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Security by any other name: negative security, positive security, and a multi-actor security approach

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 February 2012

GUNHILD HOOGENSEN GJØRV
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Abstract

This article examines the challenges and contradictions between some of the leading conceptions of security within the field of International Relations (IR), from those stating that the concept can only be employed by the state with regard to immediate, existential threats, to those that see security as the foundation of social life or as a human good. This article continues a discussion that has taken place in the Review of International Studies regarding the development of positive security, examining the potential use of the terms ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ security to bring clarity to these diverging security perspectives and to argue for a multi-actor security approach. It is argued that positive security perspectives, which rely on non-violent measures, ensure an emphasis upon context, values, and security practices that build trust, and by use of a multi-actor security model, shows the dynamics between state and non-state actors in the creation of security.

Type
Research Article
Information
Review of International Studies , Volume 38 , Issue 4 , October 2012 , pp. 835 - 859
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2012

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References

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30 Much of the earlier work on human security, from reports like the Human Development Report on Human Security, to Human Security Now, as well as earlier academic writings, attempted to isolate a universalistic definition, Axworthy, Lloyd, ‘A New Scientific Field and Policy Lens’, Security Dialogue, 35:3 (2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; CHS, Human Security Now (Commission on Human Security, 2003)Google Scholar; UNDP, Human Development Report 1994 (1994). See for example, the use of thresholds as one criteria in Owen, ‘Human Security – Conflict, Critique and Consensus’ (2004).

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37 The Copenhagen School provides a good example of this in their argument for privileging the state as a security actor. The critical security approach does recognise other actors, but due to the prominence of the state as a security actor and its use of force, other actors are minimalised. Buzan, Wæver, and de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis.

38 Hoogensen and Stuvøy, ‘Human Security, Gender and Resistance'.

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42 McSweeney, Security, Identity and Interests. Bill McSweeney accounts for how the word security, both as noun and as verb, has changed in usage over the centuries, and how the noun developed to be synonymous with defence.

43 Ibid., p. 14; in Roe, ‘The “Value” of Positive Security', p. 778.

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60 These tensions between negative security approaches – increased militarised measures including barricaded government buildings, armed guards, surveillance, etc. – and positive security approaches that attempt to increase societal trust through political engagement and dialogue, have already been made clear in the ways in which Norway has handled the attacks of 22 July 2011. It remains to be seen what sort of balance between negative and positive security will result.

61 Buzan, Wæver, and de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis.

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65 The following model is based on an initial multi-actor framework that was, since 2004, initially developed under the International Polar Year project ‘The impacts of oil and gas activity on peoples of the Arctic using a multiple securities perspective’ (2007–2012). The model has since been influenced by empirical work in the IPY project, CREN project on civil-military relations, as well as discussions with the researchers at the Human Security Program, University of Tromsø. See further: Hoogensen and others, ‘Human Security in the Arctic – Yes, It Is Relevant!’.

66 See, for example, Booth, Ken, ‘Security and Empancipation’, Review of International Studies, 17 (1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Floyd, ‘Towards a Consequentialist Evaluation of Security’. Note too that the military and policymakers, though acting on behalf of the same state, are not to be conflated as one-and-the-same actor as they may not hold the same security perspective (see Durant, The Greening of the US Military).

67 UNDP, Human Development Report 1994.

68 Hoogensen, ‘Gender, Identity, and Human Security: Can We Learn Something from the Case of Women Terrorists?’

69 Gunhild Hoogensen and Jardar Gjørv, ‘Cimic Requirements and Education in Norway (Cren): Final Report’ (Tromsø: University of Tromsø, forthcoming); NATO, Ajp-9 Nato Civil-Military Co-Operation (Cimic) Doctrine 2003. AJP-9.

70 These attempts and their developments can be followed through the various combinations, manifestations and permutations of civil-military cooperation, articulated at the tactical, operational and strategic levels, known as CIMIC (Civil-Military Cooperation at NATO), CIMCoord (Civil-Military Coordination), Civil-Military Operations, Civil-Military planning, enhanced civil-military cooperation, civil-military interaction, the Comprehensive Approach, Effect-Based Approach Operations (EBAO), Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs), Integrated Operations, etc. In all cases it is recognised that security cannot be sustained (and here security is limited to just physical security) without attending to a broader scope of factors that create a fully secure situation (economic, social, etc.).

71 Mona W Claussen, ‘Danskene Har Startet Debatten Norske Politikere Venter Med (the Danish Have Started the Debate That Norwegian Politicians Continue to Wait for)’, Aftenposten (2011); Marie Melgård and others, ‘Med Fakler Og Roser Gir Vi Verden Beskjed. Vi Lar Ikke Frykten Knekke Oss (with Torches and Roses We Send the World a Message. We Do Not Let Fear Break Us)’, Dagbladet (2011); Mathias Vedeler, ‘Sikring Av Gaten Var Forsinket (Securing the Street Was Delayed)’, Aftenposten (2011).

72 Floyd, ‘Towards a Consequentialist Evaluation of Security’, p. 339.

73 Stuvøy, ‘Security under Construction: A Bourdieusian Approach to Non-State Crisis Centres in Northwest Russia’, p. 33.

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91 In fact, Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver overlooked this region, despite its previous Cold War significance and current importance regarding climate change, in their book on regional security complexes, Buzan, B. and Wæver, O., Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Inuit Circumpolar conference, Pomor trade, Calotte, Barents region.

93 Mari Torsdotter Hauge, ‘Enige Om Delelinje I Barentshavet Etter 40 År (Agreement on Demarcation Line in the Barents Sea after 40 Years)’, Aftenposten (27 April 2011).

94 About Arctic Council, {http://arctic-council.org/article/about} accessed 7 August 2011.

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97 Janice Gross Stein and Thomas S. Axeworthy, ‘The Arctic Council Is Best Way for Canada to Resolve Its Territorial Disputes’, Globe and Mail (2011).

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99 ‘Gas fuels new cold war in the Arctic’, Scotland on Sunday (4 June 2006) available at: {http://news.scotsman.com/international.cfm?id=824612006} accessed 31 March 2007.

100 These ‘local’ or community voices are coming more and more to the fore through the research and reports conducted through the Arctic Council, through the International Polar Year (2006–2008) initiative, as well as through various Arctic NGOs and scientific organisations such as the International Arctic Science Committee (IASC) and the International Arctic Social Science Association (IASSA).

101 Chris Arsenault, ‘A Scramble for Thearctic’, AlJazeera English edition (8 December 2010), available at: {http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2010/11/20101130181427770987.html}.