Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-p9bg8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T06:27:06.867Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Pellagra in South Africa from 1897 to 2019: a scoping review

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 March 2021

Margaretha Viljoen*
Affiliation:
Department of Psychiatry, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Pretoria, 36 Buffels Road, Rietondale, Pretoria0084, South Africa
Priyesh Bipath
Affiliation:
Department of Physiology, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa
Cheryl Tosh
Affiliation:
Faculty Research Office, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa
*
*Corresponding author: Email [email protected]
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Objective:

Pellagra is a nutritional deficiency disease associated with niacin (vitamin B3) deficiency. The history of pellagra is well documented for Europe and the USA, but less is known about the prevalence in sub-Saharan African countries. This study documents the history of pellagra in South Africa, as diagnosed based on dermatological symptoms.

Design:

Scoping review of information from scientific databases, library archives, other archives and record services and from Statistics South Africa.

Setting:

South Africa, 1897–2019.

Participants:

South African.

Results:

Pellagra was first officially recorded in South Africa in 1906, but there are earlier indications of the disease. The prevalence of pellagra peaked after it was all but eradicated in the USA and Europe. Pellagra was never as prevalent in South Africa as in Europe, the USA and Egypt, where special hospitals for pellagrins were established. However, studies on urinary excretion of metabolites conducted in 1960s and 1970s suggested a high prevalence of subclinical (sub-pellagra) niacin deficiency, especially in previously disadvantaged Black populations. As in Europe and the USA, pellagra was associated with poverty and an overdependence on maize as staple food. Malnutrition was the main cause of the disease, but alcohol abuse might have been a contributing factor. In South Africa, reports of pellagra had declined by the late 1980s/early 1990s and hardly any cases were reported by the year 2000.

Conclusions:

Although pellagra, diagnosed based on dermatological symptoms, appears to be largely eradicated in South Africa, it does not rule out the potential for subclinical niacin deficiency.

Type
Review Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Nutrition Society

Pellagra is a nutrition deficiency disease, associated with niacin deficiency. The symptoms of pellagra are referred to as the three D’s, namely, dermatitis, diarrhoea and dementia, referring to skin, gastrointestinal and neuropsychiatric symptoms, respectively. In the skin, a sunburn-like rash develops symmetrically in areas exposed to sunlight, progressing into thick, scaly, darkly pigmented lesions(Reference Hanlon, Byers, Wilding, Walker, Colledge and Ralston1). Gastro-intestinal symptoms may include inflammation of the mouth and tongue, vomiting, constipation, abdominal pain and diarrhoea(Reference Hegyi, Schwartz and Hegyi2). Any of a range of neuropsychiatric symptoms may occur, including apathy, fatigue, depression, confusion, hallucinations, psychosis and memory loss(Reference Amanullah and Seeber3). The symptoms of pellagra may vary, with the classic triad rarely presenting in its entirety(4). Epidemiological assessment of pellagra is primarily based on dermatological symptoms.

Pellagra was first officially documented in Spain during the first half of the 18th century, but by the second half of the 19th century, it had spread throughout Europe with hundreds of thousands of people contracting the disease(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5). In the USA, pellagra was officially first reported in 1902(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5). About three million people contracted the disease, and over 100 000 died between 1902 and 1940(Reference Rajakumar6,Reference Bollet7) . According to the Mortality Statistics of the USA, the prevalence of pellagra peaked in 1928, killing roughly 7000 people in southern America, annually(Reference Bollet7). In Europe, the USA and Egypt special hospitals were established to treat those diagnosed with pellagra(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5). Pellagra was largely confined to the poor, who relied on maize as a staple food. With improvements in socio-economic conditions of the working classes and food enrichment, the prevalence of pellagra declined, and by the middle of the 20th century, it had been all but eradicated in large parts of the world(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5). Meanwhile, on the African continent, major outbreaks of pellagra continued to occur. Since 1988, outbreaks of pellagra have been recorded in Angola, Ethiopia, Malawi, Swaziland, Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, mostly in food-aid-dependent populations such as refugees, internally displaced people, refugee returnee populations and in communities surrounding refugee camps(4). While the history of pellagra has been well documented in Europe and the USA, much less is known about the prevalence in general populations of sub-Saharan African countries, including South Africa.

The aim of this scoping review was to document the history of pellagra in South Africa, as diagnosed on the basis of dermatological symptoms. Objectives addressed included the prevalence of pellagra over different periods, the main causes of the disease, associations with the consumption of maize and incidences of subclinical (subpellagric) levels of niacin.

Methods

We searched scientific databases, including Academic Search Complete; Africa-Wide Information; AHFS Consumer Medication Information; eBook Collection (EBSCOhost); E-Journals; Family & Society Studies Worldwide; Health Source: Nursing/Academic Edition; MasterFILE Premier; PsycARTICLES; PsycINFO; Social Work Abstracts; TOC Premier, as well CINAHL Complete; MEDLINE Complete; Dentistry & Oral Sciences Source. Initial search words included South Africa, pellagra, niacin deficiency and vit3 deficiency, but varied when specific aspects of the study were investigated.

The structured databases rarely returned findings from the late 19th to early-to-middle 20th century. We thus manually searched through scientific library archives, other archives and record services. We searched websites from reputable organisations such as the South African Medical Research Council; Statistics South Africa (SA); SA Data Archive; the Historical Papers Research Archive, University of the Witwatersrand (Wits); Southern Africa Labour & Development Research Unit, University of Cape Town; the Cory Library Collection, Rhodes University; William Cullen Library, Wits; SA History Online; WHO Regional Office for Africa; National Archives and Record Services of SA.

Further information on the methods employed, including the searches performed and the search strategies, can be found in Appendix 1.

Results

Reports on incidences of pellagra in South Africa

Studies referring to incidences of pellagra in South Africa between 1897 and 2019 are summarised in Table 1.

Table 1 Summary of studies referring to pellagra in South Africa from 1897 to 2019

First reports of pellagra in South Africa

Pellagra first became a problem in 1897, following the outbreak of rinderpest which killed large numbers of cattle in the sub-Saharan region, leading to a marked deterioration in the diets of people(Reference Bender8). Although cited as the first reference to pellagra, it is doubtful to be the first occurrence. In the 1800’s, large areas of southern Africa were marked by severe food shortages and famine, due to war, plant and animal diseases, locusts, as well as severe droughts, which could have resulted in nutritional deficiencies such as pellagra(Reference Ballard9,Reference Garstang, Coleman and Therrell10) . The KwaZulu-Natal region is of special interest, since the first quantitative information on pellagra in South Africa came from there. In 1906, 150 pellagrins were diagnosed from among 3000 Zulu rebel prisoners, captives of the Bambatha uprising, led by Bambatha kaMancinza, leader of the amaZondi clan of the Zulu people. The Bambatha uprising protested against British rule and poll tax in Natal. These prisoners received mainly maize while in captivity, but probably had inadequate diets before capture(Reference Cluver11). Pellagra may also have been prevalent among the general population in KwaZulu-Natal during the late 1800s–early 1900s. A series of pellagra cases were reported in the Tugela valley, KwaZulu-Natal, around 1907, and a Zulu pellagrin, admitted to Addington Hospital, insisted that many individuals with skin lesions similar to his could be found in Zululand(Reference Cluver11,Reference Drummond12) . There are also suggestions that pellagra was present in the late 1800s–early 1900s in the Transkei. According to a 1940 study, elderly individuals in the Transkei claimed to have been familiar with pellagra symptoms since childhood.

Information from papers in biomedical journals and official documents

Most surveys focused on the Black population(Reference Cluver11Reference Dlova, Mankahla and Madala64), while fewer studies included two or more races(65Reference Dlova, Chateau and Khoza81), and even less centred on the White population only(Reference Pijper82Reference Findlay85). In contrast to Europe and the USA, a significant number of studies involved children, where pellagra was diagnosed based on dermatological symptoms(Reference Kark and Le Riche18,Reference Kark and le Riche20,Reference Gillman and Gillman24,Reference Prinsloo, Du Plessis and Kruger43,Reference Pretorius46,Reference Du Plessis, Wittman and Louw52,Reference Prinsloo, Wittmann and Kruger53,59,Reference Du Plessis60) , and studies where niacin status was estimated based on the excretion of urinary metabolites(Reference Prinsloo, Du Plessis and Kruger43,Reference Du Plessis, de Lange and Viviers70,Reference Du Plessis71,Reference De Lange and Joubert73,Reference Soldenhoff and van der Westhuyzen79) . From the mid-1950s onwards, a significant amount of information on the prevalence of pellagra appeared in papers from dermatology services(Reference Findlay39,Reference Schultz, Findlay and Scott40,Reference Park45,Reference Findlay and Park47,Reference Dogliotti49,Reference Dogliotti50,Reference Schultz55Reference Dogliotti, Liebowitz and Downing57,Reference Dlova, Mankahla and Madala64,Reference Marshall and Heyl72,Reference Flöter76,Reference Hartshorne80,Reference Dlova, Chateau and Khoza81,Reference Findlay and Scott84,Reference Findlay85) . Unlike Europe, the USA and Egypt where special hospitals were established for the so-called insane pellagrins(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5), in South Africa, a relatively small number of pellagrins were reported in association with neuropsychiatric symptoms(Reference Lamont and Blignault36Reference Moffson38,86Reference Krengel92) .

Estimations from burden of disease based on hospital admissions and causes of death

Papers in scientific journals on burden of disease as reflected by hospital admissions did not return any relevant information; pellagra was not named among the leading ten or twenty causes of admission(Reference Seftel93Reference Dean and Gear102). Most of these papers covered hospitals serving disadvantaged communities, where malnutrition, and therefore pellagra, would have been the most prevalent. Our own findings are corroborated by that of a systematic review on causes of admission to hospitals from 1950 to 2010(Reference Etyang and Scott103).

Records on the causes of death should shed some light on the burden of disease in a country. In a well-referenced book by Van Rensburg and Mans on disease profiles during the 1970s(Reference van Rensburg and Mans104), pellagra does not appear among the top causes of death for any population group. Neither does pellagra feature in a 2016 publication by the Medical Research Council on cause-specific death rates for the period 1997–2012(Reference Pillay-van Wyk, Msemburi and Laubscher105). According to Statistics SA, 684 people died from pellagra over the 20-year period from 1997 to 2016. A progressive decline in pellagra-associated deaths is recorded with eighty-six in 1997 down to five in 2016(106).

Discussion

As for Europe, Asia, Egypt and the USA(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5), the prevalence of pellagra in South Africa is intertwined with the socio-political history of the country. In South Africa, pellagra was mainly recorded in disadvantaged populations where maize represented the staple food without augmentation with adequate fresh vegetables and protein(Reference Cluver11,Reference Kark and Le Riche18,Reference Gillman and Gillman28,Reference Gillman and Gillman30,Reference Kropman32,Reference Webster107) .

Prevalence over different periods

1700s/1800s: Despite several natural and man-made disasters over the 18th and 19th centuries(Reference Webster107), there is only one record of pellagra, namely, the outbreak of pellagra following the rinderpest epidemic of 1897(Reference Bender8). The dearth in reports could be due to the fact that most health care was, with exception of the Cape settlement, provided by traditional healers and, later on, missionaries. By the end of the 19th century, South Africa had a mere 650–700 Western trained medical doctors of whom more than 60 % lived in the Cape area(Reference Coovadia, Jewkes and Barron108,Reference Gilder109) .

1900–1930: During the first three decades of the 20th century, several events occurred that gave rise to food shortages and malnutrition(Reference Nattrass110,Reference Jewell111) , but are not reflected in reports on incidences of pellagra. This period also saw the creation of Black reserves through a series of discriminatory acts, e.g. the controversial Land Act of 1913 that made it illegal for Black Africans to purchase land except in demarcated reserves or to work as sharecroppers(Reference Nattrass110,112) .

Over the three decades, three outbreaks of pellagra were recorded, but never nearly of the magnitude seen in Europe or the USA. The first outbreak (1906) occurred among prisoners of war when 150 pellagrins were identified by Dr LG Haydon among 3000 Zulu prisoners of war(Reference Cluver11). The second outbreak (1912–1913) occurred in the Pretoria Mental Institution where sixty inmates were diagnosed with pellagra(Reference Cluver11,87) , and the third outbreak (1927–1928) involved sixty-four Black prisoners from three prisons in the Durban Prison Command diagnosed by Drs Rhodes and English(Reference Cluver11,15) . An estimated fifty more sporadic cases were officially diagnosed, mainly from Zululand, Natal, the Transkei and a few from the Johannesburg area(Reference Cluver11). However, verbal reports, both from medical personnel and locals, suggest that pellagra may have been more prevalent(Reference Cluver11,Reference Mears22,65) . There are also indications that subclinical deficiency of niacin may have been common in certain areas, especially in Black reserves(Reference Cluver11,113) . According to census data, the population of South Africa numbered 16 928 580 in 1921(Reference Christopher114).

1931–1947: Over the following 17 years, the frequency of reports on the prevalence of pellagra, as well as the number of pellagrins for specific areas, increased(Reference Heiman17Reference Suzman19,Reference Fox21,Reference Gillman and Gillman28,Reference Gillman, Gillman and Brenner29) . In general, malnutrition and malnutrition-related diseases were by now common among the poor(Reference Hendriks, Mkandawire and Hall115Reference Fox118). The increase in the number of reported pellagra cases may partly have resulted from the founding of community health centres(Reference Coovadia, Jewkes and Barron108,Reference Gluckman117,Reference Brown, Fee and Kark119) ; an increase in the doctor:patient ratio from 1:3600 in 1930 to 1:2427 in 1946(Reference van Rensburg and Mans104) and an increase in the number of community health surveys between 1930 and 1947(Reference Kark and le Riche20,Reference Hendriks, Mkandawire and Hall115,Reference Gluckman117) . Pellagra was recorded in large community studies primarily focusing on Black children. The recorded prevalence in those studies varied widely between areas. For instance, in a 1938/1939 study by Kark and Le Riche(Reference Kark and Le Riche18,Reference Kark and le Riche20) involving about 7000 Black schoolchildren in urban and rural areas of the Transvaal, Orange Free State, Natal and the Transkei, a total of 131 (1·87 % of 7000) cases of pellagra were reported, with figures varying between 0 % and 14·83 % for different regions. No such studies exist for adults.

From records of hospitals and clinics, and from verbal reports by locals who referred to pellagra as kelaba, it appears that pellagra may have been endemic in areas of the Transkei such as Idutywa and in Tsolo where 418 cases were diagnosed in the 1940s(Reference Mears22,Reference Mears23,Reference Gillman and Gillman28) . Pellagra was not uncommon in the Ciskei(Reference MacVicar16), but due to a scarcity of medical services, records are not available. Better records are available for Johannesburg which had far better medical services and a medical school. While only isolated cases were reported in the Johannesburg area during the 1900–1930 period, at least 500 patients were diagnosed with pellagra between 1935 and 1941(Reference Heiman17Reference Kark and le Riche20), and according to our calculations, about 1000 cases over the 1942–1945 period (Table 1). However, Gillman and Gillman(Reference Gillman and Gillman30) who were by then studying pellagra in South Africa and had access to unpublished data estimated that more than 2000 patients were treated for pellagra at Johannesburg Hospital over the 1942–1945 period. Based on their own observations and that of others, Gillman and Gillman(Reference Gillman and Gillman30) further estimated 4000 cases of pellagra in South Africa between 1943 and 1947, which can be extrapolated to approximately 1000 per annum, mostly in the Black population.

1948–1994: When in 1948, the National Party came into power; it institutionalised and expanded on the apartheid policies of preceding decades. The Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act of 1959 proclaimed the existence of eight African ethnic groups with the aim of developing self-governing Black Homelands (Bantustans), independent of White intervention(Reference Nattrass110,112) . This culminated in two homelands for the Xhosa, namely, Ciskei and Transkei; Bophuthatswana for the Tswana people; KwaZulu for Zulu people; Lebowa for the Pedi and Northern Ndebele; Venda for Vendas; Gazankulu for Shangaan and Tsonga people and Qwa for Basothos(Reference Nattrass110,112,Reference Butler, Rotberg and Adams120) . The Black homelands were characterised by poor economic conditions before and after establishment, lack of infrastructure, limited employment opportunities which forced many to become migrant labourers, large-scale corruption and the growth of a Black middleclass bureaucratic elite. These factors contributed to poverty and malnutrition in the general homeland populations(Reference Nattrass110,Reference Butler, Rotberg and Adams120,Reference Thompson121) .

Confusion exists about the prevalence of pellagra during the ‘era of high apartheid’ (1948–1976). Uncorroborated reports(4,Reference Neser41,Reference Quass42,Reference Metz, Du Plessis and Bothwell77,122Reference Latham124) suggest that pellagra reached epidemic proportions throughout South Africa during the 1970s. We found, for this period, reliable sources for at least 4500 cases of pellagra out of 276 000 observations, an estimated prevalence of 1·63 % (Table 1). In 1960, in an attempt to estimate the national prevalence of pellagra, a questionnaire was sent by the National Research Institute to all registered medical practitioners, requesting information on patients seen over two 30-d periods, namely, a summer period and a winter period(Reference Potgieter and Fellingham67,Reference Potgieter, Fellingham and Nesser68) . Two hundred and fifty-three correctly completed questionnaires (each questionnaire containing records of up to ten doctors) were returned. These appear to be mainly from doctors in areas where malnutrition and diseases of malnutrition were common, such as the Black reserve areas of Zululand, the Transkei and Northern Transvaal. Of the 195 175 patients documented in the survey, 3132 were diagnosed with pellagra, an estimated prevalence of 1·6 %.

We suspect that many cases of pellagra went unpublished, such as the 1949–1950 outbreak of pellagra at Mandhleni, Msinga District, in the then Zululand(33). Msinga is an isolated, poverty-stricken area, located in deep gorges of the Tugela and Buffalo Rivers in an area that later became part of the KwaZulu Homeland. We only found evidence on the Msinga outbreak in the National Archives, in letters to and from the medical superintendent at Tugela Ferry. During the Msinga outbreak, fifty-five families are said to have contracted pellagra with an unspecified number of fatalities(33).

From 1948 to 1994, the population more than trebled from 11 957 000 in 1948 to 38 631 000 by mid-1994(125). Over this period, an estimated 7000 cases of pellagra were officially documented, with a prevalence of 1·75 % among the more than 400 000 individuals surveyed (Table 1). Many of the surveys focused on areas and groups with known malnutrition, and figures can thus not be extrapolated to represent national prevalence. More unreported incidences probably occurred, especially in areas with inadequate medical services such as the Black homelands(Reference van Rensburg and Mans104,116) . To illustrate, by 1962, only 2·8 % of fulltime medical doctors in South Africa worked in the homelands, which grew to 4·8 % by 1974. The doctor:population ratio in the homelands was estimated at 1:15 000, in contrast to 1:1969 in rest of South Africa(Reference van Rensburg and Mans104).

Decline in the prevalence of pellagra

Indications from clinics and hospital records are that the prevalence of pellagra in urban areas started to decline towards the 1970s. However, attendance records at dermatological services suggest that the number of patients suffering from pellagra in metropolitan areas already began to decline in the late 1960s. In large hospitals in the Pretoria area, the proportion of dermatological patients suffering from pellagra declined from 6·3 % in 1962 to 3 % in 1968, to below 1·7 % over the 1974–1980 period(Reference Park45,Reference Schultz55,Reference Schulz, Findlay and Scott56) . The proportion of Black dermatological patients diagnosed with pellagra at Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital, the largest hospital in Africa, declined from 2·2 % between 1968 and 1969 to 1·98 % between 1969 and 1972(Reference Dogliotti49,Reference Dogliotti50) . The early decline observed in metropolitan areas may merely reflect differences in nutritional status between rural and urban populations(Reference Vorster126). Elsewhere, pellagra continued to occur, especially in the Black homelands. In 1975, a 2-week survey of twelve hospitals in the Ciskei and Transkei found 127 pellagrins out of 8684 patients (1·46 %)(Reference Rose, Dowler and Daynes54). A retrospective study of ten hospitals in rural KwaZulu-Natal found that 514 pellagrins were admitted over a 9-year period from 1975 to 1984(Reference Ndaba61). It is important to note that the figures only reflect those who attended hospitals.

All indications are that, by the late 1980s, early 1990s, the prevalence of pellagra was declining throughout South Africa. In a 1995 review of nutrition-related diseases, Walker(Reference Walker127), perhaps a little too optimistically, wrote ‘In the past this deficiency disease was common in rural areas. Its current prevalence is much lower. In big towns it is no longer seen’. By the end of the 20th century, very few papers even mentioned pellagra. In 1999, a retrospective study of 7029 dermatology patients at five academic hospitals in the Johannesburg area showed a pellagra incidence of 0·2 % for Black patients and 0 % for the White, Coloured and Indian populations(Reference Hartshorne80). In KwaZulu-Natal, no cases were diagnosed among 6664 Black private practice patients over 7 years between 2003 and 2010(Reference Dlova, Mankahla and Madala64), or among 3818 dermatological patients seen over 3 months at public referral hospitals in 2013(Reference Dlova, Chateau and Khoza81). Mortality data from Statistics SA showed decreased mortality due to pellagra, from eighty-six cases in 1997, to twelve cases in 2010, remaining below ten per year from 2012 to 2016(106).

Several factors probably contributed to a decline in the prevalence of pellagra as diagnosed by dermatological symptoms. Improvement in the socio-economic circumstances and social grants, as well as the food fortification initiatives and social and food security programmes, undoubtedly had a positive impact. For more information on the many food security initiatives, the reader is referred to a document from ‘Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy’(Reference Hendriks, Mkandawire and Hall115). A brief account on the South African food fortification initiatives, particularly the fortification of maize meal, can be found in the section dealing with pellagra and the consumption of maize in South Africa.

Subclinical levels of niacin

Subclinical (sub-pellagra) levels of niacin deficiency in South Africa were inferred as early as late 1920s to early 1930s. Deficiencies were implied by the rapidity with which some prisoners in Natal gaols developed pellagra when subjected to inadequate prison diets(Reference Cluver11), and by the appearance of pellagra symptoms when newly arrived migrant labourers from Black reserve areas started to work on the mines(113). The first problem was remedied by a change in prison diets(Reference Cluver11) and the second, by a period of rest on nutritionally adequate diets before engaging in the labour of mining(113).

During the second half of the 20th century, the existence of subclinical niacin deficiency was confirmed by urine analysis. Over the period 1962–1965, the nicotinic acid status based on urinary excretion of N1-methyl nicotinamide (N1-Me) and N1-methyl-2-pyridone-5-carboxylamide (2-pyridone) was determined in 2105 urban schoolchildren between the ages of 7 and 15 years in the Pretoria area(Reference Du Plessis, de Lange and Viviers70,Reference Du Plessis71) . A 2-pyridone:N1-Me ratio of <1was considered as indicative of latent nicotinic acid deficiency(Reference Du Plessis, de Lange and Viviers70,Reference Du Plessis71) . The study included the four main racial groups and found, depending on the area, latent niacin deficiency in 5·6–14·1 % White, 24·6–28·7 % Indian, 28·7–32 % Coloured and 35·6–53·1 % Black children(Reference Du Plessis, de Lange and Viviers70,Reference Du Plessis71) . Other studies on primary schoolchildren showed niacin and riboflavin deficiencies(Reference Du Plessis71,Reference De Lange and Joubert73) for Black, but not White children. We found only two studies investigating niacin levels in adults. The first, a 1969 study of 500 Venda men reported a fair nutritional status, but suboptimal nicotinamide levels in 60 % (151/253) rural and 47 % (116/247) urban Venda men(Reference Nel, Du Plessis and Fellingham48). The second study conducted in August 1970 and March 1971 reported low niacin status in 77 % (157/204) rural adult Pedi men from Mohlaletsi, Ehlanzeni District, Mpumalanga Province, and in 50 % (120/239) urban adult Pedi men from Katlehong Township, Ekurhuleni, Gauteng Province(Reference Louw, Du Plessis and Laubscher51). Studies conducted in the 1970s showed that fortification of maize meal with niacin and riboflavin could alleviate subclinical niacin deficiency(Reference Du Plessis, Groonhof and Laubsher128).

It is important to note that the above subnormal levels of niacin reported were generally found in populations with no visible dermatological symptoms of pellagra. Today, the diagnosis of pellagra and epidemiological estimates of niacin deficiency are still largely based on the dermatological symptoms of the disease. In view of the fact that niacin is the precursor of the all-important coenzyme NAD and that niacin and NAD deficiencies can influence virtually all physiological processes, from cerebral functions to genomic stability, this is rather disconcerting.

Pellagra and consumption of maize in South Africa

As a nutrition deficiency disease, pellagra is primarily associated with a deficiency in niacin. In Europe, the USA and Egypt, outbreaks of pellagra were often observed when maize became the staple food in near monophagic diets of the poor(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5). Most of the niacin present in maize is found in the aleurone, germ and endosperm, bound up in a hemicellulose complex that is nutritionally unavailable to humans. These niacin-containing fractions are lost during industrialised milling processes(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5,Reference Suri and Tanum129) . Maize, furthermore, contains a limited amount of bio-available tryptophan, the precursor for in vivo synthesis of niacin.

As elsewhere, an association has been observed in South Africa between pellagra and nutritionally inadequate maize-based diets(Reference Cluver11,Reference Kark and le Riche20,Reference Fox21,Reference Gillman and Gillman28,Reference Gillman and Gillman30,Reference Prinsloo, Du Plessis and Kruger43,Reference Marshall and Heyl72,Reference Fox118) . However, there are several noteworthy differences. Maize apparently became the primary staple food much later in South Africa than in Europe, and marginally later than in the USA(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5,Reference Cluver11,Reference Webster107) . In KwaZulu-Natal, millet, as part of a multi-crop food source, was still the primary grain by the middle of the 19th century(Reference Webster107). At the turn of the century, maize had become the dominant crop in KwaZulu-Natal(Reference Cluver11), and the major grain in the Transkei by 1936(Reference Webster107). In South Africa, the practice of crude stone grinding, instead of industrialised milling, has been suggested to contribute to the relatively low incidence of pellagra in the 19th and early 20th centuries(Reference Cluver11). In addition, consumption of green maize, boiled or roasted, in which the endosperm is still soft and the nutrition bio-availability higher, forms an important part of maize consumption in Africa. Furthermore, traditional African food preparation processes such as fermentation and roasting increase the bioavailability of niacin(Reference Kodicek, Muller and Carpenter130,Reference Lay and Fields131) . Fermented maize, for instance, has almost double the riboflavin and niacin content of unfermented maize(Reference Steinkraus132). Many fermented foods are traditionally consumed in Africa(Reference Ekpa, Palacious-Rojas and Kruseman133), including non-alcoholic beverages such as Mahewu, and alcoholic beverages such as Umqombothi(Reference Ekpa, Palacious-Rojas and Kruseman133Reference Idowu, Fadahunsi and Onabiyi135). Drinks, made from fermented maize, are consumed by both adults and schoolchildren and in certain cultures are used as a weaning food for infants(Reference Ekpa, Palacious-Rojas and Kruseman133Reference Idowu, Fadahunsi and Onabiyi135).

What cannot be denied is that maize is, and has long been, a staple food in the country(Reference Cluver11,Reference Kark and le Riche20,Reference Fox21,Reference Gillman and Gillman28,Reference Gillman and Gillman30,Reference Prinsloo, Du Plessis and Kruger43,Reference Marshall and Heyl72,Reference Fox118) and that inadequacies of a diet over-dependent on maize can contribute to nutritional deficiencies such as pellagra(Reference Viljoen, Bipath and Roos5). In South Africa, provisional maize meal enrichment programmes started as early as the 1960s(Reference Fehrsen136) and in the 1970s studies were conducted which showed that fortification of maize meal with niacin and riboflavin could indeed alleviate subclinical niacin deficiency(Reference Du Plessis, Groonhof and Laubsher128). Attempts to remedy the inadequacies of a diet over-dependent on maize by voluntary fortification by industries have met with some success, but maize meal samples sourced during the last quarter of 1986 from stores in the erstwhile Transvaal, Orange free State, Natal, Eastern Cape Province and Transkei showed concentrations of nicotinic acid and riboflavin to be well below the recommended levels(Reference Aggett, Van der Westhuyzen and Kuyl137,Reference Danster-Christians138) . In April 2003, regulations regarding mandatory fortification of all maize meal and wheat flour were printed in the Government Gazette, published under Act No 54 of 1972(139). Fortification of maize meal and wheat flour with vitamin A, thiamine (vitamin B1), riboflavin (vitamin B2), niacin (vitamin B3), pyridoxine (vitamin B6), folic acid (vitamin B9), Fe and Zn became mandatory on the 7 October 2003, with cyanocobalamin (vitamin B12) later added to the list. Despite indications from post-implementation studies that suggest suboptimal compliance with statuary fortification requirements at mills(Reference Danster-Christians138,Reference Yusufali, Sunley and De Hoop140) , indications are that fortification of maize meal markedly improved the intake of micronutrients such as niacin(Reference Danster-Christians138,Reference Steyn, Wolmarans and Nel141) .

Causes of pellagra in the South African population

Although pellagra is generally associated with diets inadequate in niacin, niacin is also synthesised from the essential amino acid tryptophan via the kynurenine pathway(Reference Bipath, Levay and Viljoen142). Such de novo synthesis of niacin decreases with protein malnutrition, and deficiencies in Fe, riboflavin and pyridoxine(Reference Bipath, Levay and Viljoen142,Reference McCormick143) . South Africa has a long history of malnutrition, including micronutrient deficiencies(Reference Hendriks, Mkandawire and Hall115). From the reviewed literature, we can feasibly assume malnutrition, particularly malnutrition associated with maize as the staple in nutritionally inadequate diets, to be the main cause of pellagra.

Alcoholism may have been the second major cause of pellagra. Alcohol can cause or aggravate niacin deficiency by causing malnutrition, gastrointestinal disturbances, B vitamin deficiencies, and by suppression of de novo synthesis of niacin(Reference Badawy144). According to the WHO, South Africa has among the highest per capita alcohol consumption rates in the world(145). According to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, alcohol ranked among the top three risk factors that accounted for the 2010 disease burden in South Africa(Reference Lim, Vos and Flaxman146). In fact, alcohol consumption is a historical problem in South Africa. Between 1895 and 1909, the Natal Government Asylum, cited ‘intemperance in drink’ as the most frequently identified cause of insanity amongst male patients(Reference Parle147). A 1942 study in the Transkei found that the much higher incidence of pellagra in the Pondomisi tribe, compared to the Fingo tribe, was due to a higher alcohol intake(Reference Mears23). Pellagra, as well as suboptimal niacin levels, were linked to higher alcohol intake in Venda men(Reference Ross44,Reference Nel, Du Plessis and Fellingham48) . In late 1970s, malnutrition and alcohol were implicated as causes of pellagra in admissions to psychiatric hospitals(Reference Marks and Andersson123). Pellagra has also been linked to alcohol consumption in dermatological patients visiting Baragwanath Hospital during 1969–1972(Reference Dogliotti50). In a 1984 overview of poverty and development in KwaZulu-Natal, a strong association is described between incidences of pellagra and alcoholism(Reference Ndaba61).

A number of drugs(Reference Bilgili, Calka and Altun148Reference Li, Yu and Wang150) may influence niacin levels, but most are probably not used on a scale that would significantly influence the local prevalence of pellagra, except anti-tuberculosis agents. South Africa has a high incidence of tuberculosis and HIV-tuberculosis co-infection. According to the WHO, about 57 % (258 000) of the 45 400 patients with incident tuberculosis in 2015 were HIV positive(151). The anti-tuberculosis drug, isoniazid, interferes with the conversion of tryptophan to niacin by producing a deficiency in pyridoxine coenzymes required for de novo synthesis of niacin. Several authors have reported pellagra symptoms in patients treated with isoniazid, especially poorly nourished patients, and at least one paper called to the fact that pellagra encephalopathy may occur in patients without pellagra-associated skin lesions(Reference Bilgili, Karadag and Calka152,Reference Ishii and Nishihara153) . Niacin deficiency has occasionally been linked to HIV infection, and South Africa has a very high incidence of HIV. However, it is debatable whether niacin deficiency occurs as a result of HIV infection per se as the high pro-inflammatory activity associated with HIV infection stimulates de novo niacin synthesis at the cost of tryptophan levels(Reference Bipath, Levay and Viljoen142). Above normal de novo, niacin synthesis then scales down when the inflammatory activity normalises in response to anti-retroviral therapy(Reference Bipath, Levay and Viljoen142). Nevertheless, the niacin status of HIV-positive patients may be adversely affected by the malnutrition and malabsorption often observed in HIV-positive patients(Reference Griffin154).

The end of pellagra or niacin deficiency in South Africa?

The prevalence of pellagra, as diagnosed by dermatological symptoms, declined with improvement in socio-economic conditions, food fortification, social grants and food security programmes. Despite numerous food security programmes, the prevalence of deficiencies in several other micronutrients remains unacceptably high(Reference Hendriks, Mkandawire and Hall115). Currently, most micronutrient deficiencies are diagnosed using biochemical assessments, often in the absence of their respective deficiency syndromes. In contrast, niacin deficiency is still mainly diagnosed based on dermatological symptoms of pellagra, disregarding potential subclinical deficiency. Niacin levels may even be kept within normal range by de novo synthesis, at the cost of tryptophan levels.

Although few papers reported incidences of pellagra in South Africa since the end of the 20th century, outbreaks have recently been reported in specific regions of neighbouring countries. Regrettably, admissions to a clinic at Kuito in the Bie Province of central Angola showed that the incidence of clinical pellagra has not decreased since the end of the civil war in 2002(Reference Seal, Creeke and Dibari155). In Malawi, between July 2015 and April 2016, a total of 691 pellagrins were seen at a local Kasese catchment area clinic in Dowa. The clinic serves approximately 30 000 people, largely of the Chichewa tribe(Reference Matapandeu, Dunn and Pagels156). In central Mozambique, an outbreak of pellagra, following the March 2019 hit by Cyclone Idai, is reported to affect almost 4000 people in the Sofala and Manica provinces, with the numbers still increasing(157). In Zimbabwe, 2007 pellagra cases were recorded by village health workers between January and October 2020 and the numbers are expected to increase as food insecurity intensify(158). In Lesotho, pellagra is said to have been the most common dietary deficiency disease with 8600 cases in 1959(Reference Conz159). By 1964, the numbers started to decline, but indications are that it never really disappeared(Reference Conz159).

Limitations

Very few of the early papers and records could be traced through structured literature searches and were only uncovered through electronic hand searches and in library and other archives. Despite enormous efforts to discover all credible records on incidences of pellagra in South Africa, we suspect that some must have been overlooked.

Conclusions

In South Africa, the prevalence of pellagra peaked after it was all but eradicated in the USA and Europe. Pellagra never reached the same peak levels reported for Europe and the USA. However, inadequate medical services in rural areas, and in the erstwhile Black reserves and homelands, probably contributed to underestimation of the prevalence. As elsewhere, pellagra occurred mainly in the disadvantaged and in South Africa was most prevalent in Black populations. As elsewhere, pellagra was often associated with maize as staple food. Malnutrition was the main cause, but excessive alcohol consumption contributed. Since 2000, only isolated cases of pellagra have been reported in South Africa. The absence of dermatological symptoms of pellagra does not exclude subclinical niacin deficiency.

The manuscript is our own original work and does not duplicate any previously published work. It is not under consideration or peer review or accepted for publication or in press or published elsewhere.

Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements: The Medical Library of the University of Pretoria. Financial support: This research received no specific grant from any funding agency, commercial or not-for-profit sector. Conflict of interest: There are no conflicts of interest. Authorship: All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Ethics of human subject participation: Not applicable.

Supplementary material

For supplementary material accompanying this paper visit https://doi.org/10.1017/S1368980021001336

References

Hanlon, P, Byers, M, Wilding, JPH et al. (2014) Environmental, nutritional factors in disease. In Davidson’s Principles, Practice of Medicine Churchill Livingstone, pp. 97132 [Walker, BR, Colledge, NR, Ralston, SH et al., editors]. London: Elsevier.Google Scholar
Hegyi, J, Schwartz, RA & Hegyi, V (2004) Pellagra: dermatitis, and diarrhea. Int J Dermatol 43, 15.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Amanullah, S & Seeber, C (2010) Niacin deficiency resulting in neuropsychiatric symptoms: a case study and review of the literature. Clin Neuropsychiatry 7, 1014.Google Scholar
World Health Organization (2000) United Nations High Commissions for Refugees. Pellagra and its Prevention and Control in Major Emergencies. WHO reference number: WHO_NHD_00.10. https://www.who.int/nutrition/publications/emergencies/WHO_NHD_00.10/en/ (accessed April 2021).Google Scholar
Viljoen, M, Bipath, P & Roos, JL (2018) Aetiological doctrines and prevalence of pellagra: 18th century to middle 20th century. S Afr J Sci 114, 17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rajakumar, K (2000) Pellagra in the United States: a historical perspective. South Med J 93, 272277.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Bollet, AJ (1992) Politics and pellagra: the epidemic of pellagra in the US in the early twentieth century. Yale J Biol Med 65, 211221.Google Scholar
Bender, DA (2003) Encyclopedia of Food Sciences and Nutrition, 2nd ed. Elsevier Science Ltd.Google Scholar
Ballard, C (1986) Drought and economic distress: South Africa in the 1800s. J Interdiscip Hist 17, 359378.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Garstang, M, Coleman, AD & Therrell, M (2014) Climate and the mfecane. S Afr J Sci 110, 17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cluver, EH (1929) Pellagra among the maize-eating natives of the Union of South Africa. Br Med J 2, 751754.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Drummond, I (1913) Pellagra in Durban. S Afr Med Rec 11, 416418.Google Scholar
Mitchel, JA (1914) A case of pellagra in a Transkeian Native. S Afr Med Rec 12, 341342.Google Scholar
Barcroft–Anderson, J (1923) Notes on a case of pellagra. S Afr Med Rec 11, 436437.Google Scholar
National Archives and Record Services of South Africa P (1927) Letter from assistant health officer, Berea, Durban to the Secretary of Public health, Pretoria. Pellagra Union General 552, 12.Google Scholar
MacVicar, N (1935) Pellagra in the Ciskei. S Afr Med J 9, 892893.Google Scholar
Heiman, HL (1936) Diseases in non-European patients. S Afr Med J 10, 215217.Google Scholar
Kark, SL & Le Riche, H (1944) A health study of South African Bantu school children. S Afr Med J 18 100103.Google Scholar
Suzman, MM (1942) Clinical aspects of vitamin B deficiency in South Africa. Clin Proc 1, 205223.Google Scholar
Kark, SL & le Riche, H (1944) The nutrition and health of South African Bantu School children. Somatometrical and clinical study. Field work and report of findings (Chapter XIV). Dept Public Health 104–113.Google Scholar
Fox, FW (1939) Some nutritional problems amongst the Bantu in South Africa. S Afr Med J 13, 8795.Google Scholar
Mears, ARR (1942) Pellagrin’s progress. S Afr Med J 16, 147148.Google Scholar
Mears, ARR (1942) Pellagra in Tsolo district. S Afr Med J 16, 385387.Google Scholar
Gillman, T & Gillman, J (1945) Hepatic damage in infantile pellagra and its response to vitamin, liver and dried stomach. JAMA 129, 1219.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kark, SL (1943) Adult and infant pellagra in South African Bantu. A comparative clinical study. S Afr J Med Sci 8, 106114.Google Scholar
Luckoff, CA (1943) Evidence of vitamin B deficiency in Orange Free State natives. S Afr Med J 17, 375376.Google Scholar
Le Riche, WH (1943) Health Survey of African Children in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg. Johannesburg: Witwaters and University Press.Google Scholar
Gillman, J & Gillman, T (1951) Perpectives in Human Malnutrition. A Contribution to the Biology of Disease from a Clinical and Pathological Study of Chronic Malnutrition and Pellagra. New York: Grune and Stratton.Google Scholar
Gillman, J, Gillman, T & Brenner, S (1945) Porphyrin fluorescence in the livers of pellagrins in relation to ultra-violet light. Nature 156, 689.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Gillman, J & Gillman, T (1947) Malnutrition and pellagra in South Africa. Nutr Rev 5, 353355.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Walker, A (1954) Low niacin concentration in breast milk of Bantu mothers on a maize diet. Nature 173, 405406.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kropman, M (1946) Studies in the Vitamin Content of African Foodstuffs. Pretoria: University of South Africa.Google Scholar
National Archives and Service Records of South Africa. Outbreak of pellagra at Mandhleni in the Tembu ward, Masinga District (1949-1950). Source NTS 678, Reference: 214/315.Google Scholar
Jackson, JH (1952) Malnutrition in the native in the Transkei. S Afr Med J 26, 501504.Google Scholar
Kark, SL & Cassel, J (1952) The Pholela Health Centre. A progress report. S Afr Med J 26, 439447.Google Scholar
Lamont, AMCE & Blignault, WJ (1952) A study of male Bantu admissions at Weskoppies during 1952. S Afr Med J 24, 637639.Google Scholar
Lamont, AMCE & Moffson, A (1954) Forensic psychiatry at Weskoppies Hospital. S Afr Med J 1, 372376.Google Scholar
Moffson, A (1955) A study of 400 consecutive male Bantu admissions to Weskoppies Mental Hospital. S Afr Med J 1, 689692.Google Scholar
Findlay, GH (1957) Dermatology of the Bantu: a survey. S Afr Med J 31, 471474.Google ScholarPubMed
Schultz, EJ, Findlay, G & Scott, FP (1962) Skin disease in the Bantu. A survey of 4000 cases from the Transvaal and Orange Free State. S Afr Med J 36, 199202.Google Scholar
Neser, ML (1965) Can we eradicate malnutrition in South Africa? Congress S.A. Nutrition Society, Pretoria. S Afr Med J 39, 11581163.Google Scholar
Quass, FW (1965) Opening address to Congress of S.A. Nutrition Society. S Afr Med J 39, 11361141.Google Scholar
Prinsloo, JG, Du Plessis, JP, Kruger, H et al. (1968) Protein nutrition status in childhood pellagra. Evaluation of nicotinic acid status and creatinine excretion. Am J Clin Nutr 21, 98106.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Ross, CM (1966) Skin diseases in the Venda. S Afr Med J 40, 302308.Google ScholarPubMed
Park, RG (1968) The age distribution of common skin disorders in the Bantu of Pretoria, Transvaal. Br J Dermatol 80, 758761.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Pretorius, PJ (1968) The clinical nature and extent of protein malnutrition in South Africa. S Afr Med J 42, 956968.Google ScholarPubMed
Findlay, GH & Park, RG (1969) Common skin diseases in the Transvaal: an analyses of 22 000 dermatological outpatient cases. S Afr Med J 43, 590595.Google Scholar
Nel, A, Du Plessis, JP & Fellingham, SA (1971) Biochemical evaluation. S Afr Med J 45, 13151317.Google ScholarPubMed
Dogliotti, M (1970) Skin disorders in the Bantu: a survey of 2 000 cases from Baragwanath Hospital. S Afr Med J 44, 670672.Google ScholarPubMed
Dogliotti, M (1975) Survey of skin disorders in the urban black population of South Africa. Br J Dermatol 92, 259270.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Louw, MEJ, Du Plessis, JP & Laubscher, NF (1972) A biochemical evaluation of the nutritional status of rural and urban Pedi males. S Afr Med J 46, 11391142.Google Scholar
Du Plessis, JP, Wittman, W, Louw, MEJ et al. (1971) The clinical and biochemical effects of riboflavin and nicotinamide supplementation upon Bantu Schoolchildren using maize meal as carrier medium. S Afr Med J 45, 530537.Google Scholar
Prinsloo, JG, Wittmann, W, Kruger, H et al. (1971) Lactose absorption and mucosal disaccharidases in convalescent pellagra and kwashiorkor children. Archi Dis Child 46, 474478.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Rose, E, Dowler, E, Daynes, G et al. (1975) A Transkei and Ciskei disease pattern survey. TACRESOC meeting. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/33416 (accessed February 2014).Google Scholar
Schultz, EJ (1982) Skin disorders in Black South Africans. A survey of 5000 patients seen as Ga-Rankuwa Hospital Pretoria. S Afr Med J 62, 864867.Google Scholar
Schulz, EJ, Findlay, GH & Scott, FP (1962) Skin Disease in the Bantu. S Afr Med J 36, 199.Google ScholarPubMed
Dogliotti, M, Liebowitz, M, Downing, DT et al. (1977) Nutritional influences of pellagra on sebum composition. Br J Dermatol 97, 2528.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Segal, I, Ou Tim, A, Demetriou, A et al. (1986) Rectal manifestations of pellagra. Int J Colorect Dis 1, 238243.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Health and health services in the Ciskei (1983) Southern Africa Labour and Development Research Unit. Cape Town: Community Health Research Project, Saldru Working Paper.Google Scholar
Du Plessis, JP (1978) Baseline for the development of a nutritional guidance programme for Ciskei as well as biochemical assessments of niacin levels. SALDRU/SAMST Conference, Cape Town, September 1978.Google Scholar
Ndaba, N (1984) Conditions and health status in KwaZulu: an overview. Second Carnegie inquiry into poverty and development in Southern Africa. Carnegie Conference Paper 206, Cape Town, 13–19 April, 1984. http://www.opensaldru.uct.ac.za/handle/11090/343 (accessed April 2021).Google Scholar
McCabe, E (1980) Alcoholism. The hidden alcoholic in the African polyclinic. Fam Pract 1, 69.Google Scholar
Segal, I, Hale, M, Demetriou, A et al. (1990) Pathological effects of pellagra on the esophagus. Nutr Cancer 3, 233238.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dlova, NC, Mankahla, A, Madala, N et al. (2015) The spectrum of skin diseases in a black population in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Int J Dermatol 54, 279285.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Editorial (1930) Pellagra in South Africa. S Afr Med J 4, 342.Google Scholar
Barnes, HD (1955) Porphyria in the Bantu Races on the Witwatersrand. S Afr Med J 29, 781784.Google ScholarPubMed
Potgieter, JF & Fellingham, SA (1962) Incidence of nutritional deficiency among the Bantu and Coloured populations in South Africa as reflected by the results of a questionnaire survey. Natl Res Inst Res Rep 190, 1962.Google Scholar
Potgieter, JF, Fellingham, SA & Nesser, ML (1966) Incidence of nutritional deficiency diseases among the Bantu and Coloured population in South Africa as reflected by the results of a questionnaire survey. S Afr Med J 40, 504509.Google ScholarPubMed
Reid, JVO (1971) The Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society. Grahamstown: Rhodes University.Google Scholar
Du Plessis, JP, de Lange, DJ & Viviers, FS (1967) The biochemical evaluation of the nutrition status of urban school children: nicotinic acid status. S Afr Med J 41, 12121216.Google ScholarPubMed
Du Plessis, JP (1967) An evaluation of biochemical criteria for use in nutrition status surveys. Council for Science and Industrial Research (CSIR) Report 261, CSIR, Pretoria.Google Scholar
Marshall, J & Heyl, T (1963) Skin diseases in the Western Cape Province. A survey of the incidence of skin disease in 2 500 White and 1500 Coloured patients. S Afr Med J 37, 308310.Google Scholar
De Lange, DJ & Joubert, CP (1964) Assessment of nicotinic acid status of population groups. Am J Clin Nutr 15, 169174.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hankes, LV, Leklem, JE, Brown, RR et al. (1971) Tryptophan metabolism in patients with pellagra: problem with vitamin B6 enzyme activity and feedback control of tryptophan pyrrolase enzyme. Am J Clin Nutr 24, 730739.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Walker, ARP (1972) Biological and disease patterns in South African inter-racial populations as modified by rise in privilege. S Afr Med J 46, 11271134.Google Scholar
Flöter, W (1978) Nuwe statistiese oorsig van velsiektes in die Wes-Kaap. S Afr Med J 53, 214216.Google Scholar
Metz, J, Du Plessis, JP, Bothwell, TH et al. (1978) Food fortification in South Africa. Report of a Medical Research Council Project Group. S Afr Med J 13, 744756.Google Scholar
Paine, RR & Brenton, BP (2006) The paleopathology of pellagra: investigating the impact of prehistoric and historical dietary transitions to maize. J Anthropol Sci 84, 125135.Google Scholar
Soldenhoff, M & van der Westhuyzen, J (1988) Niacin status of schoolchildren in Transvaal Province, South Africa. Int J Vitam Nutr Res 58, 208212.Google ScholarPubMed
Hartshorne, ST (2003) Dermatological disorders in Johannesburg, South Africa. Clin Exp Dermatol 28, 661665.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Dlova, NC, Chateau, A, Khoza, N et al. (2018) Prevalence of skin diseases treated at public referral hospitals in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Br J Dermatol 178, e1e2.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Pijper, C (1922) Hits and misses in the diagnosis of skin eruptions. S Afr Med J 20, 268270.Google Scholar
Drummond, I (1925) Pellagra in South Africa. S Afr Med Rec 23, 413.Google Scholar
Findlay, GH & Scott, F (1960) Skin disease in the white South African. A survey of the incidence of skin disorders in 13 500 dermatological patients from the Transvaal and Orange Free State. S Afr Med J 20, 159161.Google Scholar
Findlay, GH (1967) The age incidence of common skin diseases in the white population of the Transvaal. Br J Dermatol 79, 538542.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
National Archives and Record Services of South Africa (1911) Diseases, pellagra or Italian leprosy. Source: CO 635, 2855.Google Scholar
Union of South Africa (1928) Annual report of the Department of Public Health for the year ended 30th June 1928. Quoted by: cluver EH (1929) Quote. Br Med J 2, 751754.Google Scholar
Switf, EWD, Brown, TM, Fee, E et al. (1914) Some cases of pellagra occurring among the insane in South Africa. S Afr Med J 9, 174176.Google Scholar
Minde, M (1974) Fort Beaufort Asylum annual report of physician superintendent. History of mental health services in South Africa. Part III. The Cape Province. S Afr Med J 48, 22302234.Google Scholar
Jones, TF (2012) Psychiatry, Mental Institutions, and the Mad in Apartheid South Africa. New York: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cole, G (1977) Autopsy findings in mental patients. S Afr Med J 52, 534536.Google ScholarPubMed
Krengel, B (1975) Findings in pellagrin patients. S Afr Med J 383, 108.Google Scholar
Seftel, HC (1946) Disease patterns in a South African rural Bantu population. S Afr Med J 46, 968976.Google Scholar
Marszalek, J & De Villiers, PJT (2006) Morbidity profile of admissions to GF Jooste Hospital, Manenberg, Cape Town. SA Fam Prac 48, 15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stein, H & Rosen, EW (1980) Changing trends in child health in Soweto.The Baragwanath Hospital picture. S Afr Med J 58, 1030.Google Scholar
Griffiths, ML (1978) A comparison of admission to a semirural hospital between the years 1959/1956 and 1970/1978. S Afr Med J 59, 983986.Google Scholar
Reeve, RA & Falkner, MJ (1986) Disease patterns in a rural black population. S Afr Med J 69, 551552.Google Scholar
Ilpin, TP, Walker, ARP, Walker, BF et al. (1989) Admissions of rural black patients to Murchison Hospital, Port Shepstone, Natal: causes of admissions and prospects of improvements. S Afr J Food Sci Nutr 1, 1115.Google Scholar
Walker, ARP, Walker, BF, Dunn, MJ et al. (1994) Causes of admissions of rural African patients to Murchison Hospital, Natal, South Africa. Perspect Pub Health 114, 3338.Google Scholar
Kakembo, AS, Walker, FB & Walker, ARP (1996) Causes of admission of African patients to Glukspan Hospital, North West Province. E Afr Med J 76, 746751.Google Scholar
Ndjeka, NO & Ogunbanyo, GA (2003) Disease patterns in the medical wards of a rural South African hospital. SA Fam Prac 45, 1011.Google Scholar
Dean, MPG & Gear, JSS (1986) Medical admissions to Hillbrow Hospital, Johannesburg, by discharge diagnosis. S Afr Med J 69, 672673.Google ScholarPubMed
Etyang, AO & Scott, J (2013) Medical causes of admissions to hospital among adults in Africa: a systematic review. Glob Health Action 6, 10. doi: 10.3402/gha.v6i0.19090.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
van Rensburg, HCG & Mans, A (1982) Profile of disease and health care in South Africa. Publishers Academica, a division of JL van Schaik, Arcadia, Pretoria, 60–167.Google Scholar
Pillay-van Wyk, V, Msemburi, W, Laubscher, R et al. (2016) Mortality trends and differentials in South Africa from 1997 to 2012: Second National Burden of Disease Study. Lancet Glob Health 4, e642–653. doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X(16)30113-9. Erratum in: Lancet Glob Health. 2017 Mar;5(3):e275.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stats SA. Department of Statistics South Africa (2019) Information received from Stats SA 20 May 2019. www.statssa.gov.za (accessed May 2019).Google Scholar
Webster, D (1986) The political economy of food production and nutrition in Southern Africa in historical perspective. J Mod Afr Stud 24, 447463.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Coovadia, H, Jewkes, R, Barron, P et al. (2009) The health and health system of South Africa: historical roots of current public health challenges. Lancet 374, 817834.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Gilder, SSB (1983) South African medicine In the 1890s. S Afr Med J 1, 47.Google Scholar
Nattrass, G (2017) A short history of South Africa. Cape Town: Jonathan Ball Publishers.Google Scholar
Jewell, JR (2003) Using barbaric methods in South Africa: the British Concentration Camp Policy during the Anglo-Boer War. Sci Militaria 31, 118.Google Scholar
South African History Online. Apartheid Legislation. https://wwwsahistoryorgza/article/apartheid-legislation-1850s-1970s (accessed April 2021).Google Scholar
Tomango LTD Notes on the prevention of scurvy amongst native workers, and other notes. South African Institute of Race Relations: 1892–1974. Collection Number: AD1715. Item Number: 9.1.11. Historical Papers Research Archive. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand.Google Scholar
Christopher, AJ (2011) The Union of South Africa censuses 1911–1960: an incomplete record. Historia 56, 118.Google Scholar
Hendriks, SL, Mkandawire, E, Hall, N et al. (2016) Micronutrient policy change in South Africa: Implications for the kaleidoscope model for food security policy change. Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy. Research Paper 18 August, 2016. http://wwwupacza/en/food-security-policy-innovationlab/homepage/preview/744 (accessed August 2016).Google Scholar
Republic of South Africa (1945) Report of the National Health Services Commission on the Provision of an Organised National Health Service for all Sections of the People of the Union of South Africa 1942–1944. Cape Town: Republic of South Africa. South African Government Printer.Google Scholar
Gluckman, H (1944). The Provision of an Organised National Health Service for all Sections of the People of the Union of South Africa, 1942–1944. Pretoria: Government Printer.Google Scholar
Fox, FW (1963) How South Africa became interested in nutrition. SA Med J 37, 395398.Google ScholarPubMed
Brown, TM, Fee, E, Kark, S et al. (2002) Social medicine pioneers and South African Emigrés. Am J Pub Health 92, 17441745.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Butler, J, Rotberg, RI & Adams, J (1978) The Blacks Homelands of South Africa: The Political and Economic Development of Bophuthatswana and Kwa-Zulu. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Thompson, DC (1956) Commission for the socio-economic development of the Bantu Areas within the Union of South Africa. Historical Papers Research Archive, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa Collection Number: A1906, Reference code: ZA HPRA A1906-A-An, 1956. http://historicalpapers-atom.wits.ac.za/papers-of-rev-douglas-chadwick-thompson (accessed April 2021).Google Scholar
Editorial (1977) Apartheid and mental health care. Lancet 310, 491.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marks, S & Andersson, N (1990) The Epidemiology and Culture of Violence. In Political Violence and the Struggle in South Africa. London: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Latham, MC (1997) Human Nutrition in the Developing World, Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Washington, DC: Hunger Notes.Google Scholar
Statista. Population of South Africa from 1800 until 2020. https://www.statista.com/statistics/1067083/population-south-africa-historical/ (accessed April 2021).Google Scholar
Vorster, HEH (2010) The link between poverty and malnutrition: a South African perspective. Health SA Gesondheid 15, 16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Walker, APR (1995) Nutrition-related diseases in Southern Africa: With special reference to urban African populations in transition. Nutr Res 15, 10531094.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Du Plessis, JP, Groonhof, G, Laubsher, NF et al. (1974) Effect of enrichment of maize meal with nicotinic acid and riboflavin upon the vitamin and protein nutritional status of young school-going and pre-school children. S Afr Med J 48, 16411649.Google ScholarPubMed
Suri, DJ & Tanum, I (2016) Effects of different processing methods on the micronutrient and phytochemical contents of maize. Compr Rev Food Sci Food SA 5, 912926.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kodicek, E, Muller, M & Carpenter, KJ (1974) The conversion of bound nicotinic acid to free nicotinamide on roasting sweet corn. Proc Nutr Soc 33, 105A106A.Google ScholarPubMed
Lay, MM & Fields, ML (1981) Nutritive value of germinated corn and corn fermented after germination sample preparation. J Food Sci 46, 10691073.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Steinkraus, KH (1994) Nutritional significance of fermented foods. Food Res Internat 27, 259.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ekpa, O, Palacious-Rojas, N, Kruseman, G et al. (2019) Sub-Saharan African maize-based foods - Processing practices, challenges, opportunities. Food Reviews Internat 35, 609639.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Idowu, OO, Fadahunsi, IF & Onabiyi, OA (2016) Production and nutritional evaluation of Mahewu: a non alcoholic fermented beaverage of South Africa. Internat J Res Pharm Biosci 3, 2733.Google Scholar
Idowu, OO, Fadahunsi, IF & Onabiyi, OA (2014) Review on African traditional cereal beverages. Am J Res Communic 2, 103153.Google Scholar
Fehrsen, GS (1975) Malnutrition in South Africa. Some thoughts on the problem. S Afr Med J 49, 22212224.Google ScholarPubMed
Aggett, N, Van der Westhuyzen, J, Kuyl, J et al. (1989) Monitoring the voluntary fortification of maize meal with riboflavin and nicotinamide. S Afr Med J 76, 342344.Google ScholarPubMed
Danster-Christians, N (2015) The Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices Regarding Food Fortification among Mill Managers and the Contribution of Maize Meal to the Micronutrient Intake of a National Sample of South African adults. Thesis (MNutr), Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch University.Google Scholar
Editorial Office (2003) Food fortification becomes a reality in South Africa. SAJCN 16, 39.Google Scholar
Yusufali, R, Sunley, N, De Hoop, M et al. (2012) Flour fortification in South Africa: post-implementation survey of micronutrient levels at point of retail. Food Nutr Bull 33, S321S329.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Steyn, NP, Wolmarans, P, Nel, JH et al. 2008) National fortification of staple foods can make a significant contribution to micronutrient intake of South African adults. Public Health Nutr 11, 307313.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Bipath, P, Levay, P & Viljoen, M (2015) The kynurenine pathway activities in a subSaharan HIV/AIDS population. BMC Infect Dis 15, 112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McCormick, DB (1989) Two interconnected B vitamins: riboflavin and pyridoxine. Physiol Rev 69, 11701198.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Badawy, AAB (2014) Pellagra and alcoholism: a biochemical perspective. Alcohol 49, 238250.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
World Health Organization (2014) Global Status Report on Alcohol and Health. Geneva: WHO.Google Scholar
Lim, SS, Vos, T, Flaxman, AD et al. (2012) A comparative risk assessment of burden of disease and injury attributable to 67 risk factors and risk factor clusters in 21 regions, 1990–2010: a systematic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study 2010. Lancet 380, 2224–2260. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(12)61766-8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Parle, J (2004) The Fools on the Hill: the Natal Government Asylum and the Institutionalization of Insanity in Colonial Natal. Natal: University of Natal.Google Scholar
Bilgili, SG, Calka, O & Altun, F (2011) Isoniazid-induced Pellagra. Cutan Ocul Toxicol 30, 317319.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Oliveira, A, Sanches, M & Selores, M (2011)) Azathioprine-induced Pellagra. J Dermatol 38, 10351037.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Li, R, Yu, K, Wang, Q et al. (2016) Pellagra secondary to medication and alcoholism: a case report and review of the literature. Nutr Clin Pract 31, 785789.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
World Health Organization (2016) Global Tuberculosis Control. Geneva: WHO.Google Scholar
Bilgili, SG, Karadag, AS, Calka, O et al. (2011) Isoniazid-induced Pellagra. Cutan Ocul Toxicol 30, 317319.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Ishii, N & Nishihara, Y (1985) Pellagra encephalopathy among tuberculous patients: its relation to isoniazid therapy. J Neurol Neurosurg Psychiatr 48, 628634.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Griffin, GE (1990) Malabsorption, malnutrition and HIV disease. Baillieres Clin Gastroenterol 4, 361373.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Seal, AJ, Creeke, PI, Dibari, F et al. (2007) Low and deficient niacin status and pellagra are endemic in postwar Angola. Am J Clin Nutr 85, 218224.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Matapandeu, G, Dunn, SH & Pagels, P (2017) An outbreak of pellagra in the Kasese Catchment Area, Dowa, Malawi. Am J Trop Med Hyg 96, 12441247.Google ScholarPubMed
The United Nations World Food Programme (2020) One year since cyclone struck, many Mozambicans struggle to recover amid aid cuts. https://www.wfp.org/news/one-year-cyclone-struck-many-mozambicans-struggle-recover-amid-aid-cuts (accessed March 2020).Google Scholar
UN Office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs (2020) OCHA. Situation reports Zimbabwe. https://reports.unocha.org/en/country/zimbabwe/card/1Rgo4bUQZM/ (accessed February 2021).Google Scholar
Conz, CR (2020) (Un)Cultivating the disease of maize: pellagra, policy and nutrition practice in Lesotho, 1933–1963. J S Afr Stud 46, 509526.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Van Heerden, PDR, Grieve, R & Metz, J (1966) Fat absorption in pellagrins with observations on the effect of induced diarrhoea. Trans R Soc Trop Med Hyg 60, 241244.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
van der Merwe, AR (1971) Clinical evaluation. S Afr Med J 45, 12981304.Google Scholar
Prinsloo, JG, De Bruin, EJ & Kruger, H (1971) Comparison of intravenous glucose tolerance tests and serum insulin levels in kwashiorkor and pellagra. Arch Dis Child 46, 795800.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Seymour, WG (1979) Observations and speculations. S Afr Med J 56, 808810.Google ScholarPubMed
Figure 0

Table 1 Summary of studies referring to pellagra in South Africa from 1897 to 2019

Supplementary material: File

Viljoen et al. supplementary material

Viljoen et al. supplementary material

Download Viljoen et al. supplementary material(File)
File 30.6 KB