Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 October 2009
There have been three dominant approaches specific to the study of the foreign policy of the Federal Republic. Perhaps the most influential has concentrated on relating the dynamics of West German foreign policy to changing inter and intra bloc relationships. This approach has started from the premise that both German states are simultaneously embedded in their respective bloc systems and occupy a crucial strategic position at the point where these blocs directly impinge on each other. It has therefore cast its explanation in terms of inter and intra bloc relationships.
1. Some studies on West German foreign policy employ West Germany as a case study in a more general approach. The most useful example is Hanrieder, Wolfram, West German Foreign Policy 1949–63: International Pressure and Domestic Response (Stanford, Calif., 1967)Google Scholar.
2. See esp. Windsor, P., Germany and the Management of Detente (London, 1971)Google Scholar; Kaiser, K., Germany Foreign Policy in Transition (London, 1968)Google Scholar.
3. See esp. Gabbe, Jorg, Parteien und Nation—Zur Rolle des Nationalbewusstseins fiir die politischen Grundorientierungen der Parteien in der Grundungsphase der BRD (Verlag Anton Hain, meisenheim am Glan, 1976)Google Scholar; Besson, Waldemar, Die Aussenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Erfahrungen and Masstdbe (Munich, 1970)Google Scholar; Besson, Waldemar, The Federal Republic's National Interest, 21, Aussenpolitik, No. 2 (1970), pp. 123–135Google Scholar; Paterson, W. E., ‘Foreign Policy and Stability in West Germany’, International Affairs, (1973), pp. 413–430CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schweigler, Gebhart L., National Consciousness in Divided Germany (London, 1975)Google Scholar; Ibid. A New Political Giant? West German Foreign Policy in the I970's The World Today, (1975), pp. 134–141Google Scholar.
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5. Op. cit. footnote 1.
6. Ashkenasi, A., Reformpartei and Aussenpolitik (Cologne, 1968), p.204CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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9. There have of course been many West German theses labouring the discrepancy between the foreign policy of the SPD and socialist theory.
10. Rose identified the socialist principles as a belief in international cooperation, class consciousness in foreign affairs, supranationalism and anti-militarism.
11. See esp. Eisner, Erich, Das Europdische Konzept von F. J. Strauss (Verlag Anton Hain, Meisenheim am Glan, 1975)Google Scholar; Bischoff, Dettlef, Die Aussenpolitische Konzeption der CSU und Ihre Durchsetzung in der Grossen Koalition, Phd (Berlin, 1972)Google Scholar; Ashkenasi, A., Modern German Nationalism (New York, 1976), pp. 161–188Google Scholar; Mintzel, A., Geschichte der CSU (Westdeutscher Verlag, 1977), pp.272–297CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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13. This was very apparent in the 1950s and 1960s, but is still apparent in sensitive appointments, e.g. the appointment of Klaus Schiitz as German Ambassador to Israel.
14. The CDU/CSU were able to have some influence on the ‘Ostpolitik’ of the SPD/FDP government of 1969–72 given the extremely precarious majority possessed by the government. On some aspects of foreign policy it is necessary for the government to have a majority in the Bundesrat. This gives the opposition a second chance to influence the government since it happens quite often (as at present) that the opposition party to the federal government is in power in a majority of the states and this disposes of a majority in the Bundesrat. An added complication is posed by the referral of treaties to the Bundesverfassungsgericht.
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