Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dlnhk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-20T07:35:15.716Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Interests, ideas, and the study of state behaviour in neoclassical realism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 August 2019

Gustav Meibauer*
Affiliation:
London School of Economics and Political Science
*
*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

Ideational variables have frequently been employed in positivist-minded and materialist analyses of state behaviour. Almost inevitably, because of these commitments, such studies run into theoretical challenges relating to the use of ideas. In this article, I suggest that integrating ideational factors in positivist and materialist approaches to state behaviour requires: (1) distinguishing conceptually between interests and ideation as well as between individual beliefs and social ideas; and (2) addressing challenges of operationalisation and measurability. To that end, I employ neoclassical realism as a case study. I argue that a re-conceptualisation of ideas as externalised individual beliefs employed in political deliberation allows neoclassical realists to focus on how ideas and ideational competition intervene in the transmission belt from materially given interests to foreign policy choice. At the same time, it more clearly operationalises ideas as identifiable in language and communication. I suggest this reconceptualisation, while consistent with realist paradigmatic assumptions, need not be limited to neoclassical realism. Instead, transposed to different paradigms, it would similarly allow positivist-minded constructivists and institutionalists to avoid a conceptually and methodologically awkward equation of different ideational factors.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Neufeld, Mark, ‘Interpretation and the “science” of International Relations’, Review of International Studies, 19:1 (1993), p. 41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Grafstein, Robert, ‘Behavioralism and the operationalization of psychological variables’, Political Methodology, 8:1 (1982), pp. 92–3Google Scholar; Holsti, Ole, ‘The “operational code” approach to the study of political leaders: John Foster Dulles’ philosophical and instrumental beliefs’, Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue Canadienne de Science Politique, 3:1 (March 1970), p. 153CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Yee, Albert S., ‘The causal effects of ideas on policies’, International Organization, 50:1 (1996), p. 70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Laffey, Mark and Weldes, Jutta, ‘Beyond belief: Ideas and symbolic technologies in the study of International Relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 3:2 (1997), pp. 193237CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Barkin, J. Samuel, ‘Realist constructivism’, International Studies Review, 5:3 (September 2003), p. 326CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keohane, Robert O., ‘Ideas part-way down’, Review of International Studies, 26:1 (January 2000), pp. 125–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wendt, Alexander, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Jackson, Patrick Thaddeus and Nexon, Daniel H., ‘Constructivist realism or realist-constructivism?’, International Studies Review, 6:2 (2004), p. 338CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barkin, ‘Realist constructivism’, pp. 338–9; Sears, Nathan Alexander, ‘The neoclassical realist research program: Between progressive promise and degenerative dangers’, International Politics Reviews, 5:1 (May 2017), pp. 2131CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mouritzen has demonstrated how such a compatibility argument can proceed through different levels of explanation but focuses largely on the structure-agency continuum. Mouritzen, Hans, ‘Combining “incompatible” foreign policy explanations: How a realist can borrow from constructivism’, Journal of International Relations and Development, 20:3 (July 2017), p. 635CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Barkin, ‘Realist constructivism’, p. 329.

7 Sterling-Folker, Jennifer, ‘Realism and the constructivist challenge: Rejecting, reconstructing, or rereading’, International Studies Review, 4:1 (2002), p. 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jackson and Nexon, ‘Constructivist realism or realist-constructivism?’, p. 338.

8 Jørgensen, Knud Erik et al. , Reappraising European IR Theoretical Traditions (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), pp. 83–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gelot, Linnéa and Welz, Martin, ‘Pragmatic eclecticism, neoclassical realism and post-structuralism: Reconsidering the African response to the Libyan Crisis of 2011’, Third World Quarterly, 39:12 (December 2018), pp. 2334–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Toje, Asle and Kunz, Barbara (eds), Neoclassical Realism in European Politics: Bringing Power Back In (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012)Google Scholar.

9 Barkawi, Tarak, ‘Strategy as a vocation: Weber, Morgenthau and modern strategic studies’, Review of International Studies, 24 (1998), pp. 159–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Frankel, Benjamin, Roots of Realism (London: Frank Cass, 1996)Google Scholar; Lawrence, Philip K., ‘Strategy, the State and the Weberian legacy’, Review of International Studies, 13:4 (1987), pp. 295310CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morgenthau, Hans J., Scientific Man Versus Power Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965)Google Scholar; Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics Among Nations, ed. W., Kenneth Thompson and David Clinton, 7th edn (Boston: McGraw-Hill Education, 2005)Google Scholar; Williams, Michael C., ‘Why ideas matter in International Relations: Hans Morgenthau, Classical Realism, and the moral construction of power politics’, International Organization, 58:4 (October 2004), pp. 633–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Williams, Michael C., Realism Reconsidered: The Legacy of Hans Morgenthau in International Relations (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

10 Mouritzen, ‘Combining “incompatible” foreign policy explanations’, p. 635.

11 Barkin, ‘Realist constructivism’, pp. 338–9; Sears, ‘The neoclassical realist research program’, p. 24; Sterling-Folker, ‘Realism and the constructivist challenge’, pp. 75–8. Note that this article employs ‘rationality’ rather than ‘rationalism’ to avoid confusion with rationalism as an epistemological position. Guilhot, Nicolas, ‘The Kuhning of reason: Realism, rationalism, and political decision in IR theory after Thomas Kuhn’, Review of International Studies, 42:1 (January 2016), pp. 324CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Barkin, ‘Realist constructivism’, p. 326; Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics.

13 Keohane, ‘Ideas part-way down’, p. 128; Goldstein, Judith and Keohane, Robert O. (eds), Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell University Press, 1993), p. 16Google Scholar; Blyth, Mark, ‘Structures do not come with an instruction sheet: Interests, ideas, and progress in political science’, Perspectives on Politics, 1:4 (December 2003), pp. 695706CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Guzzini, Stefano, ‘The enduring dilemmas of realism in International Relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 10:4 (December 2004), pp. 533–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Narizny, Kevin, ‘On systemic paradigms and domestic politics: a critique of the newest realism’, International Security, 42:2 (November 2017), pp. 155–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rathbun, Brian, ‘A rose by any other name: Neoclassical realism as the logical and necessary extension of structural realism’, Security Studies, 17:2 (May 2008), pp. 294321CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tang, Shiping, ‘Taking stock of neoclassical realism’, International Studies Review, 11 (2009), pp. 799803CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walt, Stephen M., ‘The enduring relevance of the realist tradition’, in Katznelson, Ira and Milner, Helen V. (eds), Political Science: The State of the Discipline (New York: Norton, 2002)Google Scholar; Wivel, Anders, ‘Explaining why State X Made a certain move last Tuesday: the promise and limitations of realist foreign policy analysis’, Journal of International Relations and Development, 8:4 (2005), pp. 355–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Guzzini, ‘The enduring dilemmas of realism in International Relations’, pp. 535–7.

16 Waltz, Kenneth N., Theory of International Politics (New York: McGraw Hill, 1979), p. 71Google Scholar.

17 Nicholas Kitchen, ‘Ideas of power and the power of ideas: Systematising neoclassical realist theory’, in Toje and Kunz (eds), Neoclassical Realism in European Politics, p. 122.

18 Lobell, Steven E., Ripsman, Norrin M., and Taliaferro, Jeffrey W. (eds), Neoclassical Realism, the State, and Foreign Policy (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 Rose, Gideon, ‘Neoclassical realism and theories of foreign policy’, World Politics, 51:1 (October 1998), p. 147CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 Kitchen, Nicholas, ‘Systemic pressures and domestic ideas: a neoclassical realist model of grand strategy formation’, Review of International Studies, 36:1 (January 2010), p. 120CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wivel, ‘Explaining why State X made a certain move last Tuesday’, p. 360.

21 Wivel, ‘Explaining why State X made a certain move last Tuesday’, p. 361.

22 Some neoclassical realists have suggested more interpretative, reflexive, and post-positivist variants; see Gelot and Welz, ‘Pragmatic eclecticism, neoclassical realism and post-structuralism’; also contributions in Toje and Kunz (eds), Neoclassical Realism in European Politics.

23 Narizny, ‘On systemic paradigms and domestic politics’, p. 155; Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, p. 1.

24 Legro, Jeffrey W. and Moravcsik, Andrew, ‘Is anybody still a realist?’, International Security, 24:2 (1999), pp. 555CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Narizny, ‘On systemic paradigms and domestic politics’; Quinn, Adam, ‘Kenneth Waltz, Adam Smith and the limits of science: Hard choices for neoclassical realism’, International Politics, 50:2 (March 2013), pp. 159–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, Nicholas Ross, ‘Can neoclassical realism become a genuine theory of International Relations?’, The Journal of Politics, 80:2 (February 2018), pp. 742–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tang, ‘Taking stock of neoclassical realism’; Walt, ‘The enduring relevance of the realist tradition'.

25 Guzzini, ‘The enduring dilemmas of realism in International Relations’, p. 536.

26 Christensen, Thomas J. and Snyder, Jack, ‘Progressive research on degenerate alliances’, The American Political Science Review, 91:4 (1997), pp. 919–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, p. 295; Smith, Keith, ‘Recollecting a lost dialogue: Structural realism meets neoclassical realism’, International Relations, Online First (March 2019), pp. 45Google Scholar; see also Schweller, Randall L., ‘The progressiveness of neoclassical realism’, in Elman, Colin and Elman, Miriam Fendius (eds), Progress in International Relations Theory: Appraising the Field (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Taliaferro in Feaver, Peter D. et al. , ‘Brother, can you spare a paradigm? (Or was anybody ever a realist?)’, International Security, 25:1 (2000), pp. 165–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Ripsman, Norrin M., Taliaferro, Jeffrey W., and Lobell, Steven E., Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), p. 118CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 Onea, Tudor, ‘Putting the “classical” in neoclassical realism: Neoclassical realist theories and US expansion in the post-Cold War’, International Relations, 26:2 (2012), pp. 139–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Quinn, ‘Kenneth Waltz, Adam Smith and the limits of science’, p. 160.

31 Lobell, Ripsman, and Taliaferro (eds), Neoclassical Realism, the State, and Foreign Policy, pp. 37, 139.

32 Mark R. Brawley, ‘Analytical Liberalism versus Neo-Classical Realism: Domestic Politics and British Foreign Policy, 1900–1914’, SSRN Scholarly Paper (Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network, 2009); Christensen, Thomas J., Useful Adversaries: Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, and Sino-American Conflict, 1947–1958 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Cladi, Lorenzo and Webber, Mark, ‘Italian foreign policy in the post-Cold War Period: a neoclassical realist approach’, European Security, 20:2 (2011), pp. 205–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lobell, Steven E., The Challenge of Hegemony: Grand Strategy, Trade, and Domestic Politics (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marsh, Kevin, ‘“Leading from behind”: Neoclassical realism and Operation Odyssey Dawn’, Defense and Security Analysis, 30:2 (2014), pp. 120–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosa, Paolo and Foradori, Paolo, ‘Politics does not stop at the “nuclear edge”: Neoclassical realism and the making of China's military doctrine’, Italian Political Science Review, 47:3 (November 2017), pp. 359–84Google Scholar.

33 Caverley, Jonathan D., ‘Power and democratic weakness: Neoconservatism and neoclassical realism’, Millenium Journal of International Studies, 38:3 (2010), pp. 593614CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dueck, Colin, ‘Ideas and alternatives in American grand strategy, 2000–2004’, Review of International Studies, 30:4 (2004), pp. 511–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dueck, Colin, Reluctant Crusaders: Power, Culture, and Change in American Grand Strategy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hadfield-Amkhan, Amelia, British Foreign Policy, National Identity, and Neoclassical Realism (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010)Google Scholar; He, Kai, ‘Explaining United States–China relations: Neoclassical realism and the nexus of threat–interest perceptions’, The Pacific Review, 30:2 (March 2017), pp. 133–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kitchen, ‘Systemic pressures and domestic ideas’; Kitchen, ‘Ideas of power and the power of ideas’; Onea, ‘Putting the “classical” in neoclassical realism’; Onea, Tudor, US Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Quinn, Adam, US Foreign Policy in Context: National Ideology from the Founders to the Bush Doctrine, Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy (London and New York: Routledge, 2010)Google Scholar; Ripsman, Taliaferro, and Lobell, Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics; Schweller, Randall L., ‘Opposite but compatible nationalisms: a neoclassical realist approach to the future of US–China relations’, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 11:1 (March 2018), pp. 2348CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, Nicholas Ross, ‘The EU under a realist scope: Employing a neoclassical realist framework for the analysis of the EU's deep and comprehensive free trade agreement offer to Ukraine’, International Relations, 30:1 (March 2016), pp. 2948Google Scholar; Taliaferro, Jeffrey W., ‘State building for future wars: Neoclassical realism and the resource-extractive state’, Security Studies, 15:3 (2006), pp. 464–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wohlforth, William Curti, The Elusive Balance: Power and Perceptions During the Cold War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

34 Rose, ‘Neoclassical realism and theories of foreign policy’, p. 152.

35 Zakaria, Fareed, From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America's World Role, Princeton Studies in International History and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), p. 34Google Scholar; emphasis added.

36 Brawley, ‘Analytical liberalism versus neo-classical realism’; Dyson, Stephen B., The Blair Identity: Leadership and Foreign Policy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Edelstein, David M., ‘Managingu uncertainty: Beliefs about intentions and the rise of great powers’, Security Studies, 12:1 (October 2002), pp. 140CrossRefGoogle Scholar; He, ‘Explaining United States–China relations’; Lobell, Steven E., ‘Bringing balancing back in: Britain's targeted balancing, 1936–1939’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 35:6 (2012), pp. 747–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marsh, Kevin, ‘Managing relative decline: a neoclassical realist analysis of the 2012 US defense strategic guidance’, Contemporary Security Policy, 33:3 (December 2012), pp. 487511CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wohlforth, The Elusive Balance; Friedberg, Aaron L., The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of Relative Decline, 1895–1905 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

37 Brawley, ‘Analytical liberalism versus neo-classical realism’; He, ‘Explaining United States–China relations’; Lobell, ‘Bringing balancing back in’, pp. 153–4; Marsh, ‘Managing relative decline’; Zakaria, From Wealth to Power.

38 Dyson, The Blair Identity: Leadership and Foreign Policy, p. 16.

39 Ibid., p. 22.

40 Dueck, Reluctant Crusaders; Hadfield-Amkhan, British Foreign Policy, National Identity, and Neoclassical Realism; Schweller, Randall L., Unanswered Threats: Political Constraints on the Balance of Power, Princeton Studies in International History and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, 2006)Google Scholar; Schweller, Randall L., ‘Unanswered threats: a neoclassical realist theory of underbalancing’, International Security, 29:2 (2004), pp. 159201CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jennifer Sterling-Folker, ‘Neoclassical realism and identity: Peril despite profit across the Taiwan Strait’, in Lobell, Ripsman, and Taliaferro (eds), Neoclassical Realism, The State, and Foreign Policy, pp. 99–138; Layne, Christopher, The Peace of Illusions: American Grand Strategy from 1940 to the Present, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

41 Caverley, ‘Power and democratic weakness’; Colin Dueck, ‘Neoclassical realism and the national interest: Presidents, domestic politics, and major military interventions’, in Lobell, Ripsman, and Taliaferro (eds), Neoclassical Realism, The State, and Foreign Policy; Schweller, ‘Opposite but compatible nationalisms’; Smith, Keith, ‘Realist foreign policy analysis with a twist: the Persian Gulf Security Complex and the rise and fall of dual containment’, Foreign Policy Analysis, 12:3 (2016), pp. 315–33Google Scholar.

42 Smith, ‘The EU under a realist scope'.

43 Dueck, ‘Ideas and alternatives in American grand strategy, 2000–2004’, p. 529; Kitchen, ‘Systemic pressures and domestic ideas’; Kitchen, ‘Ideas of power and the power of ideas’; Onea, US Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era.

44 Dueck, Reluctant Crusaders, p. 25.

45 Waltz, Theory of International Politics, p. 98; Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, p. 53.

46 Kitchen, ‘Systemic pressures and domestic ideas’, p. 128.

47 Ibid.; Snyder, Richard C. et al. , Foreign Policy Decision-Making, Revisited (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 49Google Scholar.

48 Waltz, Theory of International Politics, p. 88; quoted in Stacie Goddard, E. and Nexon, Daniel H., ‘Paradigm lost? Reassessing theory of international politics’, European Journal of International Relations, 11:1 (March 2005), p. 39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, p. 299; see also Guzzini, ‘The enduring dilemmas of realism in International Relations’, p. 536.

49 Jackson and Nexon, ‘Constructivist realism or realist-constructivism?’, p. 339; Sears, ‘The neoclassical realist research program’, p. 24; Wivel, Anders, ‘Realism in foreign policy analysis’, in Denemark, –Robert A. and Marlin-Bennett, Renée (eds), The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), p. 10Google Scholar.

50 Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics, pp. 396–9.

51 Fiammenghi, Davide, ‘“Anarchy is what states make of it”: True in a trivial sense; otherwise, wrong’, International Politics, 56:1 (February 2019), pp. 22–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Parent, Joseph M. and Baron, Joshua M., ‘Elder abuse: How the moderns mistreat classical realism’, International Studies Review, 13:2 (June 2011), p. 201CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jackson and Nexon, ‘Constructivist realism or realist-constructivism?’, p. 335.

53 John A. Hall, ‘Ideas and the social sciences’, in Goldstein and Keohane (eds), Ideas and Foreign Policy, p. 44.

54 Ripsman, Taliaferro, and Lobell, Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics, p. 106.

55 Ball, Terence, ‘Two concepts of coercion’, Theory and Society, 5:1 (1978), p. 101CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 King, Gary, Keohane, Robert O., and Verba, Sidney, Designing Social Inquiry: Scientific Inference in Qualitative Research (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 Hall, ‘Ideas and the social sciences’, p. 44; Yee, A. S., rationality, ‘Thick and missing, thebrute fact”: the limits of rationalist incorporations of norms and ides’, Journal of Politics, 59:4 (1997), p. 1024Google Scholar.

58 Blau, Judith, ‘The toggle switch of institutions: Religion and art in the U.S. in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’, Social Forces, 74:4 (1996), p. 1160CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Eastwood, Jonathan, ‘The role of ideas in Weber's theory of interests’, Critical Review, 17:1–2 (2005), p. 91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Swedberg, Richard, The Max Weber Dictionary: Key Words and Central Concepts (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005), p. 121Google Scholar.

59 Kitchen, ‘Systemic pressures and domestic ideas’, p. 128; Quinn, US Foreign Policy in Context, p. 23.

60 Schweller, ‘Unanswered threats’, p. 199.

61 Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, pp. 317–18.

62 Berman, Sheri, ‘Ideational theorizing in the social sciences since “policy paradigms, social learning, and the state”’, Governance: An International Journal of Policy, Administration, and Institutions, 26:2 (April 2013), p. 223CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

63 Dueck, ‘Ideas and alternatives in American grand strategy, 2000–2004’, p. 521.

64 Jervis, Robert, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976), pp. 198–9Google Scholar; Foulon, Michiel, ‘Neoclassical realism: Challengers and bridging identities’, International Studies Review, 17:4 (December 2015), p. 18Google Scholar; Rose, ‘Neoclassical realism and theories of foreign policy’, p. 152.

65 Hall, Peter A. (ed.), The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Kingdon, John W., Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies, 2nd edn (Boston: Pearson, 2010)Google Scholar.

66 Hall, ‘Ideas and the social sciences'.

67 Berman, Sheri, The Social Democratic Movement: Ideas and Politics in the Making of Interwar Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

68 Campbell, John L., ‘Institutional analysis and the role of ideas in political economy’, Theory and Society, 27:3 (1998), pp. 377409CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 Sabatier, Paul and Jenkins-Smith, Hank C. (eds), Policy Change and Learning: An Advocacy Coalition Approach (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

70 Beland, Daniel and Cox, Robert Henry, Ideas and Politics in Social Science Research (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

71 Goldstein and Keohane (eds), Ideas and Foreign Policy, p. 10.

72 Keohane, ‘Ideas part-way down’, p. 129.

73 Gofas, Andreas and Hay, Colin, The Role of Ideas in Political Analysis: A Portrait of Contemporary Debates (London: Routledge, 2010), p. 18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74 Simon, Herbert A., ‘Rational choice and the structure of the environment’, Psychological Review, 63:2 (1956), pp. 129–38CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

75 Ibid., p. 119.

76 Goldstein and Keohane (eds), Ideas and Foreign Policy, p. 5.

77 Ripsman, Taliaferro, and Lobell, Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics, p. 105; see also Barkin, ‘Realist constructivism’, p. 329.

78 King, Keohane, and Verba, Designing Social Inquiry, pp. 75–84.

79 Brodin, Katarina, ‘Belief systems, doctrines, and foreign policy: a presentation of two alternative models for the analysis of foreign policy decision-making’, Cooperation and Conflict, 11 (1972), p. 104Google Scholar; Grafstein, ‘Behavioralism and the operationalization of psychological variables’; Holsti, ‘The “operational code” approach to the study of political leaders’, p. 153.

80 See Weingast, Barry R., ‘A rational choice perspective on the role of ideas: Shared belief systems and state sovereignty in international cooperation’, Politics & Society, 23:4 (December 1995), pp. 449–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

81 Laffey and Weldes, ‘Beyond belief’, p. 206.

82 Goldstein and Keohane (eds), Ideas and Foreign Policy, p. 20.

83 Berman, ‘Ideational theorizing in the social sciences', p. 228.

84 Hall, The Political Power of Economic Ideas, p. 367.

85 Sikkink, Kathryn, Ideas and Institutions: Developmentalism in Brazil and Argentina (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), pp. 242–51Google Scholar.

86 Goldstein, Judith, Ideas, Interests, and American Trade Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), p. 18Google Scholar.

87 Kingdon, Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies, p. 122.

88 Cray, Wesley D. and Schroeder, Timothy, ‘An ontology of ideas’, Journal of the American Philosophical Association, 1:4 (2015), p. 762CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

89 Berman, ‘Ideational theorizing in the social sciences’, p. 228.

90 Beland and Cox, Ideas and Politics in Social Science Research, p. 9.

91 Krebs, Ronald R. and Jackson, Patrick Thaddeus, ‘Twisting tongues and twisting arms: the power of political rhetoric’, European Journal of International Relations, 13:1 (2007), p. 36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Finlayson, Alan, ‘From beliefs to arguments: Interpretive methodology and rhetorical political analysis’, The British Journal of Politics & International Relations, 9:4 (2007), p. 552CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lakoff, George, ‘Body, brain, and communication’, in Brook, James and Boal, Iain A. (eds), Resisting the Virtual Life: The Culture and Politics of Information (San Francisco: City Lights, 1995), pp. 115–29Google Scholar.

93 This process may be understood as a discourse, defined as an ‘interactive process of conveying ideas’ where carriers engage in ‘language games’. Schmidt, Vivien A., ‘Taking ideas and discourse seriously: Explaining change through discursive institutionalism as the fourth “new institutionalism”’, European Political Science Review, 2:1 (2010), p. 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Blyth, Mark, Great Transformations: Economic Ideas and Institutional Change in the Twentieth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chadwick, Andrew, ‘Studying political ideas: a public political discourse approach’, Political Studies, 48 (2000), p. 288CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jacobs, Alan M., ‘Process-tracing the effects of ideas’, in Bennett, Andrew and Checkel, Jeffrey T. (eds), Process Tracing in the Social Sciences: From Metaphor to Analytic Tool (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 48Google Scholar; Krebs and Jackson, ‘Twisting tongues and twisting arms’, p. 36; Laffey and Weldes, ‘Beyond belief’, p. 208.

94 Cray and Schroeder, ‘An ontology of ideas’, p. 759. Ideas may well be understood, like in Cray and Schroeder, as certain, aggregated, historically particular systems of mental states (beliefs) that are communicated socially (externalised). This social communication may even solve Cray and Schroeder's metaphysical puzzle, that is, how ideas can survive beyond the initial belief, namely through their use in language. Cray and Schroeder, ‘An ontology of ideas’, p. 772.

95 Campbell, John L., ‘Ideas, politics, and public policy’, Annual Review of Sociology, 28 (2002), p. 29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldstein and Keohane (eds), Ideas and Foreign Policy, pp. 17, 173–75; Weingast, ‘A rational choice perspective on the role of ideas'.

96 Laffey and Weldes, ‘Beyond belief'’, p. 197.

97 Jacobs, ‘Process-tracing the effects of ideas’, p. 45.

98 Janis, Irving L., Victims of Groupthink, 2nd edn (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1973)Google Scholar; Mintz, Alex and Wayne, Carly, The Polythink Syndrome: U.S. Foreign Policy Decisions on 9/11, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and ISIS (Stanford University Press, 2016)Google Scholar.

99 King, Keohane, and Verba, Designing Social Inquiry, p. 41.

100 Jacobs, ‘Process-tracing the effects of ideas’, p. 54.

101 George, Alexander L., ‘The causal nexus between cognitive beliefs and decision-making behavior: the “operational code” belief system’, in Falkowksi, Lawrence S. (ed.), Psychological Models in International Politics (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1979), p. 114Google Scholar.

102 Laffey and Weldes, ‘Beyond belief’, p. 198; Goldstein, Ideas, Interests, and American Trade Policy, pp. 5–9.

103 Sørensen, Camilla T. N., ‘Is China becoming more aggressive? A neoclassical realist analysis’, Asian Perspective, 37:3 (July 2013), pp. 363–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 Snyder et al., Foreign Policy Decision-Making, Revisited, pp. 104–10.

105 Kitchen, ‘Systemic pressures and domestic ideas’, p. 132.

106 Allison, Graham T. and Halperin, Morton H., ‘Bureaucratic politics: a paradigm and some policy implications’, World Politics, 24 (1972), p. 57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

107 Dueck, ‘Ideas and alternatives in American grand strategy, 2000–2004’, p. 522.

108 Quinn, US Foreign Policy in Context, pp. 22–4.

109 Mead, Walter Russell, Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York: Routledge Chapman Hall, 2002)Google Scholar; Western, Jon, Selling Intervention & War: The Presidency, the Media, and the American Public (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Kohout, John J. et al. , ‘Alternative grand strategy options for the United States’, Comparative Strategy, 14:4 (October 1995), pp. 361420CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Posen, Barry R. and Ross, Andrew L., ‘Competing visions of US grand strategy’, International Security, 21:3 (1996), pp. 553CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gholz, Eugene, Press, Daryl G., and Sapolsky, Harvey M., ‘Come home, America: the strategy of restraint in the face of temptation’, International Security, 21:4 (April 1997), pp. 548CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

110 Saunders, Elizabeth N., ‘Transformative choices: Leaders and the origins of intervention strategy’, International Security, 34:2 (autumn 2009), p. 126CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

111 This is analogous to one understanding of ‘strategic culture’, for example, as the ‘total sum of ideas’ carried and deliberated by foreign policy elites that concern the appropriate combination of goals and means; see Gray, Colin S., ‘Strategic culture as context: the first generation of theory strikes back’, Review of International Studies, 25:1 (1999), p. 131CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jack L. Snyder, ‘The Soviet Strategic Culture: Implications for Limited Nuclear Operations’, Air Force Report (Santa Monica, CL: Rand, 1977), p. 8. The strategic culture literature tends to emphasise consistency, continuity, and coherence not least because of its focus on longer-term strategic positioning; for a similar point, see Bloomfield, Alan, ‘Time to move on: Reconceptualizing the strategic culture debate’, Contemporary Security Policy, 33:3 (December 2012), pp. 437–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On strategic culture and neoclassical realism, see also Glenn, John, ‘Realism versus strategic culture: Competition and collaboration?’, International Studies Review, 11:3 (2009), pp. 523–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 In principle, this holds for presidential as well as parliamentary systems, and could broadly even apply to autocracies (in which ideational competition may take on less open forms). For example, it might explain the Russian foreign policy elite's back-and-forth between policies of cooperation and balancing of the West. Kropatcheva, Elena, ‘Russian foreign policy in the realm of European security through the lens of neoclassical realism’, Journal of Eurasian Studies, 3:1 (January 2012), pp. 3040CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

113 Janis, Victims of Groupthink.

114 Schweller, Randall, Deadly Imbalances: Tripolarity and Hitler's Strategy of World Conquest by Randall Schweller (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), pp. 167–69Google Scholar.

115 Zelikow, Philip, ‘Foreign policy engineering: From theory to practice and back again’, International Security, 18:4 (1994), p. 153CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

116 Hermann, Margaret G., ‘Leaders, leadership, and flexibility: Influences on heads of government as negotiators and mediators’, The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 542:1 (November 1995), p. 152CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hermann, Margaret G. and Preston, Thomas, ‘Presidents, advisers, and foreign policy: the effect of leadership style on executive arrangements’, Political Psychology, 15:1 (1994), pp. 7596CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

117 Beland and Cox, Ideas and Politics in Social Science Research, p. 4.

118 de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno et al. , The Logic of Political Survival (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

119 Lindblom, Charles E., ‘Still muddling, not yet through’, Public Administration Review, 39:6 (1979), p. 517CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

120 Ripsman, Taliaferro, and Lobell, Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics, pp. 46–53.

121 Weldes, Jutta, ‘Constructing national interests’, European Journal of International Relations, 2:3 (September 1996), p. 289CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

122 Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, p. 319; Sterling-Folker, Jennifer, ‘Realist environment, liberal process, and domestic-level variables’, International Studies Quarterly, 41:1 (1997), p. 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

123 Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, p. 312; Waltz, Theory of International Politics, pp. 69–70; Sterling-Folker, ‘Realism and the constructivist challenge’, p. 76; Schweller, ‘The progressiveness of neoclassical realism’, pp. 325–32.

124 Sterling-Folker, ‘Realist environment, liberal process, and domestic-level variables’, p. 18; Taliaferro, ‘State building for future wars’, p. 476; Waltz, Theory of International Politics, pp. 76–7.

125 Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, p. 317; Schweller, ‘Unanswered threats’.

126 Where such punishment occurs, it does not imply that the influence of ideas on decision-making will over time decrease, that decision-making necessarily ‘improves’, or that different states become identical in how they process interests and ideas. For an elaboration of this argument, see Fiammenghi, Davide et al. , ‘Correspondence: Neoclassical realism and its critics’, International Security, 43:2 (November 2018), pp. 193–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sterling-Folker, ‘Realism and the constructivist challenge’, pp. 88–9; Sterling-Folker, ‘Realist environment, liberal process, and domestic-level variables’, pp. 19–20; Taliaferro, ‘State building for future wars’, p. 476; Rathbun, ‘A rose by any other name’, pp. 309–10; Waltz, Theory of International Politics, pp. 91–2, 124.

127 Barkin, ‘Realist constructivism’, p. 329.