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Exit the Boss

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

F. A. Hermens
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Extract

A medieval schoolman, in a disputation with an opponent, would sometimes pause and say distingue. The making of proper distinctions, however, is no easy task. Man is impatient; he wants to arrive at a conclusion immediately, and he frequently decides with a troubled heart before having given the brain its chance to clarify the issue. On the other hand, if we do take the time “to distinguish,” usually half of the battle is won.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Review of Politics , Volume 2 , Issue 4 , October 1940 , pp. 385 - 404
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1940

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References

1 Roosevelt, Theodore, An Autobiography, New York, 1916, p. 152Google Scholar.

2 Of this fact the responsible leaders of reform movements have generally been aware. As Henry Bentley, one of the leaders of the charter group in Cincinnati expressed it: “Nonpartisanship unless effectively organized is individualism run wild.” (Quoted from Jones, H. P., “Citizen Groups, Tool of Democracy,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 09, 1938, p. 178Google Scholar.) In other cases, however, political parties have been condemned without qualification, and in some instances the point against the professional politician of the old school has been made in such a way that the casual reader might easily obtain the impression that the intention was not the reform, but the abolition of parties. This applies to the very able article by Mosher, W. E., “The Party Is the Crux,” National Municipal Review, 05, 1939Google Scholar. For a balanced consideration of the issue see Lancaster, Lane W., “Political Parties and City Government,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 09, 1938Google Scholar.

3 Munro, W. B., The Government of the United States, New York, 1937, p. 582Google Scholar.

4 Quoted from “The Story of Tammany,” issued by the Democratic organization of New York County, New York, 1924Google Scholar.

5 Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, New York, 1901, vol. II, p. 120Google Scholar.

6 For this curious distinction see Riordon, W. L., Plunkitt of Tammany Hall, New York, 1905, pp. 3–5Google Scholar. On the more general aspects of the financing of political activities, see Peel, Roy V., The Political Clubs of New York City, New York, 1935, pp. 71 ffGoogle Scholar.

7 The Hines trial provided proof for such a relationship.

8 This is one factor that those who regard the existence of machines in the United States as a proof that the country was not really democratic have often overlooked.

9 An example from Kansas City: “The illegal vote was estimated in the 1934 city election at from 30,000 to 50,000. The total registration was over 250,000 in a population of 400,000; in some wards registrations equaled the population over twenty-one years of age, and numerous precincts counted more votes than they had registered voters.” (Matscheck, Walter, “Kansas City: Where the Manager Plan Has Failed,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 09, 1939, p. 58Google Scholar.)

10 Loc. cit., p. 580.

11 Loc. cit., p. 120.

12 Merriam, C. E. and Gosnell, H. F., The American Party System, An Introduction to the Study of Political Parties in the United States, New York, The Macmillan Co., 3rd Ed., 1940, p. 182Google Scholar. — If we may take this opportunity to draw attention to the new edition of this book it is only necessary to say that it retains all the advantages of the previous editions and adds to them by thoroughly bringing the treatment up to date. Professor Merriam is well known for the broad grasp which he has of the political realities of our day. He has always combined factual knowledge with clear and sober analysis, and presented his findings in a very readable style. Professor Gosnell has made a name for himself by his careful studies on elections and electoral systems. He has contributed the chapters on these two subjects, and also written two new chapters on “The Place on the Party System m the Modern World,” and the “Evolution of Maior Party Issues.” The book will continue to be as useful as a text as it is for the general reader.

13 On early Tammany methods see Myers, G., The History of Tammany Hall, New York, 1917, pp. 11 ffGoogle Scholar.

14 On this subject see Friedrich, C. J., “The Rise and Decline of the Spoils Tradition,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 01, 1937Google Scholar.

15 For some details see Munro, W. B., Municipal Government and Administration, Vol. I, New York. 1930, pp. 92 ffGoogle Scholar.

16 Sait, E. M., American Parties and Elections, New York, 1939, pp. 427–9Google Scholar. Professor Sait gives full attention, however, to the other factors concerned.

17 Farley, J. A., Behind the Ballots, New York, 1938, p. 237Google Scholar.

18 On the college graduate and the “politics” of olden days see Riordon, , op. cit., p. 446Google Scholar.

19 On the difficult problem of the relation between Council, Mayor and Manager see Stone, H. A., Stone, K., and Price, Don K., “Appraisal of Council-Manager Cities,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 09, 1938Google Scholar.

20 An example of the unsatisfactory results of Proportional Representation is the city of Yonkers, N. Y. When the council manager charter was adopted it was, of course, done with a majority of the votes. In November, 1939, the first P.R. council was elected. The reform group obtained two seats, the Democrats two and the Republicans one. Mrs. Welty, the leader of the reform movement, has indicated that next time she is going to resign unless her ticket obtains a majority in the council. (Cf. Roher, M., “The Woman Who Woke Up a City,” National Municipal Review, 08. 1940Google Scholar.)

21 During the golden time of boss rule public debate mattered little; voters were swayed by favors rather than arguments. As a result few bosses, and few of their lieutenants were able to hold their own in debates—a fact which counts heavily in every campaign instituted by a reform movement in this country.

22 Quoted from Ryan, and Millar, , The State and the Church, New York, 1936, p. 305Google Scholar.

23 On conditions as he encountered them in the 1880s Theodore Roosevelt writes: “… Three years' experience convinced me … that there were a great many thoroughly corrupt men in the Legislature, perhaps a third of the whole number.…” (loc. cit., p. 71.) He himself notices some improvement, however, by the time he published his memoirs, (p. 70) This improvement has continued, although people acquainted with the Subject are convinced that in some of the state legislatures the goal of absolute honesty has not yet been reached.

24 Professor Salter quotes a negro committeeman in Philadelphia as saying about his job: “I don't want it. I am tired of it. There is lots of things about it a person wouldn't like—things that a person should do but can't—you can't give the proper help because the help ain't there. You can't get no jobs. You can't help them financially because you ain't got enough yourself.” (Salter, I. T., Boss Rule, Portraits in City Politics, New York, 1935, p. 28Google Scholar.)

25 For an illustration of the present plight in regard to such matters see “Outings Out,” Editorial, New York Times, August 18, 1939. When dealing with the causes of such developments the Times rightly says: “Civil service rules fetter the power of patronage and restrict the rewards of ‘the boys.’”

26 “Colonel F. S. Greene Is Dead in Capital,” New York Times, March 27, 1939.

27 “Dewey Predicts Crime War Victory,” New York Times, May 3, 1939.