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How the Eurocommunists Interpret Democracy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Manfred Spieker
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Extract

The Communists in Italy, France and Spain have banished the phrase “the dictatorship of the proletariat” from their vocabulary. That does not mean that they have abandoned socialism as an intermediate objective of their policy. They continue to fight for socialism; however, they no longer wish to establish it on the classical pattern through the dictatorship of the “proletariat” but rather through an “advanced form of democracy” in which the institutions and procedures of representative democracy, such as parliament and regular general elections and civil rights and freedoms, are respected and even guaranteed.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Review of Politics , Volume 42 , Issue 4 , October 1980 , pp. 427 - 464
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1980

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References

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7 More details concerning most of these parties can be found in Leonhard, , Eurokommunismus — Herausforderung, p. 22fGoogle Scholar; and Oberndörfer, , “Die sozialistischen und kommunistischen Parteien.”Google Scholar Information on the Japanese party can be found in “Recherches Internationales à la lumiere du Marxisme,” L'Eurocommunisme, no. 88/89 (Paris, 1978), 95–115.Google Scholar

8 Manfred Steinkühler names Frane Barbieri in his interview with Barbieri, , “Ursprung und Konzept des Eurokommunismus,” p. 347Google Scholar, as does most of the literature. Augusto della Noce is named by Dalma, Alfons, “Der Italokommunismus,” in Dalma et al. Eurocommunism (Zurich, 1977), p. 7Google Scholar. In a more recent publication, however, Dalma also names Barbieri, Frane (“Der weltpolitische Standort der Eurokommunisten,” Europäische Rundschau, 1 [1978], 9)Google Scholar. Joseph Schmilz von Vorst refers to Carter's unnamed advisor in the FAZ of 20 September 1977. Leonhard also names the journalist Arigo Levi.

9 Cf. Berlinguer, Enrico, “Gedanken zu Italien nach den Ereignissen in Chile,” Rinascità of 28 September, 5 October and 12 10 1973Google Scholar in Der historische Kompromiss, ed. Valenza, Pietro (West Berlin, 1976), p. 15fGoogle Scholar. The complete text is to be found in “The Italian Communists,” PCI's Foreign Bulletin, 5 (1973)Google Scholar; Segre, Sergio, “The Communist Question in Italy,” Foreign Affairs, 54 (1975–1976), 695f.Google Scholar

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11 Thorez, Maurice, Les communistes et le front populaire (Paris, 1934), pp. 18 and 27Google Scholar. Cf. also Lavau, Georges, “Die PCF zwischen dem politischen System und der Revolution,” in Kimmel, Adolf, ed., Eurokommunismus — Die kommunistischen Parteien Frankreichs, Italiens, Spaniens und Portugals (Cologne, 1977), p. 54f.Google Scholar

12 For a different view see Leonhard, Introduction to Berlinguer, Enrico's “Die internationale Politik der italienischen Kommunisten, Reden und Schriften 1975/76,” ed. Tato, A. (Stuttgart, 1978), p. 22.Google Scholar

13 For a detailed consideration of these consequences see Spieker, Manfred, Neomarxismus und Christentum. Zur Problematik des Dialogs, 2nd ed. (Munich, 1976), p. 83–208.Google Scholar

14 The Yalta Memorandum, the Interview with Nuovi Argomenti and the central passages of the 1956 party conference speech are to be found in Togliatti, Palmiro, Reden und Schriften, ed. Pozzoli, Claudio (Frankfurt, 1967), pp. 210ff. and 89–134.Google Scholar

15 Recorded in Ost-Probleme, 17 (1965), p. 556ff.Google Scholar

16 Cf. the report by Roland Leroy to the PCF's Central Committee in May 1964, in Ost-Probleme, 16 (1964), 659Google Scholar; Berlinguer's reply, ibid. p. 660f.

17 Cf. Garaudy, Roger, Die ganze Wahrheit oder Für einen Kommunismus ohne Dogma (Reinbek, 1970), pp. 38, 41 and 59ffGoogle Scholar. This contains the corresponding decisions of the PCF's Politburo and extracts from the speeches made by Berlinguer and Carrillo at the in ternational communist conference held in Moscow in June 1969. Cf. also Carrillo, S., Spanien nach Franco, Gespräche mit Régis Debray und Max Gallo (West Berlin, 1975), p. 120f.Google Scholar

18 Cf. Berlinguer, , “Gedanken zu Italien,” p. 23Google Scholar; Speech at l'Unita's press festival on 19 September 1977 in Modena, , in Die italienischen Kommunisten (hereinafter referred to as DiK), 3 (1977), 14f.Google Scholar; Segre, , “Communist Question in Italy,” p. 692Google Scholar; Marchais, Georges, “Le socialisme pour la France,” Speech to the PCF's 22nd party conference, in Cahiers du Communisme (hereinafter referred to as CdC), 2–3 (1976), 46f.Google Scholar

19 Carrillo, , Eurokommunismus und Staat, p. 164.Google Scholar

20 Ibid., p. 19.

21 Ibid., pp. 151, 169–76.

22 Ibid., pp. 42–45; Gruppi, Luciano, “Über Demokratie und Sozialismus,” Critica Marxista, 2 (1976)Google Scholar (German version) in Sozialismus für Italien, ed. Joachim Bischoff und Jochen Kreimer (West Berlin, 1977), p. 149Google Scholar; Napolitano, Giorgio, in Hobsbawm, Eric J. and Napolitano, Giorgio, Auf dem Weg zum historischen Kompromiss: Ein Gespräch über Entwicklung und Programmatik der KPI (Frankfurt, 1977), p. 194Google Scholar; Marchais, , “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 44.Google Scholar

23 The professions of faith in democracy are particularly clear in the joint declarations made by the Italian and Spanish Communist parties on 12 July 1975; and by the Italian and French parties on 15 November 1975. Cf. Les communistes italiens 4 and 5/6 (1975)Google Scholar. The latter is also in Osteuropa-Archiv, 2 (1976), A71ffGoogle Scholar. The document adopted by the French Communist party at its 22nd Party Conference: “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” CdC, 2–3 (1976), 369ff.Google Scholar, and the Spanish Communist Party Manifesto adopted in 1973 are to be found in Beiträge zum wissenschaftlichen Sozialismus (hereinafter referred to as BwS), 2 (1976), 144ffGoogle Scholar. are also important. Some of the principal documents are to be found in Steinkühler, M., Eurokommunismus im Widerspruch, Analyse und Dokumentation (Cologne, 1977).Google Scholar

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25 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the Communist Party Manifesto in Marx, /Engels, , Works, 4:493Google Scholar. Similarly Marchais, G., Die demokratische Herausforderung (Frankfurt, 1974), p. 186Google Scholar. He states quite rightly that the PCF “made no secret of its opinion.”

26 Detailed figures in “Partito communista italiano '78,” Supplemento all' Almanaco PCI '78, ed. Party Secretariat of the PCI (Rome, 1978), p. 37.Google Scholar

27 See also for Jäger, France Wolfgang, “Die Sozialistische und die Kommunistische Partei Frankreichs,”Google Scholar in Oberndörfer, , “Die sozialistischen und kommunistischen Parteien,” pp. 35–132Google Scholar; and Kimmel, Adolf, “Die französische Kommunistische Parteie,”Google Scholar in Timmermann, , Eurokommunismus, pp. 97–121.Google Scholar

28 See also for Spain, Fritz René Allemann, , “Spaniens Linke —Zurück aus dem Untergrund”Google Scholar in Oberndörfer, , “Die sozialistischen und kommunistischen Parteien,” pp. 195–265.Google Scholar

29 S. Carrillo at the press conference after his discussions with Berlinguer, E. on 10 11 1977Google Scholar (Neue Züricher Zeitung, 13/14 11 1977)Google Scholar. See also the resolutions adopted in April 1978 at the Ninth Party Conference in 9th Congreso del Partido comunista de Espana. Resoluciones, ed. PCE's Party Secretariat (Madrid, 1978), paras. 2, 3 and 5Google Scholar; and Malo, José L., “Concentracion democratica o alternative de poder,” Nuestra Bandera, no. 93 (Madrid, 1978), p. 39ff.Google Scholar

30 Berlinguer, , “Gedanken zu Italien,” p. 19f.Google Scholar; cf. also Amendola, Giorgio, “Aktualität des Sozialismus in Italien,”Google Scholar in Valenza, , Der historische Kompromiss, p. 173Google Scholar. “The Italian road to socialism is not exclusively an electoral and parliamentary road,”: Carrillo, , Central Committee Report Summer 1975Google Scholar in BwS, 2 (1976), 101fGoogle Scholar. “The socialist revolution will necessitate … a combination of legal and extralegal, parliamentary and extraparliamen-tary tactics.”

31 Gruppi, , “Über Demokratie und Sozialismus,” p. 138.Google Scholar

32 Galgano, F., “Lenkung der Wirtschaft und Pluralismus,” in Bischoffund Kreimer, Sozialismus für Italien, p. 154.Google Scholar

33 Ibid., p. 153. Togliatti left no room for doubt about the PCI's priorities. It was fighting for parliamentary democracy, but “even more” for the socialist revolution. Address to the Eighth Party Conference in 1956 in Valenza, , Der historische Kompromiss, p. 89Google Scholar. For the Leninist character of this dual strategy cf. Lenin, V. I., Works, 30:262, 31:67 and 5:436; 25:410.Google Scholar

34 Amendola, , “Aktualität des Sozialismus in Italien,” p. 170Google Scholar. Chiaromonte, Gerardo, “Die Abrechnung mit der DC,”Google Scholar in Valenza, , Der historische Kompromiss, p. 164Google Scholar. Berlinguer, E., Central Committee Report, 10 1976Google Scholar, in BwS, 1 (1977), 133Google Scholar. 9th Congreso del PCE, p. 16.Google Scholar

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36 Ingrao, Pietro, “Massen und Macht,” DiK, 2 (1977), 37.Google Scholar

37 Togliatti had already made this point in “Die marxistische Konzeption der politischen Partei der Arbeiterklasse” in Reden und Schriften, p. 199Google Scholar. Similarly Berlinguer, E., Speech to the Chamber of Deputies on 11 08 1976Google Scholar in The Italian Communists, 4/5 (1976), 23fGoogle Scholar. The PCI is “not only a parliamentary party, it is a fighting party and a mass party … whose essential task is the mobilization and organization of the masses.” See also the Central Committee Report of October 1976, p. 141. Luporini, Cesare, “Lenkung der Wirtschaft und Pluralismus,” p. 165Google Scholar. Marchais, G., Central Committee Report of 29 06 1972Google Scholar in Fajon, Etienne, L'union est un combat (Paris, 1975), p. 122Google Scholar. Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 170.

38 Thesis of the XV Party Conference of PCI, nos. 83 and 86 and the Resolution of the XXIII Party Conference of the PCF, cap. II, B. 1.

39 Berlinguer, E., “Eine Partei, die sich von anderen unterscheidet,” in his Für eine demokratische Wende: Ausgewählte Reden und Schriften, 1969–1974 (East Berlin, 1975), p. 159.Google Scholar

40 Berlinguer, E., Central Committee Speech, 1 11 1971Google Scholar, in Für eine demokratische Wende, p. 144Google Scholar. See also Cervelli, G. in DiK, 1 (1978), 39Google Scholar, who reminds them of keeping to the Leninist's principles of party organization.

41 Cervetti, G., Interview with Rinascità on 15 04 1977Google Scholar in DiK, 2 (1977), 124Google Scholar. Cf. also Cervetti, G. in DiK, 1 (1978), 7Google Scholar, where he holds that the 800 manufactory sections established are insufficient; and Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, nos. 59 and 83.

42 McInnes, Neil, Euro-Communism, The Washington Papers, 4, no. 37 (Beverly Hills/London, 1976), 18Google Scholar. See also Papcke, Sven, “Was ist neu am Eurokommunismus?” Die Neue Gesellschaft (1976), p. 919Google Scholar. He believes that the Eurocommunists would only use the accepted political rules “as a means of abolishing them.”

43 Ingrao, , “Massen und Macht,” p. 36fGoogle Scholar. Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, no. 75.

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45 Ibid., “Die Gewerkschaft ist die Autonomie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft” (p. 40).Google Scholar

46 Aristotle's commentary on calling for a plebiscitary democracy retains timeless relevance: “Those who wish to give everything to the people are responsible for the fact that it is not the laws which decide but referendums. For in this way they themselves will become important when the people become the master of everything and they the master of the people's opinion” (Aristotle, Politics, ed., Gigon, [Munich, 1976], 1292a)Google Scholar. Cf. also Talmon, J. L., Die Ursprünge der totalitären Demokratie (Cologne-Opladen, 1961), p. 187.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

47 PCE's Manifesto, pp. 165, 171; Carrillo, S., Central Committee Report, Summer 1975, p. 106Google Scholar; Berlinguer, , “Gedanken zu Italien,” p. 23; Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, no. 65Google Scholar; “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” p. 378.Google Scholar

48 Berlinguer, , “Gedanken zu Italien,” p. 22.Google Scholar

49 Carrillo, , Spanien nach Franco, p. 179.Google Scholar

50 Carrillo, , Eurokommunismus und Staat, p. 92.Google Scholar

51 S. Segre in his “Spiegel Interview,” “Wir Kommunisten sind eine westliche Partei,” Der Spiegel, no. 27 (1975), 101ff.Google Scholar

52 Cf. Berlinguer, , “Eine Partei, die sich von anderen unterscheidet” in his Für eine demokratische Wende, p. 154ffGoogle Scholar. See also thesis of the XV Party Conference of PCI, nos. 15 and 83, and the Resolution of the XXIII Party Conference of the PCF, cap. II, C, 2.

53 Berlinguer, , “Eine Partei, die sich von anderen unterscheidet,” p. 155Google Scholar; Interview in La Tribuna dei Lavoratori of 9 02 1975Google Scholar, in Valenza, , Der historische Kompromiss, p. 65Google Scholar; Speech to the Chamber of Deputies on 10 August 1976, p. 72f.

54 Resolution of the XXIII Party Conference of the PCF, cap. II, C, 1. See also the preamble of the new party statute.

55 9th Congreso del PCE, p. 44.Google Scholar

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60 Ibid., p. 52. Cf. also Denis, Jacques, “Antworten an H. Timmermann,”Google Scholar in Timmer-mann, , Eurokommunismus, p. 167.Google Scholar

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65 See also Hornung, “Eurokommunismus — ein Konzept der Machteroberung”: “The acceptance of a change of power … is subject to the reservation that the process of transformation to Socialism is in the last analysis irreversible” (p. 128); D. Oberndörfer, “Die sozialistischen und kommunistischen Parteien”: “The dialectic of the Communist philosophy of history remains valid for the leadership of the PCI, for which the reason the western-liberal interpretation of the terms Democracy, Pluralism and Freedom are ultimately nullified by the traditional Communist interpretation” (p. 22); and Allemann, “Spaniens Linke”: “The stubborn refusal to face up to such an eventuality — the regaining of power by bourgeois parties in free elections — must add fuel to our existing doubts as to the credibility of their conversion to democracy” (p. 158). Buck, Karl-Hermann justifies his skepticism somewhat differently in “Eurokommunismus und Systemwandel,” Der Burger im Staat, 18 (1978)Google Scholar. The Eurocommunists may accept the review of majority decisions but “it is barely credible because of their ability to take rapid economic measures, to change the decision-making structures in favour of organized groups with a strong Communist party slant or to implement propaganda campaigns” (p. 121).

66 Carrillo, , Eurokommunismus und Staat, p. 82Google Scholar; Spanien nach Franco, pp. 154f., 164Google Scholar. See also Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 153.

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77 Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, no. 12.

78 Marchais, , “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 50Google Scholar; cf. also Article 63 of the PCF's draft declaration on civil rights; “Every measure which aims at reducing or curbing the in fluence of the power of capital (puissance de l'argent) on political, economic and social life contributes towards the guarantee that the rights and freedoms set out in this declaration may be exercised.” Even Lenin called for the “violation of pure democracy, that is, of equality and freedom” in dealing with the exploiting classes (“The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautzky,” in Lenin, , Works, 28:255).Google Scholar

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82 Marchais, , Die demokratische Herausforderung, p. 119.Google Scholar

83 Cf. the Statements made by Dimitrov, Gero, Gomulka, Gottwald and the East German Communist party between 1945 and 1948 quoted by Henry Kissinger in his speech on Eurocommunism (Herder Korrespondenz, p. 466)Google Scholar. Cf. also Pachman, LudekWas in Prag wirklich geschah, Illusionen und Tatsachen aus der Ära Dubcek (Frieburg, 1978), p. 12f.Google Scholar, which refers to the “Eurocommunist” methods by which the Czechoslovak Communist party — of which he was at that time himself a member—seized power in 1948.

84 Elleinstein, Jean, Geschichte des Stalinismus (Hamburg, 1976)Google Scholar; Carrillo, , Eurokommunismus und Staat, p. 166ff.Google Scholar; Berlinguer, , “Austerität — Gelegenheit zur revolutionären Erneuerung Italiens,”Google Scholar in Bischoff, and Kreimer, , Sozialismus für Italien, p. 220f.Google Scholar

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86 Ehmke, Horst, Der demokratische Sozialismus als geistige und politische Kraft (Bonn, 1976), p. 13Google Scholar. Richberg, and Traubmann, , Eurokommunismus, p. 32.Google Scholar

87 Common Programme, p. 72; cf. also Juquin, Pierre, Liberté (Paris, 1975), p. 142Google Scholar. The press is a power, and who controls this power depends on the political situation in society.

88 Berlinguer, , Livorno Speech, p. 189Google Scholar; Carrillo, , Central Committee Report of Summer 1975, p. 107f.Google Scholar; Marchais, , “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 43Google Scholar; “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” p. 376.Google Scholar

89 Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 152.

90 Carrillo, , Central Committee Report Summer 1975, p. 107f.Google Scholar; Gruppi, , “Über Demokratie und Sozialismus,” p. 145.Google Scholar

91 Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 153.

92 Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, nos. 10 and 55. See also Hans Benedikter's contribution in this volume, and his comprehensive work Eurokommunismus — der gross Bluff (Bolzano, 1978), p. 219ff.Google Scholar

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94 Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 151.

95 PCI's Electoral Manifesto, p. 32f. Similarly Napolitano, Giorgio in “Lenkung der Wirtschaft und Pluralismus,” p. 180Google Scholar; Trivelli, Fenzo, “Die Gründe für einen Sieg,”Google Scholar in Valenza, , Der historische Kompromiss, p. 195Google Scholar. Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, nos. 10 and 55.

96 Salvi, Cesare and Merlin, Stefano “Lenkung der Wirtschaft und Pluralismus,” p. 175f.Google Scholar Only Galgano contradicts, claiming that economic freedom is a fundamental right which must be functionalized, however, not so that it may be withdrawn from the argument because it is a fundamental right but in order to highlight more clearly its contrast with other freedoms (p. 184).

97 Marchais, , “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 54.Google Scholar

98 Also, Marchais, , Die demokratische Herausforderung, p. 132Google Scholar; Juquin, P., Liberté, p. 143Google Scholar. Cf. also Spieker, , Neomarxismus und Christentum, p. 208ff.Google Scholar

99 Berlinguer, , “Kommunisten und Katholiken,”Google Scholar Letter to Bishop Luigi Bettazzi, of 7 November 1977 in DiK, 4 (1977), 36.Google Scholar

100 Cf. also Spieker, M., “Das Problem der Revolution im Dialog zwischen Christen und Marxisten”Google Scholar in Becker, W.; Maier, H.; and Spieker, M., Revolution — Demokratie — Kirche (Paderborn, 1974), p. 49ff.Google Scholar

101 Carrillo, , Eurokommunismus und Staat, p. 33f.Google Scholar; and Spanien nach Franco, p. 159Google Scholar; Berlinguer, , “Die internationale Politik der italienischen Kommunisten,” p. 180Google Scholar. Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, nos. 74, 12, 68 and 72.

102 Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 146. The demand for state supervision to be embodied in the constitution in summer 1978. Marchais, , Die demokratische Herausforderung, p. 43Google Scholar; Common Programme of June 1972, p. 19.

103 Cf. Chesi, Sandro, “PCI e scuole dell'infanzie in Emilia Romagna” in Ressegna di teologia, 2 (1977), 179ffGoogle Scholar. and the statements made at the Tuscan Episcopal Conference by the Bishops of the Marches and Verona on nursery school problems in 1976. See also Benedikter, H., Eurokommunismus, p. 260ff.Google Scholar; and the NZZ of 11 November 1977: “The machinations against church institutions which are becoming increasingly common in the areas of the country under left-wing control.… ominously contradict the declarations of intent of the Communist Party Central Office — not least because they remind us of the early days of fascism” (p.3).

104 “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” p. 382Google Scholar; Marchais, , “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 42Google Scholar; Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 172ff.; Carrillo, , Eurokommunismus und Staat, p. 14f.Google Scholar; Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, no. 53; Gruppi, , “Über Demokratie und Sozialismus,” p. 145Google Scholar. As far as the Japanese Communists are concerned, it includes no less than 93 percent of the working population. Cf. the resolution adopted at the 14th Japanese Communist Party Conference in Recherches Internationales, p. 110.Google Scholar

105 “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” p. 380Google Scholar; cf. also Luporini, , “Lenkung der Wirtschaft und Pluralismus,” p. 162.Google Scholar

106 Marchais, , Die demokratische Herausforderung, p. 124Google Scholar; “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 40Google Scholar. See also his introduction in the project of resolution of the XXIII Party Conference of PCF, Supplement to L'Humanite of 13 02 1979, p. 2Google Scholar; Denis, , “Antworten an H. Timmermann,” pp. 162 and 170Google Scholar; Berlinguer, , Central Committee Report of 10 1976, p. 135Google Scholar; Carrillo, , Central Committee Report, Summer 1975, p. 102Google Scholar; and Eurokommunismus und Staat, pp. 141–42Google Scholar; 9th Congreso del PCE, p. 18.Google Scholar

107 Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, no. 9.

108 Gruppi, , “Über Demokratie und Sozialismus,” p. 149Google Scholar. Cf. also Article 63 of the PCF's draft declaration on civil rights referred to in footnote 78.

109 Cf. footnote 85. This is made abundantly clear in the GDR Constitution and the semiofficial commentary thereto. See also in this context the still valid ideas of Muller-Romer, Dietrich in Die Grundrechte in Mitteldeutschland (Cologne, 1965).Google Scholar

110 “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” p. 379.Google Scholar

111 Marx, and Engels, : Communist Party Manifesto, Works, 4:481.Google Scholar

112 Lenin, , “Staat und Revolution,” Works, 25:409f.Google Scholar; cf. also “Was tun?” 6th ed. (East Berlin, 1962), p. 121.Google Scholar

113 Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, no. 9.

114 Ingrao, , “Massen und Macht,” p. 41.Google Scholar

115 “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” p. 377.Google Scholar

116 Carrillo, , Eurokommunismus und Staat, p. 88.Google Scholar

117 Juquin, , Liberté, p. 146Google Scholar; see also p. 135. Critical of the theory of the sovereignty of people also, Kielmansegg, Peter Graf, Volkssouveränität, Eine Untersuchung der Bedingungen demokratischer Legitimität (Stuttgart, 1977).Google Scholar

118 Kriegel, Annie, Un autre communisme? (Paris, 1977), p. 132.Google Scholar

119 Marchais, , “Le socialisme pour la France,” pp. 62, 65, 71Google Scholar; and Die demokratische Herausforderung, p. 117f.Google Scholar; Resolution of the XXIII Party Conference of the PCF, cap. II, A, s and II, C. Togliatti, Speech to the Eighth Party Conference, p. 84f., 91; “Die marxistische Konzeption …,” p. 199f.Google Scholar; Berlinguer, , “Gedanken zu Italien,” p. 18Google Scholar; and Livorn Speech, p. 184.

120 Carrillo, , Spanien nach Franco, p. 171Google Scholar; cf. also Berlinguer, , Central Committee Report, 10 1976, p. 124fGoogle Scholar; “Tasks and Projects to Solve the Problems Facing Italy: Speech to the Chamber of Deputies,” 10 08 1976Google Scholar, in Bischoff, and Kreimer, , “Sozialismus für Italien,” p. 60.Google Scholar

121 Ingrao, , “Massen und Macht,” p. 38.Google Scholar

122 Marchais, , “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 56.Google Scholar

123 9th Congreso del PCE, p. 18.Google Scholar

124 Fajon, E., L'union est un combat, p. 18Google Scholar; see also Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 144 and Berlinguer, Speech at L'Unita's press festival on 19 September 1977, p. 5. Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, nos. 12 and 83.

125 Marchais, , Die demokratische Herausforderung, p. 180Google Scholar. Resolution of the XXIII Party Conference of the PCF, cap. II, C, 2. Similarly Togliatti in his speech to the Eighth Party Conference 1956, pp. 84f., and 91.

126 “Ce que veulent les communistes pour la France,” p. 386Google Scholar; Resolution of the XXIII Party Conference of the PCF, cap. II, C, 5 and the new party statute, art. Marchais, G., Die demokratische Herausforderung, p. 188f.Google Scholar, and “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 70Google Scholar; Fajon, E., L'union est un combat, p. 46Google Scholar; Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 166; Carrillo, , Spanien nach Franco, pp. 162, 173Google Scholar; 9th Congreso del PCE, p. 44Google Scholar; Berlinguer, , “Eine Partei, die sich von anderen unterscheidet,” p. 160Google Scholar. Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, nos. 16 and 84. The validity of the principle of democratic socialism is one of the few points where there is total agreement in the secondary literature, cf. also Timmermann, H., “Aspekte der inner-parteilichen Struktur und Willensbildung bei den ‘Eurokommunisten,’” special issue published by the Bundesinstitut für ostwissenschaftliche und internationale Studien (Cologne, 1977)Google Scholar; and McInnes, , Euro-Communism, p. 43ff.Google Scholar

127 Marchais, , Die demokratische Herauforderung, p. 181Google Scholar; cf. also “Le socialisme pour la France,” p. 69Google Scholar. Carrillo, , Spanien nach Franco, p. 173Google Scholar; and Central Committee Report for summer 1975, p. 104; Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 165; Berlinguer, , “Eine Partei, die sich von anderen unterscheidet,” p. 158.Google Scholar

128 Thesis of the XV Party Conference of the PCI, nos. 12 and 15.

129 Ibid., p. 177. See also Togliatti, , “Der Leninismus im Denken und Handeln Antonio Gramscis,” in Reden und Schriften, pp. 156, 159Google Scholar; Amendola, , “Aktualität des Sozialismus in Italien,” p. 169Google Scholar; Napolitano, G., speech to the Central Committee, 01 1975Google Scholar, in Valenza, , Der Historische Kompromiss, p. 137Google Scholar; Spanish Communist Party Manifesto, p. 154.

130 por Marchais, even an election defeat only means a postponement of the victory of socialism in the light of this historical certainty. Before the March 1978 elections he said: “Either the Communist Party will not have sufficient support after the first round of voting — in which case the revolution proper will be postponed to a later date. Or the Communist Party will be strong to act, and then the revolution can succeed” (report of the National Conference of January 1978 quoted in Le Monde of 89 01 1978, p. 8Google Scholar; see also the FAZ of 9 January 1978).

131 Marx, and Engels, , Communist Party Manifesto, Works, p. 474.Google Scholar