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Typographica: The medium and the medieval-to-modern transformation*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 1996

Ronald J. Deibert
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Extract

There is an emerging consensus among a growing body of scholars that the present era is one in which fundamental change is occurring. Among International Relations theorists, for example, John Ruggie has argued that we are witnessing ‘a shift not in the play of power politics but of the stage on which that play is performed’. Similarly, James Rosenau contends that the present era constitutes a historical break leading to a ‘postinternational politics’, while Mark Zacher has traced the ‘decaying pillars of the Westphalian Temple’. This belief in epochal change is mirrored outside of the mainstream of International Relations theory in, for example, pronouncements of the emergence of ‘the information age’, ‘post-industrialism’, ‘post-Fordism’, or, more generally, ‘postmodernism’. While these analyses differ widely in terms of their foci and theoretical concerns, there is at least one common thread running through each of them: the recognition that current transformations are deeply intertwined with developments in communications technologies, popularly known as the ‘information revolution’.

Type
Research Article
Information
Review of International Studies , Volume 22 , Issue 1 , January 1996 , pp. 29 - 56
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1996

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References

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36 Heyer, Communications and History, p. 115.

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41 My reading of evolutionary theory is derived mostly from the work of Stephen Jay Gould. See the series of collected essays beginning with Gould, Stephen Jay, Ever Since Darwin: Reflections in Natural History (New York, 1977)Google Scholar. My thanks to Darcy Cutler for help in formulating this analogy.

42 In other words, that modernity or capitalism did not arise in China or Korea as a result of the invention of printing does not falsify medium theory in any way. We would expect unique consequences depending on the social and historical context. That said, however, certain general ‘universal’ consequences have been observed across cultures as a result of the transition from primitive orality to writing. See Ong, Orality and Literacy; Goody, Jack, The Logic of Writing and the Organization of Society (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and The Interface Between the Written and the Oral (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar.

43 Goody, Interface Between Written and Oral, p. 3.

44 Innis, Bias of Communications, p. 4.

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52 Ibid., p. 15.

53 Ibid., p. 17.

54 Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973)Google Scholar.

55 This practice of unearthing unconscious boundaries and biases of thought is most often associated with the early work of Foucault. See especially Foucault, Michel, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York, 1970)Google Scholar, and The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language (New York, 1972)Google Scholar.

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58 Gellner, Ernest, Plough, Sword, and Book: The Structure of Human History (Chicago, 1988), p. 12Google Scholar.

59 As Adler puts it, the main components of the international system are treated as if ‘suspended in space’. See Adler, Emanuel, ‘Cognitive Evolution: A Dynamic Approach for the Study of International Relations and Their Progress’, in Adler, Emanuel and Crawford, Beverly (eds.), Progress in Postwar International Relations (New York, 1993), pp. 43–88Google Scholar. For similar views on the ahistorical tendencies of neorealism and neoliberalism, see Wendt, ‘Anarchy’, pp. 391–6; and Ashley, Richard K., ‘Three Modes of Economism’, International Studies Quarterly, 27 (1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (Boston, 1979)Google Scholar.

60 My formulation of ‘ecological holism’ is derived mostly from the work of the French Annales school of medieval historians, including Fernand Braudel, Marc Bloch, and more recently Jacques Le Goff. Apart from other works cited in this paper, see especially Braudel, Fernand, On History (tr. Sarah Matthews; Chicago, 1980)Google Scholar; and Le Goff, Jacques, The Medieval Imagination (tr. Arthur Goldhammer; Chicago, 1985)Google Scholar.

61 On p. 152 of ‘Territoriality’, Ruggie states the basic ecological holist position that ‘material environments, strategic behaviour, and social epistemology ‘ are ‘irreducible to one another’. See also John Gerard Ruggie, ‘Continuity and Transformation in World Politics: Towards a Neorealist Synthesis’, in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism; and Ruggie, John Gerard, ‘International Structure and International Transformation: Space, Time, and Method’, in Czempiel, Ernst-Otto and Rosenau, James N. (eds.), Global Changes and Theoretical Challenges (Lexington, 1989)Google Scholar. Other examples might include Haas, Ernst, ‘Words Can Hurt You; or Who Said What to Whom about Regimes’, in Krasner, Stephen D. (ed.), International Regimes (Ithaca, 1983)Google Scholar; Adler, ‘Cognitive Evolution’; Cox, ‘Social Forces, States, and World Order’; and Daniel Deudney's ongoing reconstruction of geopolitical theories, in Pax Atomica; Planetary Geopolitics and Republicanism (forthcoming, 1995) and ‘Bringing Nature Back In: Concepts, Problems, and Trends in Physiopolitical Theory from the Greeks to the Greenhouse’, in Deudney, Daniel and Matthew, Richard (eds.), Contested Grounds: Security and Conflict in the New Environmental Politics (New York, 1995)Google Scholar. While ecological holism shares an obvious commonality with the constructivist theories of Wendt, Friedrich Kratochwil and others, insofar as both focus on the historical malleability of interests, identities, and institutions, it differs from these approaches by recognizing the full extent to which environmental and technological factors also play a part in shaping human societies. Cf. Wendt, ‘Anarchy’; and Kratochwil, Friedrich, Rules, Norms, and Decisions: On the Conditions of Practical and Legal Reasoning in International Relations and Domestic Affairs (Cambridge, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In a footnote (p. 398 n. 27), Wendt concedes that some constructivist approaches may be ‘oversocialized’ when dealing with ‘presocial but non determining human needs’, but he goes no further in elaborating if and when other ‘material’ factors beyond neurophysiological traits, like climate or population, would enter into the picture. Of course, the differences between ecological holism and social constructivism are minimal compared to the similarities, especially in contrast to mainstream rationalist approaches, which treat identities and interests as relatively fixed.

62 This division does not imply temporal precedence of one over the other. In fact, the changes described here occur at different pulses and intervals, some evolving more slowly than others. Moreover, they are interdependent in the sense that changes in one sphere reinforce those in another.

63 It is common for international relations theorists to compare different ‘worlds’ across time which are, for the most part, geographically, politically, economically, and culturally bounded. For discussion of these themes, see Watson, Adam, The Evolution of International Society (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; Bull, Hedley and Watson, Adam (eds.), The Expansion of International Society (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar; Wight, Martin, Systems of States (Leicester, 1977)Google Scholar.

64 For various discussions, see Robert Cox, ‘Towards a Post-Hegemonic Conceptualization of World Order: Reflections on the Relevancy of Ibn Khaldun’, in Rosenau and Otto-Czempiel (eds.), Governance without Government; and Bull, Hedley, The Anarchical Society (New York, 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the notes that follow.

65 Robert Cox, ‘Structural Issues of Global Governance: Implications for Europe’, in Gill, Stephen (ed.), Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations (Cambridge, 1993), p. 259CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Ruggie, ‘Territoriality’, p. 152.

67 Eco, Umberto, Travels in Hyper Reality (New York, 1983), p. 73Google Scholar.

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70 See Lovejoy, Arthur, The Great Chain of Being (Cambridge, 1957)Google Scholar.

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73 Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy, p. 26.

74 See especially, Goody, Logic of Writing.

75 Gellner, Plough, Sword, and Book, p. 71.

76 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 14. This belief was more the case during the early Middle Ages, gradually becoming a contested site from the twelfth century onwards with the spread of literacy, as evidenced by the debate between nominalists and realists of the time. For a more thorough treatment of these issues, see Stock, Brian, Listeningfor the Text: On the Uses of the Past (Baltimore, 1990).Google Scholar

77 A number of telling anecdotes which nicely illustrate the revered status of the ‘Book’ in the Middle Ages are provided by Drogin, Marc in Biblioclasm: The Mythical Origins, Magic Powers, and Perishability of the Written Work (Princeton, 1989)Google Scholar. For example, it was widely held among medieval Christians that the alphabet was a gift from God. In writing it out, it was customary to begin with a cross, ‘because all knowledge began with God’ (p. 24). Written words were also widely held to have quasi-magical powers, as evidenced by the herbal medicine called ‘the holy salve’, in which the person making the concoction is instructed to write the words, ‘Matthew, Mark, Luke and John’ (p. 38). There are also many cases in which the text itself is attributed metaphysical powers, as in the Crusader's practice of wearing a parchment scroll beneath the coat of mail to ensure protection.

78 Anderson, Imagined Communities, pp. 15–16.

79 For discussion, see McKitterick, Rosamond, The Carolingians and the Written Word (New York, 1989), pp. 167–168CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

80 See Cantor, Norman, The Civilization of the Middle Ages (New York, 1993), pp. 149–153Google Scholar; and Miccoli, Giovanni, ‘Monks’, in Le Goff, Jacques (ed.), Medieval Callings (Chicago, 1987), p. 43Google Scholar.

81 Innis makes the connection between the rise of Islam and the cut-off of papyrus exports to the West. See Innis, Empires and Communications, p. 117.

82 Innis, Bias of Communications, p. 48.

83 Cantor, Civilization of the Middle Ages, p. 153. This is not to say that medieval monks did not transmit many important classical works; just that a form of censorship was involved in selecting which texts would be transmitted and which would not.

84 Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066–1307, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1993), p. 125Google Scholar.

85 Dudley, Leonard M., The Word and the Sword: How Technologies of Information and Violence have Shaped our World (Cambridge, 1991), p. 146Google Scholar.

86 Cantor, Civilization of the Middle Ages, p. 153.

87 Duby, Georges, ‘The Diffusion of Cultural Patterns in Feudal Society’, Past and Present, 39 (April 1968), p. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

88 See Stock, Brian, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton, 1993), pp. 35Google Scholar, 60–1.

89 Bioch, Marc, Feudal Society, vol. 1 (Chicago, 1961), p. 80Google Scholar.

90 Ibid.

91 Initially, the Church was enthusiastic about the printing press, using it as a tool in its anti-Turkish polemics. As a reflection of this, it is somewhat ironic that the first dated printed product from . Gutenberg's workshop was an indulgence. See Eisenstein, Elizabeth, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformation in Early Modern Europe, vol. I (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 317Google Scholar, 375.

92 See Barraclough, Geoffrey, The Medieval Papacy (London, 1968), pp. 194–195Google Scholar.

93 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 39.

94 Le Goff, Medieval Civilization, p. 148.

95 Febvre, Lucien and Martin, Henri-Jean, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing, 1450–1800 (London, 1976), p. 288Google Scholar.

96 See Edwards, Mark U., Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther (Los Angeles, 1994)Google Scholar.

97 This was evidenced by the fact that it was Rome which felt the need to formulate the Index Librorum Prohibitorum at the Council of Trent. It should be pointed out that the Church's opposition to print was by no means exclusive or permanent In fact, the word ‘propaganda’ has its origins in 1622 when a printing press was established in Rome primarily for that purpose. See Eisenstein, Printing Press, p. 326. By 1622, however, the monopoly over written information had long been breached.

98 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 40.

99 The way print facilitated scientific exchanges along these lines is thoroughly documented by Eisenstein, Printing Press, vol. II.

100 Strayer, Joseph, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State (Princeton, 1970)Google Scholar. See also Clanchy, From Memory.

101 Strayer, On Medieval Origins, p. 13.

102 This was a fairly regular pattern in the Middle Ages, as evidenced by the dissolution of the Carolingian and Ottonian dynasties, for example. In Poggi's words, medieval political rule ‘possessed an inherent tendency to shift the seat of effective power, the fulcrum of rule, downward toward the lower links in the chain of lord-vassal relations’. Poggi, Gianfranco, The Development of the Modern State: A Sociological Introduction (Stanford, 1970), p. 26Google Scholar.

103 Gellner, Ernst, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar. See also Buisseret, David (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago, 1992)Google Scholar, for the use of printed maps by centralizing state monarchs in surveillance of territorial spaces; and Luke, Carmen, Pedagogy, Printing and Protestantism: The Discourse on Childhood (New York, 1989)Google Scholar, for the relationship between printing and standardized public education as a tool of the early modern ‘disciplinary’ state.

104 Noteworthy in this respect is Cianchy's thesis that expanding literacy and the increased secular use of writing in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in England was a consequence of centralized governance and bureaucratic growth: ‘that lay literacy grew out of bureaucracy’. Clanchy, From Memory, p. 19. Here, Clanchy reminds us that social forces in favour of bureaucratization had emerged prior to printing, indeed, may have been at least partially responsible for its emergence.

105 See Wallerstein, Modern World System.

106 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 144. It is no coincidence that certain defining features of capitalism-the multinational corporation and the stock exchange, to name but two-were developed in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, a region which, unlike the south of Europe during the same period, had energetically encouraged widespread dissemination of print and literacy among the populace. See Dudley, Word and Sword, pp. 139–79.

107 Durkheim, Emile, The Division of Labour in Society (New York, 1933).Google Scholar

108 See Kaufer, David and Carley, Kathleen M., Communication at a Distance: The Influence of Print on Socio-cultural Organization and Change (Princeton, 1993)Google Scholar, p. 5; Goody, Logic of Writing; and Clanchy, From Memory, p. 263. For the use of printed newspapers in facilitating early modern commercial transactions, see McCusker, John J. and Gravesteijn, Cora, The Beginnings of Commercial and Financial Journalism: The Commodity Price Currents, Exchange Rate Currents, and Money Currents of Early Modern Europe (Amsterdam, 1991).Google Scholar

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110 Ruggie, ‘Territoriality’, p. 157.

111 Dumont, Louis, Essays in Individualism: Modern Ideology in Anthropological Perspective (Chicago, 1986), p. 62Google Scholar.

112 Ibid., p. 23.

113 See Le Goff, Jacques, Intellectuals in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar.

114 Lyon, John, The Invention of the Self: The Hinge of Consciousness in the Eighteenth Century (Carbondale, 1978), p. 37Google Scholar.

115 Ashley, Richard K., ‘Untying the Sovereign State: A Double Reading of the Anarchy Problematique’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 17 (1988), p. 230CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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117 As quoted Ibid., pp. 74–5.

118 Lyon, Invention of the Self, p. 67.

119 Ong, Orality and Literacy, p. 133.

120 Ibid., p. 131.

121 Chaytor, Henry John, From Script to Print: An Introduction to Medieval Vernaculars (London, 1945), p. 1Google Scholar.

122 Ong, Orality and Literacy, p. 131.

123 Febvre and Martin, Coming of the Book, p. 261.

124 Ong, Orality and Literacy, p. 133.

125 For an extensive discussion, see Chartier, Roger, ‘The Practical Impact of Print’, in Aries, Philippe and Duby, Georges (eds.), A History of Private Life, vol. III (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 111–159Google Scholar.

126 Ibid., p. 125.

127 Finnegan, Literacy and Orality, p. 28.

128 Chartier, ‘Practical Impact of Print’, p. 111.

129 Ruggie, ‘Territoriality’, p. 158.

130 For discussion, see Orest Ranum, ‘The Refuges of Intimacy’, and Jean Marie Goulemot, ‘Literary Practices: Publicizing the Private’, both in Aries and Duby (eds.), History of Private Life.

131 Ong, Orality and Literacy, p. 131.

132 Ruggie, ‘Territoriality’, p. 159.

133 Harvey, Condition of Postmodernity, p. 241.

134 Soja, Edward W., The Political Organization of Space, Resource Paper No. 8, Association of American Geographers (Washington, 1971), p. 9Google Scholar.

135 Walker, R. B. J., Insideloutside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge, 1993), p. 129Google Scholar.

136 Harvey, Condition of Postmodernity, p. 245.

137 McLuhan, Understanding Media, p. 157.

138 Lowe, Donald, A History of Bourgeois Perception (Chicago, 1982), p. 26Google Scholar.

139 McLuhan, Marshall and Fiore, Quentin, The Medium is the Message (New York, 1967), p. 49Google Scholar.

140 Ong, Orality and Literacy, p. 127.

141 For a discussion, see Guenee, Bernard, States and Rulers in Later Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1985), pp. 50–65Google Scholar.

142 Chaytor, From Script, p. 22.

143 Febvre and Martin, Coming of the Book, p. 319.

144 Chaytor, From Script, p. 34.

145 Febvre and Martin, Coming of the Book, p. 319.

146 Chaytor, From Script, p. 45.

147 Ibid., p. 46.

148 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 46.

149 Ibid., p. 26.

150 McLuhan, Gutenberg Galaxy, p. 260.