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Decolonising the special relationship: Diego Garcia, the Chagossians, and Anglo-American relations

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2012

Abstract

In this article, I challenge the prevailing concept of the UK-US ‘special relationship’ with a view to improving the concept as an analytic tool for researchers. As it stands, the special relationship draws attention to an uncommonly close bond between two state actors in the post-Second World War period, especially in terms of military cooperation. This conception imposes analytic costs – namely, an elision of imperialism as a feature of Anglo-American relations and a concomitant marginalisation of subaltern social actors. In response, I propose a reconception that posits the subaltern – third parties – as integral to the relationship, thus better capturing the empirical reality of Anglo-American relations past and present. Theoretically, I draw upon postcolonial International Relations scholarship and recent theories of friendship in international politics. Empirically, I present a case study of the US military base on Diego Garcia in the Chagos Islands.

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Articles
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Copyright © British International Studies Association 2012 

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References

1 For use in this context, the term ‘subaltern’ (literally, ‘subordinate’ or ‘secondary’) originated in the work of Antonio Gramsci who used it to refer to ‘dominated and exploited groups’. It was developed to apply to postcolonial social enquiry from the 1980s onwards by the Subaltern Studies collective. See Young, Robert C. J., White Mythologies (2nd edn, London: Routledge, 2004), p. 202Google Scholar.

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44 See Laffey, Mark and Weldes, Jutta, ‘Decolonizing the Cuban Missile Crisis’, International Studies Quarterly, 52:2 (2008), pp. 555–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. ‘IR's too frequent failure to take the subaltern seriously produces blind spots in analysis of world politics. Theory-building and problem-solving are blinkered’, p. 572.

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51 Some social theorists are much more demanding in their prescriptions on how to decolonise Western modernity and epistemology writ large. See, for example, Mignolo, Walter and Escobar, Arturo (eds), Globalization and the Decolonial Option (Routledge, 2009)Google Scholar; and Mignolo, , The Darker Side of Western Modernity: Global Futures, Decolonial Options (Latin America Otherwise) (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Berenskoetter, Felix, ‘Friends, There Are No Friends? An Intimate Reframing of the International’, Millennium – Journal of International Studies, 35:3 (2007), pp. 647–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a review essay of other IR work on friendship, see Devere, Heather and Smith, Graham M., ‘Friendship and Politics’, Political Studies Review, 8:3 (2010), pp. 341–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Oelsner, Andrea and Vion, Antoine, ‘Special Issue: Friendship in International Relations’, International Politics, 48:1 (2011), pp. 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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54 Ibid., p. 670.

55 Ibid.

56 Ibid., pp. 671–3.

57 Ibid., p. 673.

58 The concept of externalities is commonly deployed in the study of economics.

59 Said, Edward, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978)Google Scholar. For an extended discussion of ‘otherness’ in IR, see Odysseos, Louiza, The Subject of Coexistence: Otherness in International Relations (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

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63 Ibid., pp. 71–81.

64 Ibid., p. 303.

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69 Ibid., pp. 9–10.

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74 Gruffydd Jones, ‘Introduction’, p. 3. Sankaran Krishna has derided this same dynamic within IR as ‘willful amnesia’. See Krishna, , ‘Race, Amnesia, and the Education of International Relations’, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 26:4 (2001), pp. 401–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75 Robbie Shilliam makes a similar point about the conception of an Atlantic regional system in IR. Shilliam argues that Western conceptions of an Atlantic community rest upon a forgotten history of imperialism and particularly the slave trade, much as I argue that the narrative of a special relationship rests upon an unmentioned imperial past. See Shilliam, , ‘The Atlantic as a Vector of Uneven and Combined Development’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 22:1 (2009), pp. 6988CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

76 Harold Macmillan propounded that the British and Americans shared a relationship analogous to that of the Greeks and Romans of antiquity; it was the UK's charge to ‘[guide] America with the sophisticated counsel of a more mature civilisation’. Quoted in Brendon, The Decline and Fall, pp. 542–3.

77 Rais, The Indian Ocean, pp. 30–2. On the impact that the loss of India had on Britain's Indian Ocean presence, see Darby, , British Defence Policy East of Suez 1947–1968 (London: Oxford University Press, 1973)Google Scholar.

78 Vine, Island of Shame, pp. 68–9.

79 Ibid., pp. 70–1.

80 Anthony Greenwood quoted in The Sunday Times (21 September 1975).

81 Vine, Island of Shame, pp. 86–8.

82 See, especially, Paragraphs 5 and 6 of ‘UN Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples’ (1960). See also ‘UN General Assembly Resolution 2066, “Question of Mauritius”’ (1965).

83 Rais, The Indian Ocean, pp. 80–6.

84 Vine, Island of Shame, pp. 8–10.

85 Gifford, ‘The Chagos Islands’, p. 5.

86 Richard Edis, a former Commissioner of BIOT, writes that ‘it is interesting to note that other names for the new territory were considered but discarded, including Limuria’. See Edis, , Peak of Limuria: The Story of Diego Garcia and the Chagos Archipelago (2nd edn, London: Chagos Conservation Trust, 2004), p. 80Google Scholar.

87 Vine, Island of Shame, pp. 78–9.

88 Sir Paul Gore-Booth quoted in Vine, Island of Shame, p. 91, emphasis in original.

89 Vine, Island of Shame, p. 90.

90 Ibid., p. 92.

91 Ibid., pp. 112–15.

92 Allen, Stephen, ‘Looking Beyond the Bancoult Cases: International Law and the Prospect of Resettling the Chagos Islands’, Human Rights Law Review, 7:3 (2007), p. 480CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also Snoxell, David, ‘Anglo/American Complicity in the Removal of the Inhabitants of the Chagos Islands, 1964–73’, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 37:1 (2009), pp. 130–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

93 Pilger, John, Freedom Next Time (London: Bantam Press, 2006), p. 75Google Scholar.

94 Curtis, Unpeople, p. 31.

95 Anthony Aust quoted in Vine, Island of Shame, p. 92, emphasis added.

96 Gifford, ‘The Chagos Islands’, pp. 5–6.

97 Vine, Island of Shame, p. 6, emphasis in original.

98 Vine, and Jeffery, , ‘Give us Back Diego Garcia’, Lutz, Catherine (ed.), The Bases of Empire: The Global Struggle Against U.S. Military Posts (New York: New York University Press), pp. 191200Google Scholar.

99 See, for example, Wallace and Phillips, ‘Reassessing the Special Relationship’, p. 272.

100 Vine, ‘War and Forced Migration’, p. 133.

101 Quoted in The Guardian (1 September 2000).

102 Quoted in The Telegraph (4 November 2000), available at: {http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/1373127/Banished-islanders-win-right-to-go-home.html} accessed 27 June 2012.

103 See in particular Articles 9(1) and 9(2) of the British Indian Ocean Territory (Constitution) Order 2004. In explaining his action to exile the islanders via Royal Prerogative, then Foreign Secretary Jack Straw is reported to have admitted to ‘sacrificing legitimacy for speed’. See Le Mauricien (20 January 2012), {http://www.lemauricien.com/article/ministers-recognise-injustice-done-chagossians-it%E2%80%99s-time-action-not-words} accessed 27 June 2012.

104 Select Committee on Foreign Affairs, Seventh Report (18 June 2008), para. 45.

105 The Guardian (2 December 2010), {http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/dec/03/wikileaks-cables-diego-garcia-uk} accessed 27 June 2012.

106 The Times (1 November 2008).

107 On the UK government's rationale for opposing resettlement, see Allen, Stephen, ‘International Law and the Resettlement of the (Outer) Chagos Islands’, Human Rights Law Review, 8:4 (2008), pp. 683702CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

108 Vine, ‘War and Forced Migration’, p. 129.

109 Gifford, ‘The Chagos Islands’, p. 5.

110 The Guardian (21 February 2008), {http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/feb/21/ciarendition.usa} accessed 27 July 2012. See also Adam Zagorin, ‘Source: US Used UK Isle for Interrogations’, Time (31 July 2008), {http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,1828469,00.html} accessed 27 July 2012.

111 Sand, Peter H., ‘Diego Garcia: British-American Legal Black Hole in the Indian Ocean?’, Journal of Environmental Law, 21:1 (2009), pp. 113–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Sand, United States and Britain for an expanded analysis.

112 Officials have privately expressed their lack of regret for the exile of the Chagossians, seeing their treatment as justified in the context of security concerns. See The Guardian (2 December 2010), {http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/207149} accessed 27 June 2012.

113 Quoted in The Guardian (22 October 2008), {http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2008/oct/22/chagos-islanders-lose} accessed 27 June 2012.

114 Vine, Island of Shame; Jeffery, Chagos Islanders; Evers and Kooy (eds), Eviction from the Chagos Islands.

115 Berenskoetter, ‘Friends’, p. 648.