Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-xbtfd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-04T22:23:04.717Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Time and the Millennium: On the Religious Experience of the American Slave

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 July 2009

Get access

Extract

Few scholarly debates have equaled, either in emotional intensity or in linguistic acrimony, the recent controversy surrounding the publication of Robert. W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman's Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery. Although much of the energy of that particular dispute has been focused on the assumptions of Fogel and Engerman's quantitative methodology, the substance of many of the exchanges has been reminiscent of similar debates that have taken place among students of black American history throughout the past several decades. The issues in these debates have been large in number and diffuse in nature, but at their core has been a constantly recurring theme: the concern with the cultural source and the social viability of this or that black institution. The black family has been the institution receiving the most scholarly attention of late, but remaining unresolved are two nagging and closely related questions—that concerning the degree of African cultural survivals in the slave community and that concerning the docile or rebellious nature of slave religion.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1977

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

NOTES

1. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1974. The response to Time on the Cross has been much too voluminous for citation here, but convenient (though far from disinterested) summaries are contained in Thomas L. Haskell, “The True and Tragical History of ‘Time on the Cross,’” New York Review of Books, 22, No. 15 (10 2, 1975), 3339Google Scholar; and in Scheiber, Harry N., “Black Is Computable,” American Scholar, 44 (Autumn 1975), 656–73.Google Scholar

2. Du Bois, W. E. B., The Negro Church (Atlanta: Atlanta Univ. Press, 1903), p. ii.Google Scholar

3. Bastide, Roger, African Civilizations in the New World (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), p. 3.Google Scholar

4. Mays, Benjamin E., The Negro's God (1938; rpt. New York: Atheneum, 1969), p. 26.Google Scholar

5. Frazier, E. Franklin, The Negro Church in America (New York: Schocken Books, 1964), p. 45.Google Scholar

6. Fisher, Miles Mark, Negro Slave Songs in the United States (New York: Citadel Press, 1963)Google Scholar; Harding, Vincent, “Religion and Resistance among Antebellum Negroes, 1800–1860,” in Meier, August and Rudwick, Elliott, eds., The Making of Black America (New York: Atheneum, 1971), I, 179–97.Google Scholar

7. Genovese, Eugene, Studies on the Left, 6 (0102 1966), 4.Google Scholar

8. Herskovits, Melville, The Myth of the Negro Past (1941; rpt. Boston: Beacon Press, 1958), pp. 232–35Google Scholar; Frazier, , pp. 89.Google Scholar

9. Lovell, John Jr., Black Song: The Forge and the Flame (New York: Macmillan, 1972), p. 68.Google Scholar

10. Elkins, Stanley, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1959), part 3.Google Scholar

11. Blassingame, John, The Slave Community (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1972), p. 18.Google Scholar

12. One writer who has handled this problem with subtlety and sensitivity is Le Roy Moore, Jr., in his article “The Spiritual: Soul of Black Religion,” American Quarterly, 23 (12 1971), 658–76Google Scholar; cf. Lawrence W. Levine's excellent “Slave Songs and Slave Consciousness: An Exploration in Neglected Sources,” in Hareven, Tamara K., Anonymous Americans: Explorations in Nineteenth-Century Social History (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 99130.Google Scholar

13. For good recent discussions of syncretism and amalgamation, see Bastide, chap. 7; and Whitten, Norman E. Jr., and Szwed, John F., eds., Afro-American Anthropology: Comparative Perspectives (New York: The Free Press, 1970), pp. 2738.Google Scholar

14. Davis, David Brion, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1966), pp. 223–61Google Scholar; Genovese, Eugene, “Rebelliousness and Docility in the Negro Slave: A Critique of the Elkins Thesis,” Civil War History, 13 (1967), 293314Google Scholar. Both of these critiques are reprinted in Lane, Ann J., ed., The Debate over Slavery: Stanley Elkins and His Critics (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1971).Google Scholar

15. Turner, Lorenzo D., Africanisms in the Gullah Dialect (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1949)Google Scholar; Thompson, Robert F., “African Influence on the Art of the United States,” in Robinson, Armstead L. et al. ., eds., Black Studies in the University: A Symposium (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1969), pp. 122–70.Google Scholar

16. Mullin, Gerald W., Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth-Century Virginia (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1972), p. 174, n. 33.Google Scholar

17. Lovell, , p. 230.Google Scholar

18. Quoted in Jordan, Winthrop D., White over Black: American Altitudes toward the Negro 1550–1812 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968), p. 393.Google Scholar

19. Gray, Thomas R., The Confessions of Nat Turner, the Leader of the Late Insurrection in Southampton, Va. (Baltimore: Lucas & Deaver, 1831), p. 11.Google Scholar

20. For a brief review of this theory, see Aberle, David F., “A Note on Relative Deprivation Theory as Applied to Millenarian and Other Cult Movements,” in Thrupp, Sylvia L., ed., Millennial Dreams in Action (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1962), pp. 209–14Google Scholar. For discussion of the term in quite another context, cf. Merton, Robert K., Social Theory and Social Structure, enlarged ed. (New York: The Free Press, 1968), pp. 281–90.Google Scholar

21. Barkun, Michael, Disaster and the Millennium (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 3441Google Scholar; Wilson, Bryan R., Magic and the Millennium (London: Heinemann, 1973), pp. 498502.Google Scholar

22. Squires, W. H., Through Centuries Three: A Short History of the People of Virginia (Portsmouth: Pointcraft Press, 1929), p. 416Google Scholar; Williams, F. E., The Vailala Madness (Papua Anthropology Reports, No. 4, 1923)Google Scholar; Silverman, J., “Shamans and Acute Schizophrenia,” American Anthropologist, 69 (02 1967), 2131.Google Scholar

23. Worsley, Peter, The Trumpet Shall Sound: Cargo Cults in Melanesia (New York: Schocken Books, 1968), p. 11.Google Scholar

24. Ibid., p. 36.

25. Jarvie, I. C., “Theories of Cargo Cults: A Critical Analysis,” Oceania, 34 (09 1963), 6.Google Scholar

26. Worsley, , pp. 4243.Google Scholar

27. For a thorough and penetrating survey of most explanations thus far offered, see Jarvie, , pp. 131, 108–36.Google Scholar

28. Lawrence, Peter, Road Belong Cargo (Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1964), pp. 3233.Google Scholar

29. Ibid., pp. 241–42.

30. Ryan, Dawn, “Christianity, Cargo Cults, and Politics Among the Toaripi of Papua,” Oceania, 40 (12 1969), 103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31. See, for example, Malinowski, Bronislaw, “Baloma: the Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 46 (1916), 353430.Google Scholar

32. See Bradfield, Richard M., A Natural History of Associations: A Study in the Meaning of Community (London: Duckworth & Company, 1973), pp. 214–40.Google Scholar

33. Lawrence, , p. 241.Google Scholar

34. Ryan, , p. 106.Google Scholar

35. Bohannan, Paul, “Concepts of Time among the Tiv of Nigeria,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 9 (Autumn 1953), 328–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36. Evans-Pritchard, E. E., the Nuer (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1940), p. 103.Google ScholarPubMed

37. See Fortes, Meyer, The Dynamics of Clanship among the Tallensi (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1967)Google Scholar; and Fortes, , Oeidpus and Job in West African Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1959).Google Scholar

38. See Messenger, John C. Jr., “Religious Acculturation among the Anang Ibibio,” in Bascom, W. R. and Herskovits, M. J., Continuity and Change in African Cultures (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 281–82.Google Scholar

39. Greenfield, Patricia Marks and Bruner, Jerome S., “Culture and Cognitive Growth,” in Goslin, David A., ed., Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1969), pp. 641–42.Google Scholar

40. Messenger, , pp. 287.Google Scholar

41. See Peel, J. D. Y., Aladura: A Religious Movement among the Yoruba (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1968), pp. 290–97Google Scholar; Gelfand, Michael, African Crucible (Cape Town: Juta, 1968), pp. 146ffGoogle Scholar.; and the penetrating interpretive essay by Horton, Robin, “African Traditional Thought and Western Science,” Africa, 37 (01 1967), 5051, 155–87Google Scholar. On the African practice of “appropriating” one another's gods, see Herskovils, Melville J., Man and His Works (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948), p. 552.Google Scholar

42. For an explicit comparison between cargo cults and a recent millennialistic upheaval in Nyasaland, see Shepperson, George, “Nyasaland and the Millennium,”Google Scholar in Thrupp, , Millennial Dreams in Action, pp. 144–59.Google Scholar

43. Wilson, Monica, “Co-Operation and Conflict: the Eastern Cape Frontier,” in Wilson, Monica and Thompson, Leonard, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1969), I, 256–60.Google Scholar

44. Figures cited in Worsley, , p. 234.Google Scholar

45. See Eliade, Mircea, The Sacred and the Profane (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1959), pp. 110–12Google Scholar; and Eliade, , Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal return (New York: Harper, 1959)Google Scholar, passim. Cf. Brandon, S. G. F., History, Time and Deity (Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1955).Google Scholar

46. Kracauer, Siegfried, “Time and History,” History and Theory, Beiheft 6 (1966), 6578Google Scholar; Burke, Peter, The Renaissance Sense of the Past (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1970), chap. 1.Google Scholar

47. Ariès, Philippe, Western Attitudes toward Death from the Middle Ages to the Present (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1974), chaps. 1 and 2Google Scholar; Robertson, D. W., Chaucer's London (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1968), chap. 1Google Scholar; Lubac, Henri de, Corpus Mysticum (Paris: Aubier, 1949)Google Scholar, part 2, chap. 2; Morris, Colin, The Discovery of the Individual, 1050–1200 (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), esp. chap. 7Google Scholar; cf. Brandt, William J., The Shape of Medieval History: Studies in Modes of Perception (New Haven Yale Univ. Press, 1966).Google Scholar

48. For discussions of terminology, see the articles by Thrupp, Cohn, and the first of two articles by Shepperson, in Thrupp, , Millennial Dreams in Action.Google Scholar

49. The classic treatment of millennial movements in the medieval era is Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium, rev. ed. (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1970).Google Scholar

50. Talmon, Yonina, “Pursuit of the Millennium: The Relation between Religious and Social Change,” European Journal of Sociology, 3 (1962), 130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51. Bercovitch, Sacvan, “Horological to Chronometrical: The Rhetoric of the Jeremiad,” Literary Monographs, 3 (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1970).Google Scholar

52. Kubler, George, The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History of Things (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1962), p. 84.Google Scholar

53. Barden, Garrett, “Reflections of Time,” The Human Context, 5 (Summer 1973), 338.Google Scholar

54. Ryan, , p. 110.Google Scholar

55. Lawrence, , p. 243.Google Scholar

56. See Festinger, Leon et al. , When Prophecy Fails (New York: Harper & Row, 1964).Google Scholar

57. For a comparative, if somewhat superficial, survey of religious behavior in some of these areas, see Lanternari, Vittorio, The Religions of the Oppressed (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963).Google Scholar

58. For example, Genovese accepts the highly questionable assertion of Mbiti, John S., in African Religions and Philosophy (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday-Anchor Books, 1970)Google Scholar, that African time-reckoning is based on a concept of “backward-flowing” time; for a concise criticism of this view, see Ray, Benjamin, “Recent Studies of African Religions,” History of Religions, 12 (August 1972), 7589.Google Scholar

59. Genovese, Eugene D., Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books, 1974), p. 293.Google Scholar

60. On the “absence of Climax” and what Clifford Geertz has called the “detemporalized (from the Western point of view) conception of time” in Bali, see Bateson, Gregory and Mead, Margaret, Balinese Character (New York: New York Academy of Sciences, 1942)Google Scholar; and Geertz, , Person, Time, and Conduct in Bali (New Haven: Yale Univ. Southeast Asia Studies, 1966).Google Scholar

61. Perhaps the most notorious critic of slave work habits was Virginia's Landon Carter, whose diary on this matter is cited by both Genovese and Morgan, Edmund S., American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1975), chap. 16Google Scholar. For references to similar complaints by Australian colonizers, see Barden, “Reflections of Time.”

62. Cf. Fogel, and Engerman, , Time on the Cross chap. 1Google Scholar; and Curtin, Philip D., The Atlantic Slave Trade (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1969), esp. Table 40, p. 140.Google Scholar

63. Blassingame, , The Slave Community, chap. 3.Google Scholar

64. Conversion of slaves did not begin on a mass scale until the second half of the eighteenth century. Still, by 1790 one-fifth of Virginia's Methodists were black, and probably a higher proportion of Baptists were slaves by that time; evangelistic efforts by predominantly fundamentalist white Protestants continued to grow, and by 1845 over a quarter of a million slaves had become members of the Methodist and Baptist churches. See Jordan, , White over Black, pp. 418–19Google Scholar; and Smith, H. Shelcon, In His Image, But. … Racism in Southern Religion, 1780–1910 (Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1972), p. 153.Google Scholar

65. Peel, , Aladura, p. 54Google Scholar; cf. Webster, J. B., The African Churches among the Yoruba, 1888–1922 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964).Google Scholar

66. Radin, Paul, “Status, Fantasy, and the Christian Dogma,”Google Scholar foreword to Johnson, Clifford H., ed., God Struck Me Dead: Religious Conversion Experiences and Autobiographies of Ex-Slaves (Philadelphia: Pilgrim Press, 1969), p. ix.Google Scholar

67. Firth, Raymond, Elements of Social Organization (New York: Philosophical Library, 1951), p. 113Google Scholar. The labeling of cultures with single pathological descriptions is a long and honored profession, in modern anthropology dating at least from Ruth Benedict's Patterns of Culture. Norman Colin has noted the “unmistakable syndrome of paranoia” in his medieval millennial movements, while William Sargant leans more toward schizophrenia as an explanation in his Battle fur the Mind (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1957), pp. 127–30Google Scholar. In Culture and Mental Disorders (Springfield, Ill.: Thomas, 1956), p. 81Google Scholar, Ralph Linton was very critical of the view that “medicine men, prophets and the like” are psychotics; on the contrary, he claims, they are merely “hysterics or neurotics.”

68. See Sears, Robert R., “Effects of Frustration and Anxiety on Fantasy Aggression,” in Brand, Howard, The Study of Personality (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1954), pp. 486–94.Google Scholar

69. Jarvie, I. C., The Revolution in Anthropology (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1969), pp. 9596.Google Scholar

70. Greenfield, Patricia Marks, “On Culture and Conservation,” in Bruner, Jerome S. et al. , Studies in Cognitive Growth (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1966), p. 254.Google Scholar

71. Cannon, Walter B., “‘Voodoo’ Death,” American Anthropologist, New series 44 (0406 1942), 169–81.Google Scholar