Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
InTheYears following the second World War, Western diplomacy was confronted with staggering problems. Some of these have been results of long developments, others of more recent origin. Meetings between Mussolini and Hitler and between the dictators and Western statesmen are glaring examples of a new brand of diplomacy which was characterized by lack of preparation through traditional diplomatic channels. Subsequent events disclosed not only some weaknesses of democracies in international politics but exposed even more the lack of good faith and other destructive tendencies of totalitarian diplomacies. Not only did Western foreign policy fail to answer adequately the challenges of a crumbling world order, but totalitarian diplomacy also erred often and gravely. Mussolini's diplomatic mistakes caused the doom of Fascist Italy and Hitler's blunders contributed greatly to the destruction of Nazi Germany. The Nazi-Soviet deal and Stalin's overextended faith in Hitler are prize examples of diplomatic miscalculations.
39 Sherwood, Robert E., Roosevelt and Hopkins (New York, 1948), pp. 785–786Google Scholar.
40 The Memoirs of Cordell Hull, II (New York, 1948), 1266Google Scholar.
41 “President Roosevelt and I saw alike with regard to Russia. We both realized that the path of our relations would not be a carpet of flowers, but we also felt we could work with Russia. There was no difference of opinion between us that I can recall on the basic premise that we must and could get along with the Soviet Government.” Ibid., 1467.
42 “Stalin appeared to know exactly what he wanted at the Conference. This was also true of Churchill, but not so of Roosevelt. This is not said as a reflection on our President, but his apparent indecision was probably the direct result of our obscure foreign policy. President Roosevelt was thinking of winning the war; the others were thinking of their relative positions when the war was won. Stalin wanted the Anglo-American forces in Western, not Southern Europe; Churchill thought our postwar position would be improved and British interest best served if the Anglo-Americans as well as the Russians participated in the occupation of the Balkans.” Deane, John R., The Strange Alliance (New York, 1947), pp. 43–44Google Scholar.
43 Hull, Cordel, op. cit., II, 1171–1174.Google ScholarCf. ibid., pp. 1165–1170; Churchill, Winston, The Grand Alliance (Boston, 1950), pp. 628–630Google Scholar; The Hinge of Fate (Boston, 1950), pp. 626–627, 335–336Google Scholar; Welles, Sumner, Seven Decisions That Shaped History (New York, 1951), pp. 126–127, 134–135Google Scholar.
44 Standley, William H. and Ageton, Arthur A., Admiral Ambassador to Russia (Chicago, 1955), p. 238Google Scholar. Cf. ibid., pp. 236–237, 239, 245–246.
45 See above, footnote 18.
46 “The Arabs are not Marxists,” Khrushchev said. “They are fighting under another flag — under the flag of nationalism. We hail them. National liberation is the first step.” The New York Times, July 23, 1958.
47 A judicial settlement or any form of arbitration never has been accepted by the Soviet Union or other Communist states as a means for the solution of conflicts. The Corfu Channel conflict between Albania and Great Britain represents the only exception but even in this case Albania's refusal to execute the decision of the International Court of Justice is characteristic of the usual attitude of Communist states. They deny the existence of common legal principles between the Soviet and non-Soviet worlds which could serve as a basis in a process of adjudication. Cf. above footnote 22.
48 See for detailed discussion of this subject, Jessup, Philip, “International Negotiations Under Parliamentary Procedure,” International Law and the United Nations, Eighth Summer Institute held at the University of Michigan Law School, in 06, 1955 (Ann Arbor, 1957), pp. 405–426Google Scholar. Also by the same author: “Parliamentary Diplomacy,” Recueil Des Cours, Académie de Droit International, LXXXIX (1957), 181–320Google Scholar. Mingling of diplomatic negotiations and parliamentary practices is not an entirely new phenomenon. The modern setting is new, but there were such practices in ancient Greece. Thucydides described a diplomatic conference which was held in 432 B.C. Cf. Nicolson, Harold, Diplomacy, pp. 21–22Google Scholar.
49 Cf. Sloan, F. Blaine, “The Binding Force of a Recommendation of the General Assembly of the United Nations,” British Yearbook of International Law (1948), 1–33Google Scholar; D. H. N. Johnson, “The Effect of Resolutions of the General Assembly of the United Nations,” ibid. (1955–56), 97–122; F. S. Northedge, “The Authority of the United Nations General Assembly,” International Relations, I (1957), 349–361.
50 Morgenthau, Hans J., “The United Nations and the Revision of the Charter,” Review of Politics, XVI 3–21Google Scholar. For a concise characterization of UN adaptation to reality in the first decade, see Wilcox, Francis O., “The United Nations in the Mainstream of History,” Bulletin, XXXIV (1956), 841–847Google Scholar.
51 At present, the thirty-one Afro-Asian states form the largest bloc but they are subdivided into numerous groups, such as the Arab League and the group of African states with some overlapping memberships. Several Asiatic states are associated with the Western defense system. The twenty Latin-American states form a more homogeneous group with a long habit of cooperation. There are outside the iron curtain seventeen European states in the UN which are members of several regional international organizations. The five Nordic states form a group with special interests of their own. With the possible exception of the Latin-American states, membership in all non-Communist blocs is complicated by overlapping organizations. The British Commonwealth of Nations is one of the overlapping organizations with eleven members in three continents. Cf. Ball, Margaret, “Bloc Voting in the General Assembly,” International Organization, V (1951), 3–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Furey, J. B., “Voting Alignment in the General Assembly,” unpublished doctoral dissertation, Columbia University (1953)Google Scholar.
52 Then Nehru suggested that “more trouble is being caused in foreign affairs by the speeches that the Foreign Ministers or their representatives deliver either in their own respective Assemblies or in the United Nations. They talk about open diplomacy and I suppose in theory most of us believe in it. Certainly, I have believed in it for a long time and I cannot say that I have lost that belief entirely. Open diplomacy is good enough, but when that open diplomacy takes the form of very open conflicts and accusations and strong language hurled at one another, then the effect, I suppose, is not to promote peace. It becomes a contest, an open contest in the use of violent language towards one another.” Nehru, Jawaharlal, Independence and After (New York, 1950), pp. 245–246Google Scholar.
53 Spaak explained that there has been a change in the nature of the debates since the UN was founded. “At first, they seemed to be spontaneous statements delivered during a healthy debate in keeping with the principles of democracy. Gradually, however, delegates have realized that they have a very selected and important audience, that their words will be reported throughout the world by hundreds of newspapermen and that they will be read by millions of persons. This has been a terrible temptation to indulge in propaganda and, of course, when one nation starts doing that other nations must follow with counter-propaganda.” The New York Times, October 7, 1948.
54 See for the intricate reasons of this anomalous situation the excellent article by Fry, William R., “Press Coverage of the UN,” International Organization, X (1956), 276–281CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Bokhári, Ahmed S., The United Nations and the Rote of Public Opinion (Published by UN, 1956)Google Scholar, an address delivered at the meeting of the World Federation of the United Nations Associations held at Geneva in September, 1956. Lester Markel pointed out recently that action is needed to create an informed public at home and a greater understanding abroad “If We Are to Win the Colder War,” New York Times Magazine, July 13, 1958. Cf. Speier, Hans, “International Political Communication: Elite vs. Mass, World Politics, IV (1952), 305–317CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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56 “Secretary Dulles' News Conference of April 1,” Bulletin XXXVIII (1957), 642–643Google Scholar.
57 On September 3, 1958, at the Second International Conference for the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, reporters reminded Vasily S. Yemelyanov, head of the Soviet delegation, of Vyshinsky's statement. He did not remember precisely what Vyshinsky said but he remarked that “if I should receive a proposal” to use atomic explosives for peaceful purposes “I would not give a kopek for it.” He added that the Soviet Union had never carried out such experiments and had no intention of doing so. The New York Times, September 4, 1958.
58 UN General Assembly, Agenda item 41, Annexes, Sixth session, Palais de Chaillot (Paris, 1951-1952), pp. 55–56Google Scholar.
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61 Lindsay, Kenneth, Towards A European Parliament (New York, 1959)Google Scholar.
62 The writer will publish a study which will deal with NATO diplomacy and the role of international parliaments.
63 McLachlan, Donald and Freitas, Geoffrey de, NATO is Not Enough (Friends of Atlantic Union, London, no date)Google Scholar.
64 See the text of a joint communique containing the agreement, Bulletin, XXXVIII (1958), 243–248Google Scholar. Cf. Lacy, William S. B., “Exchange Agreement with the U.S.S.R.,” Bulletin, XXXVIII (1958), 323–329Google Scholar; Merrill, Frederick T., “Carrying out the East-West Exchange Agreement,” Bulletin, XXXVIII (1958), 381–384Google Scholar.