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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 June 2018
Catholic participation in the southern civil rights movement culminated at Selma in March 1965. As was customary in much of the South, Selma's Catholic churches were strictly segregated, with the priests in charge of the African American “mission” parish ignored by the city's other clergy. (One attempt at integration of the city's “white” parish by a group of African American Catholic teenagers met with fierce resistance.) In addition, the bishop of Montgomery, Thomas Toolen, attempted to prevent northern Catholics from responding to the pleas of civil rights activists for assistance, maintaining that outsiders were “out of place in these demonstrations—their place is at home doing God's work… .” Regardless, priests from fifty different dioceses, lay people, and nuns flocked to Alabama to join in the marches.
1. See Real, Michael, “Search for Understanding,” Community 24 (April 1965): 4 Google Scholar; and Cantwell, Daniel M., “To Witness,” Community 24 (May 1965): 6.Google Scholar
2. Toolen quoted in Cogley, John, “The Clergy Heed a New Call,” New York Times Magazine, May 2, 1965, 54.Google Scholar
3. Fr. Baroni, Geno, “Selma—‘Golgotha Without the Cross,’ ” National Catholic Reporter 1 (March 17, 1965): 1/10.Google Scholar
4. Abernathy quoted in Northwest Community Organization (NCO) Priests Meeting, March 18, 1965, file “NCO Catholic Clergy Meetings,” box 32, Egan papers, Manuscripts and Archives, University of Notre Dame.
5. New York Times, March 11, 1965, 1; “Selma Police Halt Demonstration over Minister Meeting,” Washington Post, March 11, 1965, 1/7; see also Garrow, David, Protest at Selma: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 92 Google Scholar; “Why Sisters?” National Catholic Reporter 1 (March 24, 1965): 3; and NCO Priests Meeting, March 18, 1965, file “NCO Catholic Clergy Meetings,” box 32, Egan papers.
6. “Should Priests March?” America 112 (May 1, 1965): 629-30; Ruether, Rosemary, “Correspondence,” Commonweal 82 (April 30, 1965): 178.Google Scholar For other reactions to the Selma march, see Cogley, John, “The Clergy Heed a New Call,” New York Times Magazine, May 2, 1965, 42–43 Google Scholar; Bill Fanning, “Our Man in Harlem,” The Catholic News, March 18, 1965, clipping in the Josephite Archives, Baltimore, Maryland; and Draper, Robyn and Stefanski, Cele, “Marching Has Meaning,” Community 24 (April 1965): 10–11.Google Scholar
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8. This argument is the central theme of both Hunter, James Davison, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991)Google Scholar, and Wuthnow, Robert, The Restructuring of American Religion: Society and Faith Since World War II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; see also Lasch, Christopher, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), 476–532.Google Scholar
9. Benigan, Daniel, “Selma and Sharpeville,” Commonweal 82 (April 9, 1965): 73.Google Scholar
10. On the impact of the Council, see John W. O'Malley, S.J., “Developments, Reforms, and Two Great Reformations: Towards a Historical Assessment of Vatican II,” Theological Studies 44 (1983): 373-406; on the European origins of “Catholic Social Doctrine,” see McDonough, Peter, Men Astutely Trained: A History of the Jesuits in the American Century (New York: The Free Press, 1992), 133-34, 296-97Google Scholar, and Hebblethwaite, Peter, “The Popes and Politics,” Daedalus 111 (Winter 1982): 85–98 Google Scholar; on Catholic theology and American relationships with Rome before the Council, see Fogarty, Gerald P., The Vatican and the American Hierarchy from 1870-1965 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1982), 195–214 Google Scholar; Tavard, George H., The Pilgrim Church (New York: Herder and Herder, 1967), 15–16 Google Scholar; and James L. Heft, S.M., “From the Pope to the Bishops: Episcopal Authority from Vatican I to Vatican II,” in The Papacy and the Church in the United States, ed. Bernard Cooke (New York: Paulist Press, 1989), 55-77.
11. O'Malley, “Developments, Reforms, and Two Great Reformations,” 398.
12. Flannery, Austin P., ed., The Documents of Vatican II: A New Authoritative Translation of the Conciliar Documents (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975), 350.Google Scholar For this paragraph and the following two paragraphs, I am indebted to the essays in Hastings, Adrian, ed., Modern Catholicism: Vatican Hand After (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; the works by Dulles, Avery, S.J., cited below; and McBrien, Richard P., Catholicism, vol. 2 (Minneapolis: Winston Press, 1980).Google Scholar
13. Flannery, , ed., The Documents of Vatican II, 689, 903-5.Google Scholar
14. Rahner, Karl, “Towards a Fundamental Theological Interpretation of Vatican II,” Theological Studies 40 (1979): 716-27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Jesuits and Latin America, see McDonough, , Men Astutely Trained, 263-75Google Scholar; and Costello, Gerald M., Mission to Latin America: The Successes and Failures of a Twentieth-Century Crusade (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1979).Google Scholar
15. Huntington, Samuel P., “Religion and the Third Wave,” The National Interest 24 (Summer 1991): 29–42 Google Scholar, argues that the surge in democratic governments during the 1970's is attributable in part to the new Catholic emphasis on the poor and the rights of individuals. On the impact of the Council in Latin America, see Smith, Christian, The Emergence of Liberation Theology: Radical Religion and Social Movement Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 89–150 Google Scholar; Crahan, Margaret E., “Church and State in Latin America: Assassinating Some Old and New Stereotypes,” Daedalus 120 (Summer 1991): 131-58Google Scholar; and Marcos McGrath, “The Impact of Gaudium et Spes: Medellin, Puebla, and Pastoral Creativity,” in The Church and Culture Since Vatican II: The Experience of North and Latin America, ed. Joseph Gremillion (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1985), 61-73; see also Dulles, Avery, S.J., The Resilient Church: The Necessity and Limits of Adaptation (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1977), 16–17 Google Scholar; and Dulles, Avery, S.J., The Reshaping of Catholicism: Current Challenges in the Theology of the Church (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988), 31–33.Google Scholar
16. “Planks for a Platform,” National Catholic Reporter 1 (October 28, 1964): 3; Matthew Ahmann to Boston Archdiocesan Ecumenical Commission, August 26, 1964, Boston file, box 3, series 11, National Catholic Council for Interracial Justice (NCCIJ) papers, Marquette University Archives.
17. See Luzbetak, Louis J., S.V.D., ed., The Church in the Changing City (Techny, Ill.: Divine World Publications, 1966), 1, 7, 25, 54.Google Scholar
18. Dolan, Jay P., The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1985), 370 Google Scholar; see also John T. McGreevy, “American Catholics and the African-American Migration, 1919-1970” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1992), chap. 3; and Avella, Steven M., This Confident Church: Catholic Leadership and Life in Chicago, 1940-1965 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 281-88.Google Scholar
19. Anna McGarry to William Ball, Qctober 17, 1963, füe 1963, box 1, McGarry papers, Marquette University Archives; Anna McGarry, memo, January 10, 1963, “history” file, box 1, McGarry papers; Catholic Interracial Council (CIC) petition to Cardinal Cushing, December 19, 1965, file “CIC,” box 1, Association of Urban Sisters (AUS), Archives of the Archdiocese of Boston.
20. Rev Francis J. Gross, S.J., “Catholics Who Are Negroes,” Community 22 (December 1962): 6-7; see also Clark, Dennis, “City Catholics and Segregation,” in American Catholic Horizons, ed. Culhane, Eugene K., S.J. (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1966), 176.Google Scholar
21. Mrs. Hubert Kyle to Bishop A. G. Grutka (ca. 1964), folder 2, St. Monica-St. Luke parish file, Diocese of Gary; Msgr. John J. Egan, daily reports, January 21, 1964, box 66, Egan papers.
22. Jacobs, William J., “Harlem Nocturne for the Church,” Ave Maria 106 (October 21, 1967): 23.Google Scholar On the change in the Community, see Harris, Sara, The Sisters: The Changing World of the American Nun (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1970), 319-22Google Scholar; McClory, Robert, “Church Loses Ground,” National Catholic Reporter 13 (February 4, 1977): 1 Google Scholar; and Brother Joseph M. Davis, S.M., “The Position of the Catholic Church in the Black Community,” Homiletic and Pastoral Review 69 (June 1969): 699-704.
23. Vader, Anthony J., “The Catholic Church and the Negro Community,” Chicago Studies 4 (Spring 1964): 29 Google Scholar; McCudden, John, “Brothers under the Skin,” Community 21 (February 1962): 12 Google Scholar; Fr. Morrisroe, Richard, “Christian Witness: Transformation in a Crucible,” Community 25 (May 1966): 10–11.Google Scholar On the changing perspectives of the clergy, see Dolan, Jay P., ed., Transforming Parish Ministry: The Changing Roles of Catholic Clergy, Laity, and Women Religious (New York: Crossroads, 1989), 63.Google Scholar
24. See “Cardinal in Harlem,” America 109 (July 27, 1963): 86-87.
25. On Drew and his parish, see Mullaney, Patrick J., ‘The Parish and the Community,” Interracial Review 24 (December 1951): 182 Google Scholar; Brink, William and Harris, Louis, The Negro Revolution in America: What Negroes Want, Why and How They Are Fighting, Whom They Support, What Whites Think of Them and Their Demands (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1964), 133 Google Scholar; Lester Gaither, “A Negro Youth Center: Saint Charles Borromeo Youth Project, Hartem, New York, 1950-1953” (Master's thesis, Fordham University, 1954), 18-55; Willie Agatha Badens, “A Case Study of Twenty Negro Catholic Families in Saint Charles Borromeo Parish, Hartem, Receiving Aid to Dependent Children Because of Absence of Father from the Home” (Master's thesis, Fordham University, 1952), 53; Gannon, Robert I., S.J., The Cardinal Spellman Story (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1962), 270.Google Scholar
26. Spellman speech of July 11, 1963, copy in possession of Msgr. Harry Byrnes, New York City.
27. Fr. Philip Murnion, “Catholic Church in Hartem,” 1964 private paper in possession of Fr. Philip Murnion; Fr. Philip Murnion, interview with the author, July 23, 1991; Charles L. Palms, C.S.P., “A Hartem Priest Reports on Selma,” Catholic World 201 (June 1965): 175. For African American resistance to some of the new liturgical developments, see Dorothy Ann Blatnica, V.S.C.,“ ‘In Those Days’: African-American Catholics in Cleveland in 1922-1961” (Ph.D. diss., Case Western Reserve University, 1992), 280-81.
28. Msgr. John J. Egan, January 12, 1963, daily reports, box 66, Egan Papers; Richard M. Menges, “Urban Apostolate Nuns… They're Where the Action Is,” The New World, September 16, 1966, 28; Egan to Meyer, December 27, 1963, “Meyer Correspondence” file, box 13, Egan Papers.
29. Mary Cole, Summer in the City (New York: R. J. Kenedy and Sons, 1968), 71; “New York Nuns Reach for Relevance,” National Catholic Reporter 1 (November 18, 1964): 7; Misc. file, “Activities of the Association of Urban Sisters,” box 1, AUS.
30. Sr. M. Charles Borromeo Muckenhirn, C.S.C., “Religious Poverty,” in Vows but No Walls: An Analysis of Religious Life, ed. Eugene E. Grollnes (St. Louis: B. Herder Book Co., 1967), 63; Sr. Mary Berchmans Shea, O.S.U., “Protest Movements and Convent Life,” in The New Nuns, ed. Sr. Charles Borromeo, C.S.C. (New York: New American Library, 1967), 57.
31. Sr. Mary Audrey Kopp, S.N.J.M., “No More Strangers Next Door,” in New Works of New Nuns, ed. Sr. M. Peter Traxler, S.S.N.D. (St. Louis: B. Herder Book Co., 1968), 114; Sr. Mary Benet, O.S.B., and Sr. Mary Francis Xavier, H.H.S., to Archbishop Cody, January 21, 1966, Urban Apostolate of the Sisters correspondence, box 18, Egan papers.
32. McBrien, Richard P., Do We Need the Church? (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), 219 Google Scholar; see also Gleason, Philip, Keeping the Faith: American Catholicism Past and Present (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1987), 58–82.Google Scholar
33. Sr. Maria Augusta Neal, “Sociology and Community Change,” in The Changing Sister, ed. Sr. M. Charles Borromeo Muckenhirn, C.S.C. (Notre Dame, Ind.: Fides, 1965), 16; “Parishes for Yesterday,” National Catholic Reporter 1 (November 18, 1964): 3.
34. On the weakening of white ethnic identity, see Alba, Richard D., Ethnic Identity: The Transformation of White America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).Google Scholar Alba emphasizes, however, the enduring importance of religion as a set of Symbols that Orients basic life choiees and goals; see esp. 304-5.
35. Mrs. Myron Greismer to “Your Excellency [Bishop Edward Hoban],” May 14, 1964, “Issues/Racism” file, Archives of the Diocese of Cleveland.
36. Sr. Ernest Marie, C.S.J., “Another Demonstrator's View,” Community 25 (January 1966): 7; Leo, John, “Moral Influence,” National Catholic Reporter 1 (Maren 24, 1965): 5.Google Scholar
37. Letters in Catholic Universe Bulletin, April 2, 1965, 5.
38. Ibid.
39. “Nun Demonstrators Marched Off to Jail; But Marches Continue,” The New World, June 18, 1965, 28; Cook, Bruce, “Nuns' Arrest in Chicago Brings Soul Searching in Civil Rights Ranks,” National Catholic Reporter 1 (June 23, 1965): 1.Google Scholar
40. Letter to The New World, June 25, 1965, 24; letter to The New World, July 16, 1965, 19.
41. See Hunter, Culture Wars; and Wuthnow, The Restructuring of American Religion.
42. Reported in George M. Collins, “A Taste of Freedom,” Boston Globe, April 23, 1965.
43. “Proposal for an Experimental School and for a Parish-Community Center,” n.d., file “Archdiocese of Boston—Catholic and Parochial Schools,” box 1, AUS. See also Misc. file, “Activities of the Association of Urban Sisters,” box 1 AUS; and Meconis, Charles A., With Clumsy Grace: The American Catholic Left, 1961-1975 (New York: The Seabury Press, 1979), 5.Google Scholar
44. CHR report on Dorchester faculty meeting, October 13, 1966, Commission on Human Rights File, Archives of the Archdiocese of Boston. One nun working in a local Catholic high school admitted that “Part of the reason why we are not aware of the problem is because we never hear the news, never read the newspaper and never get out.”
45. CHR report on November 16, 1966, meeting of high school faculties, Commission on Human Rights File, Archives of the Archdiocese of Boston.
46. On Catholic support for integration, see Greeley, Andrew M. and Sheatsley, Paul B., “Attitudes toward Racial Integration,” Scientific American 225 (December 1971): 13–19 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; and Abrahamson, Harold and Noll, C. Edward, “Religion, Ethnicity and Social Change,” Review ofReligious Research 8 (Fall 1966): esp. 22–25.Google Scholar For a superb analysis of events in a local Community, see Reider, Jonathan, Canarsie: The Jews and Italians of Brooklyn Against Liberalism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), 81–82.Google Scholar
47. Msgr. Daniel M. Cantwell to Fr. Griffin, June 23, 1964, file “June 21-30, 1964,” box 71, CIC; on racial transition see Eileen M. McMahon, “What Parish Are You From? A Study of the Irish Parish Community and Race Relations, 1916-1970” (Ph.D. diss., Loyola University, 1989), 295.
48. “Priests' Efforts Fail to Quell Cleveland Mob,” Catholic Herald Citizen, February 8, 1964, clipping in the Josephite Archives, Baltimore, Maryland; “Priest Told to Mind Own Business and ‘Pray for Us’ by Youthful Mob Determined to Halt Negro Students,” Catholic Herald Citizen, February 15, 1964, 15; and James Flannery, “The Murray Hill Incident: An Eyewitness Report,” Catholic Standard and Times, February 14, 1964, clipping in the Josephite Archives; “School Board Today Faces Pickets, Sit-In,” Cleveland Plain-Dealer, January 31, 1964, 8.
49. The commission organized a neighborhood tension subcommittee with priests willing to respond as city or church officials alerted them to potentially violent situations.
50. “Priests Try to Restore Calm to Racially Tense Section of Kensington,” Catholic Standard and Times, October 7, 1966, 1. On Kensington, see also Binzen, Peter, Whitetown U.S.A. (New York: Random House, 1970), 112, 248Google Scholar; and Msgr. Philip J. Dowling, interview with author, July 31, 1991.
51. One of the key reasons the SCLC chose Chicago as the location for its first northern campaign was their perception of strong support from the city's religious Community. See Garrow, David J., Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York: William Morrow, 1986), 444, 449Google Scholar; Fr. Daniel Mallette, interview with author, August 23, 1991; and William Hogan, interview with author, January 4, 1991.
52. King quoted in Arthur Southwood, ‘'Nobel Prize Winner Honored by CIC Here,” The New World, November 6, 1964.
53. James H. Bowman, S.J., “Martin Luther King in Chicago,” Ave Maria 102 (September 25, 1965): 6-9; “Priests, Sisters, and Martin Luther King,” Community 25 (September 1965): 4-5.
54. King quoted in Delores McCahill, “Dr. King Confers with Cody about Civil Rights Campaign,” Chicago Sun-Times, February 4, 1966, 3/52. See also Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 465; and Fr. Daniel Mallette, interview with author, August 23, 1991. Jesse Jackson also addressed the CIC board on December 14, 1965. See CIC board meeting minutes, December 14, 1965, box 1A, CIC.
55. Cody Statement, July 10, 1966, “Cody—Civil rights rally” file, box 13, Egan papers. The Statement was written by longtime activist Msgr. John J. Egan, according to Msgr. John J. Egan, interview with author, December 13, 1991. See also Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 491; and “Chicago Archbishop Supports City Rights Drive,” New York Times, July 11, 1966, 19.
56. I rely on Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 489-525; Anderson, Alan B. and Pickering, George W., Confronting the Color Line: The Broken Promise of the Civil Rights Movement in Chicago (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and “Riot in Chicago,” America 115 (July 30, 1966): 117-18.
57. The statistic is from Connolly, Kathleen, “The Chicago Open Housing Conference,” in Chicago 1966: Open Housing Marches, Summit Negotiations, and Operation Breadbasket, ed. Garrow, David J. (Brooklyn: Carlson Publishing, 1989), 64.Google Scholar
58. Schiltz, Michael E., “Catholics and the Chicago Riots,” Commonweal 85 (November 11, 1966): 159-63Google Scholar; and Mary Lou Finley, “The Open Housing Marches: Chicago, Summer '66,” in Chicago 1966, ed. Garrow, 19-31.
59. Garrow, , Bearing the Cross, 499–500.Google Scholar
60. Robert McClory, ‘The Holy Terror of Saint Sabina's,” Chicago Reader, November 17, 1989, 28.
61. William J. Leahy to Cody, November 28, 1966, “I” file, box 2007, Archdiocesan Commission on Human Relations and Ecumenicism collection (ACHREC), Archives of the Archdiocese of Chicago; Sr. Matthias Rinderer, O.S.F., “One Sister's Chicago Education,” in The New Nuns, ed. Borromeo, 94-97.
62. John A. McDermott, “A Chicago Catholic Asks: Where Does My Church Stand on Racial Justice?” Look 30 (November 1, 1966): 82+; William F. Graney, “Saddest Part of Riot: ‘Catholic’ Know Nothings,” The New World, August 5, 1966; Fr. James A. Bowman, S.J., letter, Commonweal 85 (December 16, 1966): 323.
63. Geaney, Dennis, “Trouble in Chicago,” Ave Maria 104 (October 1, 1966): 11 Google Scholar; John A. McDermott, “A Chicago Catholic Asks,” 85; John Cogley, “Chicago Diocese Split,” n.d., clipping in file “Race—Catholic,” box 32, Msgr. Geno Baroni papers, Manuscripts and Archives, University of Notre Dame.
64. Copy of Statement in folder 4, box 11, Msgr. Daniel Cantwell papers, Chicago Historical Society.
65. Woman to Cantwell, n.d., folder 4, box 11, Cantwell papers; Raymond F. Knauerhaze to Cody, September 15, [1965?], file “k,” box 2007, ACHREC; Marty Servick to Cantwell, January 27, 1967, folder 11, box 4, Cantwell papers, Chicago Historical Society.
66. Tillman quoted in Voices of Freedom: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1950s through the 1980s, ed. Henry Hampton and Steve Fayer (New York: Bantam Books, 1990), 312.
67. Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1970), lxv. The question of focus was raised, for example, by Andrew Greeley, “Chicago Summer,” New City 5 (August 1966): 19.
68. Fr. Matthew Gottschalk, O.F.M., to Chicago CIC, August 23, 1963, file “Milwaukee,” box 22, series 10-2, NCCIJ.
69. Quoted in Aukofer, Frank, City with a Chance (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Company, 1968), 94.Google Scholar
70. Bernard, Richard and Leuders, Bill, “The Selma of the North,” Milwaukee Magazine 11 (February 1986): 77–78.Google Scholar
71. Bleidorn to Archbishop Cousins, October 20, 1965, folder 1, Bleidorn papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin at Milwaukee.
72. “Priests and Nuns Back Milwaukee School Boycott,” New York Times, October 19, 1965, 27; Aukofer, City with a Chance, 71-72.
73. Aukofer, City with a Chance, 71; sermon in folder 1, Bleidorn papers.
74. Thomas Sweetser, S.J., “Rundown on a Demonstration,” Community 25 (December 1964): 5-6; see also Wilkes, Paul, These Priests Stay (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1973), 107-9.Google Scholar
75. Ann F. Cudahy to Groppi, October 25, 1965, folder 1, box 1, Groppi papers, State Historical Society, Milwaukee, Wisconsin; “Priest Support in Race Protest,” New York Times, December 11, 1965, 22.
76. “Catholic Laymen, workers in an industrial complex,” to Groppi, October 13, 1965, folder 3, Bleidorn papers; Isabel Maguire to Groppi, October 21, 1965, folder 6, box 5, Groppi papers; Bernard Karger to Groppi, December 6, 1965, folder 6, box 5, Groppi papers.
77. The most complete account of Groppi and Milwaukee is Aukofer, City with a Chance; see also “Groppi in Black for Yule Mass,” National Catholic Reporter 3 (January 3, 1967): 7; and Karen Kelly, “The Scene—Milwaukee,” Community 27 (October 1967): 3.
78. Aukofer, City with a Chance, 110-20; see also Bernard, Richard and Lueders, Bill, “The Selma of the North,” Milwaukee Magazine 11 (February 1986): 74–80 Google Scholar; Homar Bigart, “A Militant Priest Kicks Up a Storm,” New York Times, September 17, 1967, see. 4, 4; and Bernard, Richard M., “The Death and Life of a Midwestern Metropolis,” in Snowbelt Cities: Metropolitan Politics in the Northeast and Midwest Since World War II, ed. Bernard, Richard M. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 170-88.Google Scholar
79. King to Groppi, September 4, 1967, folder 3, box 2, Groppi papers.
80. The policeman's quote is from “Depth of Race Hatred Illustrated in ‘I Am the Priest in This Picture,’ ” Texas Catholic Herald, November 17, 1967; Groppi quoted in Weighart, James and Patrinos, Dan, “Cut Off Funds to Segregated Cities,” National Catholic Reporter 3 (September 27, 1967): 3.Google Scholar See also Aukofer, , City with a Chance, 126-27Google Scholar; and William D. Cohen, “Milwaukee March ‘Like It Is’: Hate, Song, Dreams, Frustration,” University of Minnesota Daily, October 3, 1967, clipping in Groppi papers. Cousins wrote an editorial for the Catholic Herald Citizen on Groppi; see “Milwaukee Archbishop Backs Priest's Cause,” Chicago Sun-Times, September 14, 1967.
81. “Hub Priests Fly to Milwaukee,” Boston Globe, September 16, 1967; Ken Rolling, O.F.M., to Groppi, September 21, 1967, folder 4, box 3, Groppi papers; Jeremiah Murphy, “Marching Hub Priest Says Time Has Come,” Boston Globe, September 20, 1967.
82. Patrick and Maureen Coffey in letter to editor, St. Louis Review, September 22, 1967, 16-17; John D. Murnant and others to Groppi, September 21, 1967, folder 4, box 3, Groppi papers.
83. Mr. and Mrs. Cliff Lund to Groppi, June 23, 1967, folder 6, box 1, Groppi papers; Bob Hoffman to Groppi, February 2, 1967, folder 2, box 1, Groppi papers.
84. Mrs. A. C. Caruso to Groppi, September 22, 1967, folder 4, box 3, Groppi papers; Fred J. Gordon to Groppi, August 31, 1967, folder 3, box 6, Groppi papers; Mrs. E. Meyer to Groppi, September 19, 1967, folder 1, box 7, Groppi papers.
85. Mrs. Elenore R. Haubert to Groppi, July 29, 1967, folder 2, box 6, Groppi papers; “A German-Polish Catholic Family” to Groppi, September 6, 1967, folder 5, box 6, Groppi papers; Mrs. J. N. Hipp to Groppi, September 5, 1967, folder 5, box 6, Groppi papers.
86. Mrs. M. Dugan to Groppi, September 1, 1967, folder 4, box 6, Groppi papers; Mrs. John C. Fonuke to Groppi, September 3, 1967, folder 5, box 6, Groppi papers.
87. Dolan, , The American Catholic Experience, 385.Google Scholar
88. See the Rt. Rev. Msgr. Morrison, Joseph P., “Towards a Christian Order in Inter-Racial Relations,” in The Sacramental Way, ed. Perkins, Mary (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1948), 353-62Google Scholar; and Elizabeth Louise Sharum, “A Strange Fire Burning: A History of the Friendship House Movement” (Ph.D. diss., Texas Tech University, 1977), 156-60. The most comprehensive survey of American Catholic spiritual life is Chinnici, Joseph P., Living Stones: The History and Structure of Catholic Spiritual Life in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1989), esp. 179-85.Google Scholar The founder of the American liturgical movement, Benedictine monk Virgil Michel, also expressed interest in interracial justice. See Marx, Paul B., O.S.B., Virgil Michel and the Liturgical Movement (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1957), 378-79, 402Google Scholar; and William Hogan, interview with author, January 4, 1991.
89. McNaspy, C. J., S.J., Our Changing Liturgy (New York: Hawthorne Books, 1966), 101-2.Google Scholar
90. Rev. Donald McIlvane, quoted in Timothy Ignatius Kelly, “The Transformation of American Catholicism: The Pittsburgh Laity and the Second Vatican Council, 1950-1980” (Ph.D. diss., Carnegie-Mellon University, 1991), 322; Clark, Dennis, “Parochial Roles,” in The Parish in Crisis, ed. McCudden, John (Techny Ill.: Divine World Publications, 1967), 53.Google Scholar
91. Anonymous to Groppi, May 7, 1967, folder 1, box 6, Groppi papers; “A Catholic” to Groppi, December 20, 1966, folder 1, box 6, Groppi papers.
92. School Board Minutes, April 13, 1967, Archdiocesan School Board Minutes collection, Archives of the Archdiocese of Chicago; “Chicago Parents Hit Religion Books,” National Catholic Reporter 3 (August 16, 1967): 3; “Sisters ‘Desert’ Racist Institution,” America 118 (April 13, 1968): 476-79. Abrilliant discussion of the vehement rejection of traditional religious rituals by Catholic liberals is Robert Orsi, “ ‘Have You Ever Prayed to Saint Jude?’: Reflections on Fieldwork in Catholic Chicago,” MS in author's possession. Orsi particularly emphasizes the triumph of “words” over an ethos of “charisma and sacred intimacy.” Those with access to “words”—Catholic liberals—dominated discussion of appropriate forms of spirituality. See also Cunningham, Lawrence S., “Sacred Space and Sacred Time: Reflections on Contemporary Catholicism,” in The Incarnate Imagination: Essays in Theology, the Arts, and Social Sciences in Honor of Andrew Greeley, ed. Shafer, Ingrid H. (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988), 246-55.Google Scholar
93. Rev. Donald Kenna, “Chaplain's Notes,” September 1966, file “race and riots—1966,” box 17, Msgr. Geno Baroni papers. A thoughtful treatment of these matters is Dinges, William D., “Ritual Conflict as Social Conflict: Liturgical Reform in the Roman Catholic Church,” Sociological Analysis 48 (Summer 1987): 138-57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
94. Coles, Robert, “The White Northerner,” The Atlantic Monthly 217 (June 1966): 56–57.Google Scholar
95. See especially Gleason, , Keeping the Faith, 82–96 Google Scholar; and Bell, Daniel, “Religion in the Sixties,” Social Research 37 (Autumn 1971): 461-71Google Scholar.