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Conjure and Christianity in the Nineteenth Century: Religious Elements in African American Magic

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 June 2018

Extract

Shortly before the turn of the nineteenth Century, an amateur collector of Negro Spirituals and folklore recounted a conversation that she had had with an unidentified African American clergyman. According to the collector, the clergyman, “one of the most scholarly and noted ministers of the colored race,” admitted that, even as a professed Christian, he found himself “under the influences of voodooism” and other African occult practices. He explained that, as a young pastor, he had grown “completely discouraged” after numerous unsuccessful attempts to attract new worshipers into his congregation until one day an unexpected visitor happened his way:

I was in my study praying when the door opened and a little Conjure man came in and said softly: “You don't understand de people. You must get you a hand as a friend to draw 'em. Ef you will let me fix you a luck charm, you'll git 'em.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture 1997

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References

Notes

1. Murphy, Jeanette Robinson, “The Survival of African Music in America,” Appletons Popular Science Monthly 55 (May-October 1899): 663.Google Scholar The hand, in African American magic traditions, is believed to be spiritually efficacious and powerful for its owner. Such objects were featured elements in the magical repertoire of black occult specialists. For descriptions and ingredients of African American hands and other charms, see Haskins, James, Voodoo and Hoodoo: Their Tradition and Craft as Revealed by Actual Practitioners (New York: Stein and Day, 1978), 155-70Google Scholar; and Puckett, Newbell Niles, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1926), 231-41.Google Scholar

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4. See, for example, Puckett, , Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro, 520-21Google Scholar; see also Mitchell, Henry, Black Belief: Folk Beliefs of Blacks in America and West Africa (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), 2627.Google Scholar

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6. My usage of “magic” as a category distinct from other “religious” means of mediating the supernatural may be misleading. Although the terms are exogenous, Africans themselves have distinguished between magical and religious acts based upon the intentions of the practitioners rather than the focus of specific practices. In a frequently cited Statement on Zairois religious movements, anthropologists de Craemer, Vansina, and Fox argue that the difference between magical and religious acts in African cultures lies in the formulation of their goals: magic is selfish, deriving from personal motives, and is socially disapproved. Religion is group-oriented, collective, and holds positive implications for the larger Community. Of course, they note that in life the categories overlap, such as with the use of charms that may affect the individual but may benefit the entire Community. See de Craemer, Willy, Vansina, Jan, and Fox, Renee, “Religious Movements in Central Africa: A Theoretical Study,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 18, no. 4 (October 1976): 458-75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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38. Murphy, “The Survival of African Music,” 334.

39. Oral narrative, Rev. P. L. Harvey, Lynchburg, Virginia, University of Virginia Special Collections, n.d., folder 2, heading 279, 1-4.

40. Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 13, Georgia Narratives, pt. 4, 248.

41. New York Times, December 20, 1874.

42. Raboteau, Albert, Slave Religion: The “Invisible Institution” in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 81 Google Scholar; Bass, Ruth, “Mojo,” in Mother Wit from the Laughing Barrel, ed. Dundes, , 382.Google Scholar

43. Supernatural beliefs were not unfamiliar to participants in the Christian tradition. For example, a kind of manipulation of natural forces was also sanctioned in some cases within nineteenth-century Protestant evangelicalism. Two black female preachers, Rebecca Jackson and Amanda Smith, recorded as evidence of their “gifts of power” their abilities to control the weather and curtail threatening human behavior. See Humez, Jean, “‘My Spirit Eye’: Some Functions of Spiritual and Visionary Experience in the Lives of Five Black Women Preachers, 1810-1880,” in Women and the Structure of Society: Selected Research from the Fifth Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, ed. Harris, Barbara J. (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1984), 136, 277Google Scholar; Humez, Jean, ed., Gifts of Power: The Writings of Rebecca Cox Jackson, Black Visionary, Shaker Eldress (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981), 2223 Google Scholar; and Smith, Amanda, An Autobiography: The Story of the Lord's Dealings with Mrs. Amanda Smith, the Colored Evangelist (Chicago: Meyer, 1893; repr., New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 158.Google Scholar

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46. See Bass, Ruth, “The Little Man,” in Mother Wit from the Laughing Barrel, ed. Dundes, , 394.Google Scholar

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53. Three twentieth-century sources mentioning “letters” or “books” point to the possibility that there was a magical significance attached to such articles. The concept of the mystical power of the word that is written, so prominent in Islamic lore, was possibly fused with the African notion of spirit-embedding charms, which were adopted by black Americans as objects of power. For examples, see Hurston, Zora Neale, The Sanctified Church, 1718 Google Scholar; Whitten, Norman, “Contemporary Patterns of Malign Occultism among Negroes in North Carolina,” Journal of American Folklore 75 (October-December 1962): 315 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Powdermaker, , After Freedom, 294-95.Google Scholar

54. See Mrs. A. Right, informant, Atlanta, Georgia, Newbell Puckett Papers, box 8, file no. 2, Cleveland Public Library.

55. Chesnutt, Charles, “Superstition and Folklore of the South,” Modern Culture 13 (1901)Google Scholar, repr. in Mother Witfrom the Laughing Barrel, ed. Dundes, 39.

56. Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 4, Georgia Narratives, 17.

57. Lea, M. S., “Two-Head Doctors,” American Mercury (October 1929): 237.Google Scholar

58. Botkin, , Lay My Burden Down, 34 Google Scholar; see also Rawick, The American Slave, Supplement, series 2, vol. 7, Texas Narratives, pt. 6, 2782.

59. See, for example, the comments of Ellen Dorsey regarding the devil and Conjure in the Georgia Writers' Project, Drums and Shadows: Survival Studies among the Georgia Coastal Negroes (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1940), 27; and Handy, “Negro Superstitions,” 736.

60. Cooley, Rossa Belle The Homes of the Freed (New York: New Republik 1926), 41.Google Scholar

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63. Botkin, , Lay My Burden Down, 37 Google Scholar; Levine, Lawrence, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought from Slavery to Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 57.Google Scholar

64. See Puckett, , Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro, 520-70Google Scholar; Georgia Writers' Project, Drums and Shadows, 1-2; Sobel, , Trabelin' On, 99135 Google Scholar; Raboteau, , Slave Religion, 250 Google Scholar; and Levine, , Black Culture and Black Consciousness, 37.Google Scholar

65. Clayton, Ronnie, Motherwit: Ex-Slave Narratives of the Louisiana Writers' Project (New York: P. Lang, 1990), 180 Google Scholar; Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 3, South Carolina Narratives, pt. 4, 252; Georgia Writers' Project, Drums and Shadows, 25. See also Levine, , Black Culture and Black Consciousness, 56 Google Scholar;

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