Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-8ctnn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T17:52:08.018Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Other in European self-definition: an addendum to the literature on international society*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 October 2009

Extract

The dominant role of the realist paradigm in international relations theory has left little room for the study of the role of cultural variables in world politics. The two central tenets of the realist theoretical game-plan—the primacy of the sovereign state system, and the autonomy of that system, from domestic political, social and moral considerations—focus our attention on the vertical division of the world into sovereign states, rather than on the horizontal forces and ties that cut across state frontiers. The result is the metaphor for the interaction of states as the mechanical one of the billiard table, with power politics as the primary dynamic.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Sartre, Jean-Paul, Being and Nothingness. An Essay on Phenomenological Ontology (London, 1957), p. 223.Google Scholar

2 Cf. e.g. Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (Reading, 1979), chs. 1–4.Google Scholar

3 Linklater, Andrew, Beyond Realism and Marxism: Critical Theory and International Relations (London, 1990), p. 14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 For a summary of this position, cf. Vincent, R. J., ‘Realpolitik’, in Mayall, James (ed.), The Community of States (London, 1982), p. 74.Google Scholar

5 The classic statement is provided by Morgenthau, Hans, Politics Among Nations (New York, fifth edn, 1978), pp. 415.Google Scholar

6 Bull, Hedley, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (London, 1977), pp. 1316CrossRefGoogle Scholar and passim.

7 Cf. e.g. Linklater, Andrew, Men and Citizens and the Theory of International Relations (London, 1982).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 Wight, Martin, Systems of States, ed. Bull, Hedley (Leicester, 1977), p. 33.Google Scholar

9 Bull, , The Anarchical Society, pp. 316317.Google Scholar

10 Bull, Hedley and Watson, Adam (eds.), The Expansion of International Society (Oxford, 1984), p. 435Google Scholar. Watson, Adam, ‘Hedley Bull, states systems and international societies’, Review of International Studies, 13 (1987), pp. 147–53Google Scholar, which is an account of his cooperation with Bull, on p. 149 stresses how ‘We also recognized that what really and decisively made the settler states of the Americas consider themselves, and be considered, members of the European family was that they were European or European-dominated-in other words the cultural factor, as in the Ottoman case’.

11 Lyotard, Jean-François, The Postmodern Condition. A Report on Knowledge (Manchester, 1984).Google Scholar

12 Wight, , Systems, p. 18.Google Scholar

13 Gulick, Edward V.: Europe's Classical Balance of Power: A Case History of the Theory and Practice of One of the Great Concepts of European Statecraft (New York, 1967), p. 10.Google Scholar

14 Bull identifies the process we are referring to, but does not address it directly: ‘The standard view [i.e., what we have called the diffusion view of international society], moreover, neglects the influence of Asian international practices on the evolution of European ones: the international society to which non-European powers came to adhere was not one made in a Europe isolated from the rest of the world, but grew up concurrently with the expansion of Europe into other continents over four centuries, and was marked by this experience.’ Bull, Hedley, ‘The Emergence of a Universal International Society’ in Bull, and Watson, , Expansion, pp. 117–26, on p. 123.Google Scholar

15 Dalby, Simon, Creating the Second Cold War. The Discourse of Politics (London, 1990), p. 4.Google Scholar

16 Harbsmeier, Michael, ‘Early Travels to Europe: some remarks on the magic of writing’, in Barker, Francis et al. (eds.), Europe and Its Others (Colchester, 1985), pp. 7288Google Scholar, on p. 72, is among those who stress how ‘the European’ was defined by means of an Other: ‘early modern European civilisation came to make its own ability properly to describe and understand the other, its own proper literacy, into the very definition of its own identity as against the rest of the world’.

17 There are precedents for the existence of a positive Other, most notably in eighteenth-century Enlightenment thinking. Hence, for example, Rousseau pointed to the merits of the ‘noble savage’. Where relations with ‘the Turk’ are concerned, an alternative European tradition stretching back to Cusanus has held that if the two parties could only engage in dialogue, positive results would surely follow.

18 Hilgard, Ernest R. et al., Introduction to Psychology (New York, 1985), pp. 181–97.Google Scholar

19 Said, Edward, Orientalism (1978; Harmondsworth, 1985), p. 3Google Scholar. Apart from two passing remarks about Kissinger's view of the Orient on pp. 47–8 and Cardinal Newman's use of Orientalism to justify British intervention in the Crimean War on p. 153, Said does not discuss the implications of his findings for international relations.

20 Simmel, Georg, ‘The Stranger’, in Simmel, Georg, On Individuality and Social Forces. Selected Writings, ed. Levine, Donald N. (Chicago, 1970), pp. 143–9.Google Scholar

21 E.g. Epstein, Arnold L., Ethnos and Identity. Three Studies in Ethnicity (London, 1978).Google Scholar

22 Schmitt, Carl, Der Begriff des Politischen (1932; Munich, 1936), p. 14Google Scholar. Michael J. Shapiro actually echoes Schmitt when he suggests that foreign policy generally is about making an Other. See Shapiro, Michael J., The Politics of Representation (Madison, 1988).Google Scholar

23 ‘Indeed, if the idea of Europeanism is to be realised, it will inevitably be based on dualism. Europeanism will not be an alternative to dualism, Europeanism is from beginning to end just a new application of dualistic patterns. And in this application, there are candidates for the role of common unifying enemy: Islam in religion, Japan and the other Pacific–Asian countries in economic competition, and the United States in economics, politics and security.‘ Harle, Vilho, ‘European Roots of Dualism and Its Alternatives in International Relations’, in Harle, Vilho (ed.), European Values in International Relations (London, 1990), pp. 114, on p. 11.Google Scholar

24 Naff, Thomas, ‘The Ottoman Empire and the European States System’, in Bull, and Watson, , Expansion, pp. 143–70, on p. 143.Google Scholar

25 Bull, , The Anarchical Society, p. 14Google Scholar. However, see also Watson, , Hedley BullGoogle Scholar.

26 Cited in Gong, Gerrit W., The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Society (Oxford, 1984), p. 113Google Scholar. See also Wight, , Systems, p. 116.Google Scholar

27 ‘The barbarians in question […] cannot be barred from being true owners, alike in public or in private law, by reason of the sin of unbelief or any other mortal sin, nor does such sin entitle Christians to seize their goods and lands.’ Vitoria's De Indis et de Ivre Belli cited in Gong, Standard, p. 36; also Parkinson, F., The Philosophy of International Relations (Beverly Hills, 1977), pp. 1824Google Scholar; Bull, Hedley, Kingsbury, Benedict and Roberts, Adam (eds.), Hugo Grotius and International Relations (Oxford, 1990), pp. 43–4.Google Scholar

28 Lewis, Bernard, Tanner Lectures, Oxford University, 26 February, 1990.Google Scholar

29 Rodinson, Maxime, Europe and the Mystique of Islam (London, 1987), p. 7.Google Scholar

30 ‘It had been some time since the war against the Eastern infidels had been able to unite the West in a common struggle. The plan for the expansion of a united Christian Europe gave way, once and for all, to nationalistic political projects.’ Ibid. p. 29. The use of the adjective ‘nationalistic’ is anachronistic.

31 Strémooukhoff, Dimitri, ‘Moscow and the Third Rome: Sources of the Doctrine’, Speculum, 28 (1953), pp. 84–101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 Schwoebel, Robert, The Shadow of the Crescent: The Renaissance Image of the Turk (Nieuwkoop, 1967), p. ix.Google Scholar

33 Hay, Denys, Europe: The Emergence of An Idea (New York, 1966), pp. 26.Google Scholar

34 Moreover, the ancient Greeks entertained the idea of an internal Other in relation to which the Greek city state defined itself, the pharmakos (magician; poisoner; the one sacrificed in expiation for the sins of the city), which illustrates that both types of ‘Otherness’ were operative at least from the time of the beginnings of writte n history; Derrida, Jacques, ‘Plato's Pharmacy’ in Dissemination (London, 1981), pp. 61–171, on p. 132.Google Scholar

35 Schwoebel, , Shadow, p. 4.Google Scholar

36 Schwoebel, , Shadow, p. 19.Google Scholar

37 Schwoebel, , Shadow, p. 23.Google Scholar

38 Cited in Schwoebel, , Shadow, p. 71.Google Scholar

39 Rodinson, , Europe, pp. 32–3.Google Scholar

40 Schwoebel, , Shadow, p. 150.Google Scholar

41 E.g. presentation in Meinecke, Friedrich, Machiavellism; The Doctrine of Raison d'Etat and Its Place in Modern History (1924; London, 1957), ch. 3.Google Scholar

42 Botero, Giovanni, The Reason of State (1589; London, 1956), pp. 164–5Google Scholar, Book VIII, 13; pp. 222–3, Book X, 9. The parenthesis was added to the 1590 and 1596 editions.

43 Cf. Baumer, Franklin L., ‘England, the Turk, and the Common Corps of Christendom’, The American Historical Review, 50 (1944), pp. 2648.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44 Rodinson, , Europe, pp. 34–5.Google Scholar

45 Baumer, , ‘England’, pp. 27–8.Google Scholar

46 Naff, in Bull, and Watson, , Expansion, p. 148Google Scholar. In fact, the Turkish attitude towards diplomatic relations with the Europeans parallels the Chinese emperor's view of commercial relations with the Japanese; where the latter saw trade, the former saw tribute, see Suganami, Hidemi, ‘Japan's Entry into International Society’, ibid. pp. 185–99.Google Scholar

47 Schwoebel, , Shadow, p. 204.Google Scholar

48 Bull, Hedley, ‘The Importance of Grotius in the Study of International Relations’, in Bull, , Kingsbury, and Roberts, , Grotius, pp. 6593, on pp. 76–7.Google Scholar

49 George, Alexander and Craig, Gordon, Force and Statecraft. Diplomatic Problems of Our Time (New York, 2nd edn, 1990), pp. 316.Google Scholar

50 Treatments of Kant as a statist include Hinsley, F. H., Power and the Pursuit of Peace. Theory and Practice in the History of Relations between States (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 6280Google Scholar and Gallie, W. B., Philosophers of Peace and War (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 836.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51 Purnell, Robert, The Society of States (London, 1973), p. 14.Google Scholar

52 Wight, , Systems, p. 128Google Scholar. See also Bull, , Kingsbury, and Roberts, , Grotius, pp. 47–8Google Scholar; ‘Grotius may thus be understood as embracing a minimum content of universally applicable rules of the jus gentium […] with a pluralist overlay of additional norms based on custom or consent or the values of the peoples concerned.’

53 ‘ “We are bidden to exclude no class of men from our deeds of kindness”, says Grotius, but the Christian law “ought to be received with due regard to difference in degree, so that we should be doers of good to all, but particularly to those who share the same religion”.’ Bull, , Kingsbury, , and Roberts, , Grotius, p. 14.Google Scholar

54 Grotius, Hugo, The Rights of War and Peace: Including the Law of Nature and Nations (Westport, 1979), p. 146.Google Scholar

55 Naff, in Bull, and Watson, , Expansion, p. 144.Google Scholar

56 Lewis, , Tanner Lectures, 12 March 1990.Google Scholar

57 The Treaty of Carlowitz was also the first instance in which the Turk was invited to participate in a European congress. In addition, by signing the treaty, the Ottoman Empire acknowledged the formal existence of non-Muslim states for the first time. Cf. McKay, Derek and Scott, H. M., The Rise of the Great Powers: 1648–1815 (London, 1983), p. 76.Google Scholar

58 Lewis, , Tanner Lectures, 5 March 1990.Google Scholar

59 Lewis, , Tanner Lectures, 5 March 1990.Google Scholar

60 Parkinson, , Philosophy, p. 24Google Scholar; also Gong, , Standard, p. vii.Google Scholar

61 Gulick, , Balance, p. 10.Google Scholar

62 All cited in Gulick, , Balance, p. 11.Google Scholar

63 Burke, Edmund, The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke (London, 1907), VI, pp. 155–7Google Scholar. See also Welsh, Jennifer M.: ‘Edmund Burke and the Commonwealth of Europe: The Conservative Crusade against the French Revolution’, MPhil thesis, Oxford University, 1989).Google Scholar

64 The Parliamentary History of England (London, 1816), XXVIII, cols. 7677.Google Scholar

65 Gulick, , Balance, p. 15.Google Scholar

66 McKay, and Scott, , Rise, p. 205Google Scholar. Previous to 1793, the Sultan had sent individual missions for specific purposes, after which they returned to Constantinople; ‘The absence of permanent resident Ottoman embassies reflected a basic assumption of superiority: diplomacy was unnecessary during the centuries of Ottoman power.’ Ibid. p. 204.

67 Anderson, M. S., The Eastern Question, 1774–1923: A Study in International Relations (London, 1966), p. xi.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

68 Gong, , Standard, p. 8.Google Scholar

69 Gong, , Standard, p. 33.Google Scholar

70 Cited in Gong, , Standard, p. 71Google Scholar. The quotation is from a memorandum delivered by a special task force set up within the Foreign Ministry to review Russia's policy towards the Porte in its entirety.

71 Cf. Rodinson, , Europe, p. 59.Google Scholar

72 Palmer, Alan: Alexander I, Tsar of War and Peace, (London, 1974Google Scholar), ch. 18. In fact, the whole affair demonstrates to what extent Alexander's notions about the logic of culture differed from the Western powers, and bears witness to Russia's perceived need to underline its European identity by means of an even more obvious ‘Other’.

73 Cited in Gulick, , Balance, p. 16Google Scholar. Cobden, of course, was also a vocal opponent of the idea of the balance of power.

74 Gong, , Standard, p. 107Google Scholar makes a similar assessment. On p. 32 he bolsters his case by citing a passage from Oppenheim's early-twentieth-century standard work on international law which maintains that Turkey's ‘position as a member of the family of nations was anomalous because her civilization fell short of that of the Western states.’ Gong even maintains that this was an expression of the ‘general consensus’ of international lawyers at the time.

75 Bull, , ‘The Importance of Grotius’, p. 82Google Scholar. Also Gong, , Standard, pp. 31–3.Google Scholar

76 Hall, W. E., cited in Wight, , Systems, p. 115Google Scholar. See also Bull, , Kingsbury, and Roberts, , Grotius, pp. 47–8.Google Scholar

77 Gong, , Standard, p. 10; p. 36; pp. 1415Google Scholar; on p. 42, he suggests that ‘In part, the standard reflected Europe's need to explain and justify its overlordship of non-European countries in other than merely military terms.’

78 Cited in Wight, , Systems, p. 122.Google Scholar

79 Turkish hesitations about Russian demands for an agreement guaranteeing the position of Orthodox Christians within the Ottoman Empire were a vital part of Russo-Turkish relations from the time of the Treaty of Kucuk-Kaynarca onwards.

80 It must be acknowledged that the reform demands of the European states were also oriented towards their own economic interests, or the interests of non-Muslim communities. These interests often conflicted with the goals of the Ottoman elite. For a further discussion of this point, see Berkes, Niyazi, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal, 1964), pp. 147–54.Google Scholar

81 Naff, in Bull, and Watson, , Expansion, p. 169.Google Scholar

82 Cited in Kinyapina, Nina Stepanovna, Vneshnyaya politika Rossii pervoy poloviny XIX v. (Moscow, 1963), p. 17.Google Scholar

83 Cited in Riha, Thomas, A Russian European. Paul Miliukov in Russian Politics (Notre Dame, 1969), p. 257.Google Scholar

84 Cf. e.g. Weisensel, Peter R., ‘Russian Self-Identification and Travelers' Descriptions of the Ottoman Empire in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century’Google Scholar. Paper presented to the Fourth World Congress for Soviet and East European Studies, Harrogate, 21–6 July, 1990.

85 Özdalga, Elisabeth, Turkiets väg in i Europa (Stockholm, 1989Google Scholar) discusses how the Europeans' stressing of the logic of culture looms large in Ankara's perceptions of the EC.

86 We are not denying that questions of an economic nature also played a role here. The Treaty of Rome explicitly states that a state must be democratic to join.

87 Mortimer, Edward, ‘Is This Our Frontier?’, Financial Times, 3 April 1990Google Scholar. Of course, variants of the Christian faith remain the state religions of a number of European states.

88 Nures, Nurver, ‘Turkey's Place in Europe’, Financial Times, 20 April 1990Google Scholar. The Gulf War sparked a new set of Turkish comments on the same theme.

89 Immigration statistics help to convey the magnitude of Europe's ‘resident Other’ population. For example, of the French foreign population in 1982 (the most recent census), 1.76m were European; 1.12m were North African; 138k were French W. African; 294k Asian; 124k Turks; and 51k were from the Americas. In a recent documentary anthology, Alec Hargreaves expands upon the North African portion of these statistics to reveal some of the social, political and educational problems associated with the clash of European and Islamic cultures: ‘As the geographical sources of emigration to France widened, so too did the cultural differences between the sending and receiving countries. Despite language and other differences, France shared a long heritage of Christian belief with her European neighbours, which, even in the more secular world of the twentieth century, was reflected in many aspects of ordinary life.’ Cf. Hargreaves, , Immigration in Postwar France (London, 1987), p. 4Google Scholar. For a more personalised account of the tensions between France and its North African population, see Kramer, Jane, Unsettling Europe (New York, 1980), Chapter 4.Google Scholar

90 Wight, , Systems, p. 34.Google Scholar

92 Dore, Ronald, ‘Unity and Diversity in Contemporary World Culture’ in Bull, and Watson, , Expansion, pp. 407–24, on p. 407Google Scholar