Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 June 2018
This essay explores the political origins and implications of Beat Zen anarchism, a cultural phenomenon located in the intersection between American anarchist traditions and Zen Buddhism in the San Francisco Poetry Renaissance. Focusing on the writings of D. T. Suzuki, Alan Watts, Gary Snyder, and Philip Whalen, it shows how Beat Zen emerged not primarily from an Orientalist appropriation of “the East” but rather from an Occidentalist, Japanese-centered criticism of American materialism that followed from the complex legacy of the World’s Parliament of Religions at the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition. In staking their claims to Zen, in other words, Philip Whalen and Gary Snyder—the Beat poets on whom this essay focuses—along with Alan Watts expressed the views not of cultural imperialists, as one might suppose, but of converts to what they regarded as a superior way of life.
The Beat adoption of Zen intersected with a broadly libertarian and specifically anarchist social milieu in San Francisco that congregated around Kenneth Roxroth's Libertarian Club and Anarchist Circle. The individualist, anti-statist, and anarchist political outlooks of Beat Zen anarchists were directly confirmed by the writings of D. T. Suzuki, who presented Zen as a practice of personal liberation from cultural conditioning. Suzuki's rhetorical approach—which treated Japanese Zen as both a pinnacle of Asian civilization and a key to the liberation of Western humanity from its stifling and destructive rationalism—was informed by Meiji-era Japanese nationalism and exceptionalism and by the universalism that Buddhist missionaries brought to their explanations of Zen to Westerners. Arguing that Beat Zen poets, in adopting Buddhism as it was presented to them, were foremost Occidentalist rather than Orientalist in outlook, this essay concludes that the Beat Zen anarchist cultural formation suggests a libertarian alternative to Orientalism and also reconfigures common conceptions of American radical literary history as primarily Marxistinflected.
1. Offering a criticism of Beat Zen as Orientalist, in a recent discussion of tensions in the 1950s between Beat Zen Buddhists and Issei and Nisei Jodo Shinshu Buddhists, Michael Masatsugu, for instance, has argued that “Beat Zen Buddhists, dissatisfied with Cold War U.S. society and culture, viewed Buddhism as an alternative American religious practice—an exotic Orientalist religious practice defined as outside and often opposed to U.S. national culture” (425). This Orientalist appropriation offered Beats a way of responding to “tensions in bourgeois society between authority and individual autonomy” (435). In the process of adopting Zen, Masatsugu contends, “The Beats extracted Buddhism from its long history and transformed it into a timeless essence that harked back to the solitary, monastic practice of ancient sages” (440). “While potentially producing greater appreciation of Japanese American Buddhist religious practices and traditions,” Masatsugu continues, “the interest in Buddhism among nonethnics also served to conflate Buddhism and Buddhists with Asia” itself (451). See Masatsugu, Michael K., “‘Beyond This World of Transiency and Impermanence: Japanese Americans, Dharma Bums, and the Making of American Buddhism during the Early Cold War Years,” Pacific Historical Review 77 (August 2008): 423–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
This essay argues, by contrast, that Beat understandings of Buddhism as a timeless, universal monastic religion equated with Asia itself and offering a liberation of the individual from the pitfalls of cold war consumerism and rationalism were adopted directly from Japanese missionary Zen emergent from Meiji Zen's Occidentalist criticism of American and Western culture. In other words, the Beats who took Zen seriously were, foremost, Occidentalist critics of cold war culture.
2. Davidson, Michael, The San Francisco Poetry Renaissance: Poetics and Community at Mid-century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 3 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3. Ibid., 28. See also page 26.
4. The San Francisco Anarchist and Libertarian Circles and their relationship to the emergent San Francisco Renaissance are described in Rexroth's An Autobiographical Novel, rev. and expanded ed. (New York: New Directions, 1991), 508–21.
5. Ibid., 235.
6. Denning, Michael, The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (New York: Verso, 1997), 208 Google Scholar.
7. By “anarchism,” in this essay, I refer to the theory that just, personal relationships between individuals and groups are only possible without government or other forms of coercive authority. The term “libertarian,” which anarchists used to describe themselves early in the twentieth century, has historically referred to this broad philosophy, though more recently it has become associated with theories of limited government more amenable to American conservatives.
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10. Ibid., 60. In a personal e-mail, Snyder recalled reading Buber back in the 1950s but did not connect Buber with anarchist politics. In his words, “I did read Buber back then, mid 50s, and recall that Kenneth admired his work, but I never thought of it in connection with Anarchism nor heard Kenneth say so.” Gary Snyder, “Re: Martin Buber and Anarchists and Poets?” December 3, 2008, personal e-mail. In his written accounts and interviews, however, Rexroth makes an explicit connection between genuine dialogue and anarchist politics that might not have been discussed directly in the course of Rexroth's friendship with Snyder but that, Rexroth recalls, profoundly influenced his conception of the Anarchist and Libertarian Circles and of poetry as direct address.
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16. Robert H. Sharf, “The Zen of Japanese Nationalism,” History of Religions 33 (August 1993): 3.
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18. According to Snodgrass, Japanese and other Asian representatives at the Parliament were so circumscribed within Western limits of discourse that their need to have “recourse to a Western authority—even a dubious one—to validate things Japanese” meant that their Buddhism was finally “not the religion of any Asian practice but the reified product of Western discourse.” See Snodgrass, Judith, Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 274 Google Scholar, 85. This analysis overlooks the Japanese context in which New Buddhists had already begun, at home, to present Zen as a modern religion capable of meeting the needs of a modern Japanese state. The modern, rational Zen Buddhism that Soyen presented at the Parliament was as much a product of Japanese imperialism and cultural assertiveness in Asia as it was of the Christian biases of the Parliament. Further, as Ketelaar notes, the exotic “other” at the Parliament “was by no means merely a passive object of the Parliament's construction but was itself engaged in the select imaging of the Parliamentarian proceedings and their subsequent interpretation.” See Ketelaar, James, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 157 Google Scholar. In other words, Japanese Buddhism and Zen at the Parliament were actively constructed products of Japanese discourse in which Japanese individuals with agency outside of the West's sanction explained their own religion in terms Westerners could understand in the Parliament's context. Snodgrass's analysis of the Parliament, it seems, promises to give agency to Asian Parliamentarians by emphasizing their Occidentalism, but then removes this agency by noting that their religion was, finally, just another Western construct.
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22. Quoted in Tweed, Thomas A., The American Encounter with Buddhism, 1844-1912: Victorian Culture and the Limits of Dissent (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 65 Google Scholar. For Tweed, Lum's deployment of Buddhism accorded with what Tweed calls the “rational” type of Buddhist convert. Nineteenth-century rationalist Western Buddhists and scholars of Buddhism, for Tweed, often share a progressive “inclination to emphasize the spiritual significance of vigorous moral action in the world” and a “concern to uplift individuals, reform societies, and participate energetically in the political and economic spheres” (136). In two poems—“Nirvana” and “The Modern Nirvana” written for Benjamin Tucker's short-lived periodical the Radical Review (August 1877)—Lum linked Nirvana with an impassive forgetting of the self that would clear the way for an embrace of all humanity, with the practitioner of meditation “forgetting self that man alone may gain” (261).
For a celebratory portrait of Lum's life and philosophy, see de Cleyre, Voltarine, “Dyer D. Lum,” in Selected Works of Voltarine de Cleyre: Pioneer of Women's Liberation, ed. Berkman, Alexander (New York: Revisionist Press, 1972), 284–97Google Scholar.
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31. Ibid., 86.
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36. Ibid., xvii.
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40. Ibid., 28.
41. Ibid., 18, 24.
42. Ibid., 48.
43. Ibid., 111–15.
44. Ibid., 61.
45. Ibid., 72–75.
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47. Smith and Novak, Buddhism, 153. Michael K. Masatsugu discusses the Beat presence at BCC meetings in “‘Beyond This World of Transiency and Impermanence,’” writing that, “In the fall of 1955, Beat poets and writers, including Ginsberg, Whalen, and Kerouac, began to participate in the group after Snyder, who had joined months earlier, brought them to meetings” (443).
48. As Watts wrote in his autobiography, “I had learned from Suzuki”, D. T. and others “that Zen is basically Taoism—the water-course way of life… .” Watts, Alan, In My Own Way (Navato, Calif.: New World Library, 2001), 251 Google Scholar.
49. Alan Watts, “Identical Differences,” 1964 lecture by author, on Alan Watts Live, Shambhala SLE 15, tape recording, 1991.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. 4x4 by Watts: Eastern Wisdom and Modern Life, Seattle: Unapix/Miramar, Inner Dimension, 1995, videocassette.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid.
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58. Ibid., 147.
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64. Snyder and McLean, The Real Work, 10.
65. Ibid., 96.
66. Ibid., 126.
67. Ibid., 10.
68. Ibid., 25.
69. Ibid., 16.
70. Ibid., 17.
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74. Ibid., 106.
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78. Ibid., 22.
79. Ibid., 33.
80. Ibid., 35.
81. Ibid., 49.
82. Whalen, Philip, Philip Whalen and Gary Snyder: Two Modern San Francisco Poets Discuss and Read from Their Works (Hollywood: Center for Cassette Studies, 1970–1979?)Google Scholar, 10154, tape recording.
83. Whalen, Philip, Scenes of Life at the Capital (San Francisco: David Meltzer and Jack Shoemaker, 1970), 1 Google Scholar.
84. Ibid., 16.
85. Ibid., 26.
86. Ibid., 34.
87. Ibid., 37.
88. Ibid., 41.
89. Ibid., 73.
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95. In his overview of literature on Buddhism in America, Peter Gregory distinguishes between Buddhist “sympathizers” and “convert” Buddhists. The distinction between sympathizer Buddhists and practicing converts is complex, however, as Gregory notes. D. T. Suzuki spent years studying and practicing temple Zen but was primarily interested in a philosophical practice. This essay does not address who among Suzuki, Snyder, Whalen, or Watts better qualifies as a sympathizer or “convert.” By such a standard, Philip Whalen, who adopted a full-time practice at the San Francisco Zen Center, becomes a convert, and Suzuki, though an “immigrant Buddhist,” appears more like a sympathizer. Part of this essay's underlying argument is that deploying national and racial categories to define “legitimate” religious practice is unfruitful and ultimately unproductive to religious and cultural dialogue. If, as Gregory notes, “for Americanists and Buddhologists alike,” the study of Buddhism in America “raises questions of what it means to be a ‘Buddhist’ and what it means to be an ‘American’” (233), for an Americanist looking globally it raises the question of what it means to be a cosmopolitan (in the old, antinationalist sense of the term) within the limiting constraints of nationalist ideologies. See Gregory, Peter N., “Describing the Elephant: Buddhism in America,” Religion and American Culture 11 (Summer 2001): 233–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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