanes, Plutus 948ff. See also Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 1131a25ff 1133a20ff; Politics 1280a8ff, 1281a5ff, 1317b5ff and Plato, , Republic, trans. Bloom, Allan (New York: Basic Books, 1968), 558c, 563a.Google Scholar
45. Plato, Republic 562e.
46. See Aristotle, Politics 1277b-1278a, 1280b-1281a, 1328b39ff.
47. Aristotle, Politics 1293a6–7,1317b31ff, 1320a17ff; Aristotle, , The Constitution of Athens in Aristotle and Xenophon on Democracy and Oligarchy, trans. Moore, J. M (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), xxiv. 3Google Scholar and see also xxvii. 3, xli. 3 and lxii. 2. For analysis of these practices see Gauthier, , Un commentaire historique des Poroi, pp. x, 20–21,23,85,168,240,244Google Scholar. On misthos as civic salary se also Will, Edouard, “Notes sur Misthos” in Le monde grec: Hommages à Claire Préaux, ed. Bingen, Jean, Cambier, Guy and Nachtergael, Georges (Brussels: Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 1975)Google Scholar.
48. Aristophanes, , Wasps, in Aristophanes, vol. 1, trans. Rogers, B. B. (London: William Heinemann, 1967), lines 303–306 (translation slightly modified)Google Scholar. See also Aristophanes, , Plutus 170–71Google Scholar; Xenophon, , Memorabilia, trans. Marchant, E. C. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1923), 3. 7. 6–7.Google Scholar
49. Will, , “De l'aspect éthique des origines grecques de la monnaie,” p. 221.Google Scholar
50. I must emphasize the very tentative nature of these possibilities. For a more detailed discussion see my Households. On the Moral Architecture of the Economy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993)Google Scholar and “On the Idea of the Moral Economy.” For non-moral economic interpretations of premodern societies see for example Popkin, Samuel L., The Rational Peasant and Richard Posner, The Economics of Justice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983).Google Scholar
51. Scott, James C., The Moral Economy of the Peasant, p. 249.Google Scholar Scott is speaking about the resistance of the peasant to the “elite-created social order” but the theoretical and moral import of his remark is broadly applicable to the moral economic enterprise. Reliance on the embedded economies of the premodern Mediterranean world is particularly pronounced in Polanyi's, Karlwritings, and over a half of his last major work, The Livelihood of Man (New York: Academic Press, 1977), is devoted to ancient Greece.Google Scholar
52. I am indebted to Amartya Sen's analysis for pointing to the ambiguities involved in the idea of the standard of living. See Sen, Amartya et al. , The Standard of Living, ed. Hawthorn, Geoffrey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
53. Consider Rawls's argument that “the question the dominant tradition has tried to answer has no answer: no comprehensive doctrine is appropriate as a political conception for a constitutional regime” (Rawls, , Political Liberalism [New York: Columbia University Press, 1993], p. 135).Google Scholar