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Politics Versus Aesthetics: Arendt's Critiques of Nietzsche and Heidegger
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
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Several recent commentaries on Hannah Arendt's political thought have suggested strong connections and affinities between Arendt and Nietzsche or between Arendt and various later Nietzschean, aestheticist, or postmodernist thinkers. But a close reading of Arendt's critiques of Nietzsche and Heidegger suggests that an overemphasis on the more Nietzschean or aesthetic aspects of Arendt's work risks obscuring some vital distinctions Arendt makes or preserves concerning politics and aesthetics. More significantly, the Nietzschean or aestheticist interpretation of Arendt tends to conceal or distort Arendt's actual, highly original, and more promising response to various facets of the modern political condition.
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References
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18. An interesting comparison might be made between Arendt's understanding of Nietzsche's real relationship to the tradition he criticizes and Habermas's somewhat parallel arguments concerning Nietzsche and positivist science in Habermas, Jürgen, Knowledge and Human Interests (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), pp. 290–300.Google Scholar
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30. Ibid., p. 132.
31. Ibid., p. 26.
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58. Canovan, for example, suggests that while Arendt provides “a hostile and slighting account of Heidegger” in 1946, she later “came to see things very differently.” But while Arendt's personal feelings for Heidegger clearly did change over the years, her appraisal of the political deficiencies and dangers of his philosophy did not, even as she makes considerable use of aspects of that philosophy. See Canovan, Margaret, “Socrates or Heidegger? Hannah Arendt's Reflections on Philosophy and Politics,” Social Research 57 (1990): 137–38Google Scholar and Canovan, , Hannah Arendt: A Reinterpretation of Her Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 254–55,163–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a very useful discussion of similarities and divergences between Arendt and Heidegger, see Hinchman, Lewis P. and Inchman, Sandra K., “In Heidegger's Shadow: Hannah Arendt's Phenomenological Humanism,” Review of Politics 46 (1984): 183–211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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61. Ibid., pp. 67ff. See, also, Heidegger, Martin, An Introduction to Metaphysics, trans. Manheim, Ralph (Garden City: Anchor Books, 1961), pp. 120-21.Google Scholar
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64. Ibid., p. 435.
65. Ibid., pp. 233–35, 345.
66. Ibid., p. 235.
67. See Arendt's characterization of Heidegger as a fox creating a burrow into which he could withdraw from the world altogether in Arendt, Hannah, Essays in Understanding 1930–1954, ed. Kohn, Jerome (New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1994), pp. 361–62.Google Scholar
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69. Ibid., pp. 49–50. This central preoccupation with death and with escaping the triviality of the world shared with others continues to be an important part of later Nietzschean aestheticism, as can be seen, for example, in Foucault: “It is in death that the individual becomes at one with himself, escaping from monotonous lives and their levelling effect; in the slow, half-subterranean, but already visible approach of death, the dull, common life at last, becomes an individuality; a black border isolates it, and gives it the style of its truth.” See Foucault, Michel, Death and the Labyrinth: The World of Raymond Roussel, trans. Ruas, Charles (Garden City: Doubleday, 1986), p. 54Google Scholar; Foucault, Michel, “The Ethic of Care for the Self as a Practice of Freedom: An Interview with Michel Foucault,” in The Final Foucault, ed. Bernauer, James and Rasmussen, David (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988), p. 9Google Scholar; and Foucault, Michel, The Birth of the Clinic, trans. Smith, A.m. Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1973), pp. 166, 171.Google Scholar
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71. Arendt, , Origins of Totalitarianism, pp. 175, 316.Google Scholar
72. Ibid., p. 167.
73. Arendt, , Life of the Mind, 2: 201.Google Scholar
74. Arendt, , Between Past and Future, p, 153.Google Scholar
75. Arendt, , Life of the Mind, 2: 203.Google Scholar
76. Arendt, Hannah, Men in Dark Times (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1968), p. iv.Google Scholar Even when praising Heidegger's philosophy Arendt does not shrink from castigating the poor political judgment to which it gives rise. Heidegger and Plato have more in common than Heidegger would have preferred to concede, the philosophical tradition's longstanding hostility towards and alienation from the common, public world of politics: “We who wish to honor the thinkers, even if our own residence lies in the midst of the world, can hardly help finding it striking and perhaps exasperating that Plato and Heidegger, when they entered into human affairs, turned to tyrants and Führers. This should be imputed not just to the circumstances of the times and even less to preformed character, but rather to what the French call a deformation professionelle” (Arendt, Hannah, “Martin Heidegger at Eighty,” New York Review of Books, 21 10 1971, p. 54).Google Scholar
77. For a thorough discussion of the philosopher's peculiar vice of solitude, and of the differences between Socrates and Heidegger as exemplars of philosophical thinking, see Canovan, “Socrates or Heidegger.”
78. See, for example, Arendt, , Life of the Mind, 1: 75–76, 197ffGoogle Scholar; Arendt, , The Human Condition, pp. 75–76, 90Google Scholar; and Arendt, Hannah, “Thinking and Moral Considerations: A Lecture,” Social Research 38 (1971): 417–46.Google Scholar
79. Arendt, , “Martin Heidegger at Eighty,” p. 51.Google Scholar
80. For a fuller discussion of how world serves to orient judgment (and of the distortion of political judgment that is a predictable consequence when contact with this source of orientation is lost), see Biskowski, Lawrence J., “Practical Foundations for Political Judgment: Arendt on Action and World,” Journal of Politics 55 (1993): 879ff.Google Scholar
81. It is clear, however, that Arendt does not believe that this deficiency in judgment necessarily invalidates major aspects of Heidegger's philosophy or makes all of Heidegger's insights irrelevant to politics. The possible positive contributions Heidegger may provide to contemporary political understandings are developed fairly but very sympathetically in Dallmayr, Fred, The Other Heidegger (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993).Google Scholar Far less sympathetic appraisals can be found in Farias, Victor, Heidegger and Nazism (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Lacoue-labarthe, Philippe, Heidegger, Art, and Politics: The Fiction of the Political, trans. Turner, C. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990)Google Scholar; and Sluga, Hans, Heidegger's Crisis: Philosophy and Politics in Nazi Germany (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
82. For an excellent discussion of this shift or Kehre in Heidegger's thinking, see Mehta, J. L., The Philosophy of Martin Heidegger (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), pp. 104–22.Google Scholar Arendt leaves little doubt that she generally agrees with Mehta's interpretation (Arendt, , Life of the Mind, 2:173ffGoogle Scholar).
83. Arendt, , Life of the Mind, 2:, 172–94.Google Scholar
84. Arendt, , Between Past and Future, p. 23.Google Scholar
85. Habermas, Jürgen, “Modernity Versus Post-Modernity,” New German Critique 22 (1981): 13.Google Scholar
86. It is unclear, particularly in Arendtian terms, how the extreme individualism and self-absorption characteristic of the turn towards aesthetics can generate any sort of political power in the face of the coercive logics of economic and other forms of rationalization. The probable political impotence associated with the generalization of aesthetics to other spheres of life has also been suggested by Max Weber. See Weber, Max, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. Gert, H. H. and Mills, C. Wright (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 115,125,127,342Google Scholar; see also Scaff, , Beyond the Iron Cage, pp. 152-85Google Scholar
87. Arendt, , Origins of Totalitarianism, p. 168.Google Scholar
88. Ibid., pp. 331–37.
89. It is worthwhile to compare Foucault's very similar concerns, particularly with political and social phenomena associated with the rise of “bio-power” (Foucault, Michel, The History of Sexuality, Vol. I: An Introduction, trans. Hurley, R. [New York: Vintage Books, 1980], pp. 140ff).Google Scholar Here again Arendt evinces concern with many of the same problems that worry Nietzscheans and postmodernists while offering nevertheless quite different diagnoses and conclusions.
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91. It is interesting to compare Arendt on this point with Nietzsche, who regards it still as nature's task to “breed an animal with the right to make promises.” See Honig, , “Declarations of Independence,” pp. 103–104.Google Scholar
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93. Arendt, Hannah, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1965), p. 279.Google Scholar
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98. Ibid.
99. Arendt, , Life of the Mind, p. 203.Google Scholar
100. I have argued elsewhere that love of what Arendt called freedom (in which many of the concerns of the post-Nietzscheans are included) and care for the world (which is at best far more obscure in many of the major post-Nietzschean thinkers) may be viewed as practical foundations for political judgment in Arendt's political theory in the sense that they are values internal to the practice of what Arendt considered to be authentic politics. See Biskowski, “Practical Foundations for Political Judgment.”
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