Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-r5fsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T19:06:44.832Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Plant Use in the Mesolithic and its Role in the Transition to Farming

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 February 2014

Marek Zvelebil
Marek Zvelebil*
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University of Sheffield, S10 2TN
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to review the current evidence for plant use in Mesolithic Europe and to summarize its implications. In order to do so, four sources of data are examined: macrobotanical remains, palynological data, artefactual evidence, and the human biological record.

A prelimary survey of palaeobotanical evidence for plant use in the Mesolithic indicates that the evidence is far more extensive than expected hitherto and that accumulations of plant food, especially of nuts, point to their regular and extensive use. In those areas such as Britain, where a large number of fine-resolution palynological studies have been carried out, the incidence of clearance and burning phases seems to be too high to be explained by acts of nature alone. A good case can be made for deliberate forest clearance and the maintenance of a more open landscape by Late Mesolithic groups as part of a promotional strategy to increase the productivity of nut and fruit trees and shrubs, wetland plants, and possibly native grasses.

Artefactual evidence points to a widespread distribution of soil-working tools (hoes and antler mattocks), especially in temperate Europe, and to a greater than expected presence of reaping and grinding equipment, lending conditional support for the existence of a specialized plant processing tool kit for digging, reaping, and plant processing.

Palaeopathological evidence indicates the existence of a dietary pattern in the west Mediterranean making extensive use of starchy and carbohydrate foods which resulted in a high caries rate among the Mesolithic population of that area.

In discussing the signiftcanse of these four lines of evidence, it is argued that, by the Late Mesolithic, the patterns of plant use support the notion of wild plant food husbandry instead of the incidental and opportunistic use of plants for food which has implicitly been accepted as a norm for the Mesolithic in Europe. Three geographical areas can be identified with their specific pattern of plant use: temperate Europe, Mediterranean Europe, and the south-eastern Balkans/Pontic Steppe. The patterns of plant use suggested in this paper emphasize the additive nature of the adoption of the agro-pastoral Neolithic farming practices in Europe.

Type
Research Article
Information
Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society , Volume 60 , Issue 1 , 1994 , pp. 35 - 74
Copyright
Copyright © The Prehistoric Society 1994

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aalto, M. 1983. Humppilan Järvensuon Neoliittisen Asuinpaikan Makrofossiileista. Karhunnhammas 7, 88–93.Google Scholar
Aalto, M., Siiriainen, A. & Vuorela, I. 1985. Humppila Järvensuo — a preinvestigation for an archaeological and palaeobotanical project in south-west Finland. Iskos 5, 165–177.Google Scholar
Affleck, T.L., Edwards, K. & Clarke, A. 1988. Archaeological and palynological studies at the Mesolithic pitchstone and flint site of Auchareoch, Isle of Arran. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 118, 37–59.Google Scholar
Andersen, S. 1975. Ringkloster, en jysk inlandsboplats med Ertebølle Kultur. Kuml 1973, 11–108.Google Scholar
Andersen, S. & Johansen, E. 1986. Erterbølle revisited. Journal of Danish Archaeology 5, 31–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Andersen, S. H. 1987. Tybring Vig: A submerged Ertebølle settlement in Denmark. In Coles, J. M. and Lawson, A.J. (eds), European Wetlands in Prehistory, 253–281. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Andersen, S. H. 1989. Nørsminde. Journal of Danish Archaeology 8, 13–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Andersen, S. T. 1979. Identification of wild grass and cereal pollen. Danmarks geologiske Undesogelse Ålborg 1978, 69–92.Google Scholar
Angel, J. L. 1984. Health as a crucial factor in the changes from hunting to developed farming in the Eastern Mediterranean. In Cohen, M. N. and Armelagos, G. J. (eds), Palaeopathology at the Origins of Agriculture, 51–73. Orlando: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Apsimon, A. M. 1976. Ballynagilly and the beginning and end of the Irish Neolithic. Dissertationes Archaeologica Gandenses 16, 15–30.Google Scholar
Bagniewski, Z. 1985. Stanowisko mezolityczne Pobiel 10, gmina wasosz w swiere badan. In Sezonie. Slaskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 26, 27–31.Google Scholar
Bakkels, C. 1991. Western Continental Europe. In Van Zeist, W. Wasylikova, K. & Behre, K. (eds), Progress in Old World Paleoethnobotany, 279–298. Rotterdam: Balkema.Google Scholar
Bang-Andersen, S. 1979. Stetnalderunder Søkel Se Ved Storamos Po Høg-Jaeren. Frå Haug ok Hetdni 1, 189–197.Google Scholar
Barker, G. 1985. Prehistoric Farming in Europe. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Benac, A. 1973. Obre. Wissenschaftilche Metteilungen des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landes Museums 3. Sarejevo.Google Scholar
Bennet, K. D. 1983. Devensian late glacial and Flandrian vegetational history of Hockham Mere, Norfolk, England: pollen percentages and concentrations. New Phytologist 95, 457–487.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bennett, K. D., Simonson, A. B. & Peglar, S. M. 1990. Fire and man in postglacial woodlands of Eastern England. Journal of Archaeological Science 17, 635–642.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bergelund, B. E. 1985. Early agriculture in Scandinavia: research problems related to pollen-analytical studies. Norwegian Archaeological Review 18, 77–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Berridge, P. & Roberts, A. 1986, The Mesolithic period in Cornwall. Cornish Archaeology 25, 7–34.Google Scholar
Bettinger, R. L. 1991. Hunter-Gatherers. Archaeological and Evolutionary Theory. New York: Plenum Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Binford, L. R. 1983. Working at Archaeology. New York: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Birks, H. H. 1972. Studies in the vegetational history of Scotland. III: a radiocarbon dated pollen diagram from Loch Maree, Ross and Cromarty. New Phytologist 71, 731–754.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Birks, H. H. 1975. Studies in the vegetational history of Scotland IV. Pine stumps in Scottish blanket peats. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society Series B, 270, 182–226.Google Scholar
Birks, H.J.B., Line, J.M. & Persson, T. 1988. Quantative estimation of human impact on cultural landscape developments. In Birks, H. H. Birks, H. J. B. Kaland, P. E. & Moe, D. (eds), The Cultural Landscape — Past, Present and Future. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Blouet, V., Kaetheiner, J., Leesch, D. & Schwenniger, J. L. 1984. Le Gisement Mésolithique Kalekapp 2. Bullétin Societé Préhistoric Luxembourg 6, 1–30.Google Scholar
Bogucki, P. 1988. Forest Farmers and Stockherders, Early Agriculture and its Consequences in North Central Europe. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Bohncke, S. J. P. 1988. Vegetation and habitation history of the Callanish area, Isle of Lewis, Scotland. In Birks, H. H., Birks, H.J.B. Kaland, P. E. & Moe, D. (eds), The Cultural Landscape — Past, Present and Future, 445–462. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Bonsall, C. & Smith, C. 1990. Bone and antler technology in the British late upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic: The impact of accelerator dating. In Vermeersch, P. M. & Van Peer, P. (eds), Contributions to the Mesolithic in Europe, 359–368. Leuven: University Press.Google Scholar
Bonsall, C. 1981. The coastal factor in the Mesolithic settlement of north-west England. In Gramsch, B. (ed.). Mesolithicum in Europa, 451–469. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag.Google Scholar
Bonsall, C. 1989 (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe: Proceedings of the 3rd International Symposium. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Boroneant, V. 1970. La periode epipaleolitique sur la rive Roumaine des Portes de Fer du Danube. Praehistorische Zeitschrift 4591, 1–25.Google Scholar
Boroneant, V. 1989. Thoughts on the chronological relations between the Epi-Palaeolithic and the Neolithic of the Lower Danube. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 475–485. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Bradley, R. 1978. The Prehistoric Settlement of Britain. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Brinch-Petersen, E. 1971. Svaedborg II. Acta Archaeologica 1971, 43–77.Google Scholar
Bronholm, M. C. 1931. Nouvelles trouvailles du plus ancien age de la pierre. Les trouvailles de Holmegaard et de Svaerdborg. Memoires du Antiquities du Nord 1926–1931, 1–128. Copenhagen.Google Scholar
Buckland, P.C. & Edwards, K.J. 1984. The longevity of pastoral episodes of clearance activity in pollen diagrams — the role of post-occupation grazing. Journal of Biogeography 2, 243–249.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Buckler, J. 1993. Functional Interpretation for Post-glacial Antler Beam Tools from Britain. Unpublished paper delivered at Wear and Resource Research Seminar, Exeter University, May 1993.Google Scholar
Bush, M. B. 1988. Early Mesolithic disturbance: A force on the landscape. Journal of Archaeological Science 15, 453–462.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bush, M. B. 1989. On the antiquity of British chalk grasslands: A response to Thomas. Journal of Archaeological Science 16, 555–560.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carciumaru, M. 1973. Analyse pollinique des coprolites livres par quelques stations archeologiques des deux bords du Danube dans la zone des portes de fer. Dacia 17, 53–60.Google Scholar
Caseldine, C. & Hatton, J. 1993. The development of high moorland on Dartmoor: Fire and the influence of Mesolithic activity on vegetational change. In Chambers, F. M. (ed.), Climatic Change and Human Impact on the Landscape, 119–131. London: Chapman & Hall.Google Scholar
Chambers, C. 1978. A radiocarbon dated pollen diagram from Valley Bog, on the Moor House nature reserve. New Phytologist 77, 273–280.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chambers, F. W., Kelly, R. S. & Price, S. M. 1988. Development of the late prehistoric cultural landscape in upland Ardudwy, North West Wales. In Birks, H. H. Birks, H. J. B., Kaland, P. E. & Moe, D. (eds), The Cultural Landscape — Past Present and Future, 333–348. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Chapman, J. 1989. Demographic trends in neothermal south-east Europe. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 500–515. Edinburgh: John Donald Google Scholar
Chase, A. K. 1989. Domestication and domiculture in northern Australia: A social perspective. In Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 42–54. London, Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Childe, V. G. 1950. Prehistoric Migrations in Europe. Oslo: Aschehovg.Google Scholar
Churchill, D. M. 1965. The kitchen midden site at Westward Ho! Devon, England: Ecology, age and relation to changes in land and sea level. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 31, 74–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Clark, C. & Haswell, M. 1964. The Economics of Subsistence Agriculture. London: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Clark, J. G. D. 1936. The Mesolithic Settlement of Northern Europe. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Clark, J.G.D. 1952. Prehistoric Europe. The Economic Basis. London: Methuen.Google Scholar
Clark, J. G. D. 1972. Star Carr: a Case Study in Bioarchaeology. Addison-Wesley Module in Anthropology 10, 1–42. London: Cummins Publishing.Google Scholar
Clark, J. G. D. 1975. The Early Stone Age Settlement of Scandinavia. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Clark, J. G. D. 1980. Mesolithic Prelude. Edinburgh: University Press.Google Scholar
Clarke, D. 1976. Mesolithic Europe: The economic basis. In, Sieveking, G. de G. Longworth, I. H. & Wilson, K. E. (eds), Problems in Economic and Social Archaeology, 449–481. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Classon, A. 1983. Spoolde. Palaeohistoria 25, 77–130.Google Scholar
Cloutman, E. W. 1988. Palaeoenvironment in the Vale of Pickering, Part 2: Environmental history at Seamer Carr. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 54, 21–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cloutman, E. W. & Smith, A. G. 1988. Paleoenvironments in the Vale of Pickering, Part 3: Environmental history of Star Carr. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 54, 37–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cohen, M. N. & Armelagos, G.J. (eds). 1984. Palaeopathology at the Origins of Agriculture. Orlando: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Coles, J. 1971. The early settlement of Scotland: excavations at Morton Fife. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 37, 284–366.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Coles, J. & Coles, B. 1989. People of the Wetlands. London: Thames & Hudson.Google Scholar
Constantini, L. 1989. Plant exploitation at Grotta dell Uzzo, Sicily: new evidence for the transition from Mesolithic to Neolithic subsistence in southern Europe. In Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 197–204. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Davies, J. 1963. Mesolithic site on Blubberhouses Moor, Wharfedale, West Riding of Yorkshire. Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 41, 60–70.Google Scholar
Dennell, R. W. 1976. The economic importance of plant remains represented on archaeological sites. Journal of Archaeological Science 3, 229–247.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dennell, R. W. 1983. European Economic Prehistory: A New Approach. New York: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Dergachev, V. 1989. Neolithic and Bronze Age cultural communities of the Steppe zone of the U.S.S.R. Antiquity 63, 793–808.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dimbleby, G. W. 1962. The Development of British Heathlands and Their Soils. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Dodson, J. R. & Bradshaw, R. H. 1987. A history of vegatation and fire, 6,600 BP to the present, County Sligo, Western Ireland. Boreas 16, 113–123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dolukhanov, P. 1979. Ecology and Economy in Neolithic Eastern Europe. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Dolukhanov, P. 1992. Evolution of lakes and prehistoric settlement in northwestern Russia. In Coles, B. (ed.), The Wetland Revolution in Prehistory, 93–98. Exeter: Prehistoric Society and Wetland Archaeological Research Project.Google Scholar
Dolukhanov, P. & Miklyayev, A.M. 1986 Prehistoric lacustrine pile dwellings in the northeastern part of the U.S.S.R. Fennoscandia Archaeologica 3, 81–89.Google Scholar
Domanska, L. 1989. Elements of a food-producing economy in the late Mesolithic of the Polish Lowland. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 447–455. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Dumont, J. V. 1987. Mesolithic microwear research in north-west Europe. In Rowley-Conwy, P. Zvelebil, M. & Blankholm, H. P. (eds), Mesolithic Northwest Europe: Recent Trends, 82–91. Huddersfield: Charlesworth.Google Scholar
Durno, S. E. 1958. Pollen analysis of peat deposits in eastern Sutherland and Caithness. Scottish Geographical Magazine 74, 117–135.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Durno, S.E. 1965. Pollen analytical evidence of ‘Landnam’ from two Scottish sites. Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh 40, 13–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Durno, S. E. & McVean, D.N. 1959. Forest history of the Beinn Eighe Nature Reserve. New Phytologist 58, 228–236.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Edwards, K. J. 1982. Man, space and the woodland edge — speculation on the detection and interpretation of human impact in pollen profiles. In Bell, B. M. & Limbrey, S. (eds), Archaeological Aspects of Woodland Ecology, 5–22. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S146.Google Scholar
Edwards, K.J. 1988. The hunter-gatherer/agricultural transition and the pollen record of the British Isles. In Birks, H. H. Birks, H.J.B. Kaland, P.E. & Moe, D. (eds), The Cultural Landscape — Past, Present and Future, 155–266. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Edwards, K.J. 1989a. The cereal pollen record and early agriculture. In Milles, A. Williams, D. & Gardner, N. (eds), The Beginnings of Agriculture, 113–135. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S496.Google Scholar
Edwards, K.J. 1989b. Meso–Neolithic vegetational impacts in Scotland and beyond: palynological considerations. In Bonsall, C. (ed), The Mesolithic in Europe, 143–155, Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Edwards, K. J. 1990. Fire and the Scottish Mesolithic: evidence from microscopic charcoal. In Vermeersch, P. M. & van Peer, P. (eds), Contributions to the Mesolithic in Europe, 71–80. Leuven: University Press.Google Scholar
Edwards, K.J. 1993. Models of mid-Holocene forests farming for north-west Europe. In Chambers, F. M. (ed.), Climatic Change and Human Impact on the Landscape, 132–145. London: Chapman & Hale.Google Scholar
Edwards, K.J. & Hirons, K. R. 1984. Cereal pollen grains in pre-elm decline deposits: implications for the earliest agriculture in Britain and Ireland. Journal of Archaeological Science 11, 71–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Edwards, K.J. & Ralston, I. 1984. Postglacial hunter-gatherers and vegetational history in Scotland. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 114, 15–34.Google Scholar
Ehrenberg, M. 1989. Woman in Prehistory. London: British Museum Publications.Google Scholar
Eidlitz, K. 1969. Food and emergency food in the circumpolar zone. Studia Ethnographica Uppsaliensia, 32.Google Scholar
Fischer, A. 1993. Sten Alderbopladser I Smålandsfarvandet. Copenhagen: Miljøministeriet, Skov -og Naturstyrelsen.Google Scholar
Ford, R.I. 1985. The processes of plant food production in prehistoric North America. In Ford, R.I. (ed.), Anthropological Paper 75, 1–18, Michigan: Ann Arbor Museum of Anthropology.Google Scholar
Fredskild, B. 1975. A late glacial and early post-glacial pollen concentration diagram from Langelan, Denmark. Geologiske Foreningens I Stockholm Forhandlingar 97, 151–161.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fritz, G. 1990. Multiple pathways to farming in precontact eastern North America. Journal of World Prehistory 4, 387–435.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gaillard, M., & Lemdahl, M.J. 1988. Plant Microfossill analysis (seeds and fruits) at Skateholm-Jaravallen, Southern Sweden. A lagoon landscape during Atlantic and early Subboreal Time. In Larsson, L. (ed.), The Skatecholm Project. I, Man and the Environment. Acta Regiae Societatis Humaniorum Ludensis 79.Google Scholar
Geddes, D., Guilaine, J., Couralou, J., Le Gall, O. & Martzluff, M. 1989. Postglacial environments, settlement and subsistence in the Pyrenees: the Balma Margineda, Andorra. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 561–571. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Gimbutas, M. 1974. Chronology of Obre I and Obre II. Wissenschaftilche Metteilungen des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landes Museums 4, 15–35. Sarejevo.Google Scholar
Girininkas, A. 1991. Kreutonas: Vidurinis Ir Velyvasis Neolitas. Vilnius: Vilnius.Google Scholar
Goransson, H. 1983. Pollen and seed analyses of the Mesolithic bog site Ageröd V. In Larsson, L. (ed.), Ageröd V, 153–158. Lund: Acta Archaeologica Lundendsia Google Scholar
Göransson, H. 1986. Man and the forests of the nemoral broad-leaved trees during the Stone Age’. Striae 24, 43–52.Google Scholar
Göransson, H. 1988. Comments on remodelling the Neolithic in southern Norway. On analytical myths. Norwegian Archaeological Review 21(1), 33–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gould, R. 1971. The archaeologist as ethnographer: a case study from the Western Desert of Australia. World Archaeology 3, 143–177.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gramsch, B. & Kloss, K. 1989. Excavation near Friesack: an early Mesolithic marshland site in the northern plain of Central Europe. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 313–324. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Gregg, S. 1988. Foragers and Farmers. Chicago: University Press.Google Scholar
Groeman van Waateringe, W. 1983. The early agricultural utilization of the Irish landscape: the last word on the elm decline? In Reeves-Smyth, T. and Hamond, F. (eds), Landscape Archaeology in Ireland, 117–232. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 116.Google Scholar
Grøn, O. & Skaarup, J. 1992. Møllegabet II — A submerged mesolithic site and a ‘boat burial’ from Aerø. Journal of Danish Archaeology 10, 38–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gulliksen, S., Reidar, N. & Skogsteth, F. 1978. Trondheim natural radiocarbon measurements 8. Radiocarbon 20, 105–133.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Guminski, W. & Fiedorczuk, J. 1989. Dudka 1: a stone age peat-bog site in north eastern Poland. Acta Archaeologica 60, 51–70.Google Scholar
Hallam, S. 1975. Fire and Hearth: A Study of Aboriginal Usage and European Usurpation in Southwestern Australia. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies.Google Scholar
Hallam, S. 1989. Plant usage and management in southwest Australian Aboriginal societies. In Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 136–151. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Harlan, J. R. 1977. The origins of cereal agriculture in the Old World. In Reed, C. (ed.), Origins of Agriculture, 357–383. The Hague: Mouton.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hancock, R., Grynpas, M. D. & Pritzker, K. 1989. The abuse of bone analyses for archaeological dietary studies. Archaeometry 31(2), 169–179.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hansen, J. M. & Renfrew, J. 1978. Palaeolithic–Neolithic seed remains at Franchthi Cave, Greece. Nature 271, 349–352.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Haraldsen, T. 1984. Daerbuen blir eldre og eldre fulltreffer På 4 M? Frå Haug Ok Hetdni 1984, 17–19.Google Scholar
Harris, D.R. 1977. Alternative pathways towards agriculture. In Reed, C. (ed.), Origins of Agriculture, 179–244. The Hague: Mouton.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Harris, D. R. 1984. Ethnohistorical evidence for the exploitation of wild grasses and forbs: Its scope and archaeological implications. In van Zeist, W and Casparie, W. A. (eds), Plants and Ancient Man, 63–69. Rotterdam: Balkema.Google Scholar
Harris, D.R. 1989. An evolutionary continuum of peopleplant interaction. In Harris, D. R., & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 11–24. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Harris, D.R. & Hillman, G.C. (eds). 1989. Foraging and Farming. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Harsdorf, C. A. & Popper, V. S. (eds). 1988. Current Palaeoethnobotany. Chicago: University Press Google Scholar
Healy, F., Heaton, M. & Lobb, S.G. 1992. Excavations of Mesolithic site at Thatcham, Berkshire. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 58, 41–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Helbaek, H. 1960. The palaeoethnobotany of the Near East and Europe. In Braidwood, R. U. & Howe, B. (eds), Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqui-Kurdistan. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilisations 31, 99–118. Chicago: University Press.Google Scholar
Higgs, E. S. (ed.). 1972. Papers in Economic Prehistory. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Higgs, E. S. (ed.). 1975. Palaeoeconomy. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Higgs, E. S. & Jarman, M. R. 1972. The origins of animal and plant husbandry. In Higgs, E. S. (ed.), Papers in Economic Prehistory, 3–15. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Hillman, G. 1981. Reconstructing crop husbandry practices from charred remains of crops. In Mercer, R. (ed.), Farming Practice in British Prehistory, 123–162. Edinburgh: University Press.Google Scholar
Hillman, G. 1984. Interpretation of archaeological plant remains: The implications of ethnographic models from Turkey. In van Zeist, W. and Casparie, W. A. (eds), Plants and Ancient Man, 1–41. Rotterdam: Balkema.Google Scholar
Hillman, G. 1989. Late Palaeolithic plant finds from Wadi Kubbaniya in Upper Egypt. In Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 207–239. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Hillman, G. 1991. Phytosociology and ancient weed floras: taking account of taphonomy and changes in cultivation methods. In Harris, D. R. & Thomas, K. D. (eds), Modelling Ecological Change: Perspectives from Neoecology, Palaeoecology and Environmental Archaeology, 27–40. London: Institute of Archaeology.Google Scholar
Hillman, G. C., College, S. M. & Harris, D. 1989. Plant-food economy during the Epipalaeolithic period at Tell Abu Hureyra, Syria: dietary diversity, seasonality and modes of exploitation. In Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 240–248. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Hillman, G. C. & Davies, M. S. 1992. Domestication rate in wild wheats and barley under primitive cultivation: preliminary results and archaeological implications of field measurements of selection coefficent. In Anderson, P. (ed.), Prehistoire De l'Agriculture: Nouvelles Approaches Experimental et Ethnographiques, 113–158. Paris: Monographic du Cra 6 Ed. CNRS.Google Scholar
Hirons, K. R. 1983. Percentage and accumulation rate pollen diagrams from East Co. Tyrone. In Reeves-Smyth, T. & Hamond, F. (eds), Landscape Archaeology in Ireland, 95–117. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 116.Google Scholar
Hodder, I. 1990. The Domestication of Europe. Oxford: Blackwell.Google Scholar
Hoeg, H. I. 1988. Comments on remodelling the Neolithic in southern Norway. Norvegian Archaeological Review 21(1), 37–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huntley, B. & Birks, H.G.B. 1983. An Atlas of Past and Present Pollen Maps for Europe; 0–13,000 Years Ago. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Hurtado, M. & Hill, K. R. 1990. Seasonality in a foraging society: variation in diet, work effort, fertility and sexual division of labour among the Hiwi of Venezuala. Journal of Anthropological Research 46, 296–343.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huttunen, P. 1980. Early landuse especially the slash and burn cultivation in the commune of Lammi, Southern Finland. Acta Botanica Fennica 113, 1–45 Google Scholar
Huyge, D. & Vermeersch, P. M. 1982. Late Mesolithic settlement at Weelde-Paardsdrank. Studia Praehistorica Belgica 1, 115–203.Google Scholar
Hynes, R. A. & Chase, A. K. 1982. Plants, sites and domiculture: aboriginal influence upon plant communities in Cape York Peninsula. Archaeology of Oceania 17, 38–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Indrelid, S. 1975. Problems relating to the early Mesolithic settlement of southern Norway. Norwegian Archaeological Review 8, 1–35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ingold, T. 1980. Hunter, Pastoralists and Ranchers. Cambridge: University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ingold, T. 1983. The significance of storage in hunting societies. Man 18, 553–557.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Innes, J. B. & Simmons, I. G. 1988 Disturbance and diversity: floristic changes associated with pre-elm decline woodland recession in north-east Yorkshire. In Jones, M. (ed.), Archaeology and the Flora of the British Isles, 7–20. Oxford: University Press.Google Scholar
Innes, J. B. & Tomlinson, P. R. 1983. An approach to palaeobotany and survey archaeology in Merseyside. Circaea 1, 83–93.Google Scholar
Iversen, J. 1941. Land occupation in Denmark's Stone Age. Danmarks Geologiske Undersøkelse 2,(66), 1–68.Google Scholar
Jacobi, R. M. 1978. Population and landscape in Mesolithic lowland Britain. In Limbrey, S. and Evans, J. G. (eds), The Effect of Man on the Landscape: The Lowland Zone, 75–85. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 21.Google Scholar
Jacobi, R.M., Tallis, J.M. & Mellars, P. 1976. The south Pennine Mesolithic and the ecological record. Journal of Archaeological Science 3, 307–320.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jacobs, K. 1993. Human postcranial variation in the Ukrainian Mesolithic—Neolithic. Current Anthropology 34, 311–324 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jarman, M. R., Bailey, G.N. & Jarman, H. N. (eds). 1982. Early European Agriculture. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Jensen, H. J. 1987. Plant harvesting and processing with flint implements in the Danish stone age. Acta Archaeologica 58, 131–142.Google Scholar
Jessen, K. 1949. Studies in the quaternary deposits and florahistory of Ireland. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 52.B6, 54–85.Google Scholar
Jochim, M. 1976. Hunter-Gatherer Subsistence and Settlement. London: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Jochim, M. 1988. Mittle Steinzeitliche Forschung am Federsee. Archaeologische Ausgrabungen in Baden Wuerttemberg 1987, 35–38. Stuttgart: Konrad Theiss Verlag.Google Scholar
Jones, G. 1983. The use of Ethnographic and Ecological Models in the Interpretation of Archaeological Plant Remains: Case Studies from Greece. Cambridge: unpublished PhD dissertation.Google Scholar
Kaland, P. E. 1972. Innberetning on Foreløping Undersøkelse av Boplassen i Dysvikja. Bergen: University Press.Google Scholar
Keef, P. A.M., Wymer, J. J. & Dimbleby, G. W. 1965. A Mesolithic site on Iping Common, Sussex, England. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 31, 85–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kent, S. (ed.). 1989. Farmers as Hunters. The Implications of Sedentism. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Klima, B. 1963. Doln Vestonice. Praha: Nakladatelstv Ceskoslovenské Akademie Ved.Google Scholar
Knox, E. M. 1954. Pollen analyses of a peat site at Kingstepps Quarry, Nairn. Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh 36, 224–229.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kosina, R. 1991. Remarks on the variation of fossil and contemporary nuts of Corylus Avellana. In Renfrew, J. (ed.), New Light on Early Farming, 76–89. Edinburgh: University Press.Google Scholar
Kozlowski, S. K. 1989. A survey of early Holocene cultures of the western part of the Russian Plain. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 424–441. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Kraybill, N. 1977. Pre-agricultural tools for the preparation of foods in the Old World. In Reed, C. (ed.), Origins of Agriculture, 485–522. The Hague: Mouton.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuster, H. 1989. Pollen analytical evidence for the beginning of agriculture in south-central Europe. In Milles, A. Williams, D. & Gardner, N. (eds), The Beginnings of Agriculture, 137–147. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S496.Google Scholar
Lacaille, A.D. 1954. The Stone Age in Scotland. Oxford: University Press.Google Scholar
Lacaille, A. D. 1961. Mesolithic facies in Middlesex and London. Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society 20, 100–150.Google Scholar
Lacaille, A. D. 1966. Mesolithic facies in the transpontime fringes. Surrey Archaeologicial Collections 66, 1–43.Google Scholar
Larsson, L. 1978. Ageröd I: B—Ageröd I:D. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series 4, 12. Lund: Holms Grafiska Ab. Google Scholar
Larsson, L. 1982. Segebro. Malmö: Malmó Museum Publications.Google Scholar
Larsson, L. (ed.). 1983. Agerod V. An Atlantic Bog Site in Central Scania. Acta Archaeologica Ludensia Series Altera in 8, 12: Lund, University Press.Google Scholar
Larsson, M. 1986. Bredasten — an early Ertebølle site with a dwelling structure in south Scania. Meddelanden Från Lunds Universites Historiska Museum 1986–1987(6), 21–55.Google Scholar
Lauwers, R. & Veermeersch, P.M. 1982. Une site du Mesolithique ancien à Neerhaven de Kip. Studia Praehistorica Belgica 1, 15–54.Google Scholar
Lee, R. B. 1979, The !Kung San. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Letica, Z. 1969. Vlasac-nouvel habitat de la culture de Lepenski Vir. Archaeologia Iugoslavia 10, 7–11.Google Scholar
Lewis, H. T. 1982. A Time for Burning. Edmonton: Boreal Institute for Northwestern Studies, Occasional Publication 17.Google Scholar
Lindquist, C. 1988. A carbonised cereal grain (Hordeum sp) and faunal remains from Kolsvidja Upper Stone Age habitation site on Åland. Finskt Museum 95, 5–40.Google Scholar
Lourandos, H. 1985. Intensification and Australian prehistory. In Price, T. Douglas & Brown, J. A (eds), Prehistoric Hunter-Gatherers, The Emergence of Cultural Complexity, 385–414. Orlando: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Lofstrand, L. 1974 Yngre Stenålders Kustboplatsen. Uppsala: University Institute of North European Archaeology, Archaeological Studies.Google Scholar
Louwe Kooijmans, L. P. 1971. Mesolithic bone and antler implements form the North Sea and from the Netherlands. Berichten van de Rijksdienst Voor Het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 20–21, 27–73.Google Scholar
Loze, I. A. 1979. Pozdnii Neolit iRannaya Bronza Lubanskoi Ravniny. Riga: Zinatne.Google Scholar
Loze, I. A. 1988. Stone Age wooden tools and devices from the multi-layer habitation site of Zvidze (Latvia). Archeologické Rozhledy, 40(4) 361–377.Google Scholar
Loze, I. A. & Yakubovskaya, T. V. 1984. Flora pamyatnikov kamennogo veka Lubanskoi niziny, Izvestiya AN Latvijskoi SSR 5, 85–94.Google Scholar
Lubell, D. & Jackes, M. 1985. Mesolithic—Neolithic continuity: evidence from chronology and human biology. In Ramos, N. M. (ed.), Actas, I Reunio do Quaternaries Iberico, 113–133. Lisbon. Instituto Nacional de Investigacao Cientifica.Google Scholar
Lubell, D., Jackes, M. & Meiklejohn, C. 1989. Archaeology and human biology of the Mesolithic—Neolithic transition in southern Portugal, a preliminary report. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 632–640. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Lund, M. E. 1951. Fangst-Bopeassen Vistehulev. Stavanger Museums Skrifter 6. Stavanger.Google Scholar
Lynch, A. 1981. Man and Environment in South West Ireland. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 85.Google Scholar
Mannion, A. M. 1978. Late quaternary deposits form Linton Loch, southeast Scotland, 1: Absolute and relative pollen analyses of limnic sediments. Journal of Biogeography 5, 193–206.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Markevitch, V. I. 1971 Bugo-Dnestrovskaya Kultura na Territorii Moldavii. Kishinev: Stiintsa.Google Scholar
Mathiassen, T., Degerbøl, M. and Troels-Smith, J. 1942. Dyrholmen. Konglike Dansk. Videnskabs Art-Kunsthistoriske Skrifter 1, 106–144.Google Scholar
Mason, S. L. R., Hather, J. G. & Hillman, G. C. 1994. Preliminary investigations of the plant macro-remains from Dolni Vetonice 2, and its implications for the role of plant foods in Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Europe. Antiquity 68, 48–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Meiklejohn, C. and Shentag, C., Venema, A. and Key, P. 1984. Socio-economic change and patterns of pathology and variation in the Mesolithic and Neolithic of Western Europe. In Cohen, M. N., and Armelagos, G. G., (eds), Palaeopathology at the Origins of Agriculture, 75–100. Orlando: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Meiklejohn, C. and Zvelebil, M. 1991. Health status of European populations at the agricultural transition and the implications for the adoption of farming. In Bush, H. and Zvelebil, M. (eds), Health in Past Societies, 129–145. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports S567.Google Scholar
Meinander, C. F. 1971. Radiocarbon dateringar till Finlands Stenålder. Societas Scientiae Fennica Arsbok- Vuoskirja 48B, 5, 1–14.Google Scholar
Mellars, P. 1975. Ungulate populations, economic patterns, and the Mesolithic landscape. In Evans, J. G. Limbrey, S., and Cleere, M. (eds), The Effect of Man on the Landscape, the Highland Zone, 49–63. London: The Council for British Archaeology, Report 11.Google Scholar
Mellars, P. 1976. Fire ecology, animal populations and man: a study of some ecological relationships in prehistory. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, 42: 15–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mellars, P. 1978. Excavations and economic analysis of Mesolithic shell middens on the island of Oronsay (Inner Hebrides). In Mellars, P. (ed.), The Early Post-Glacial Settlement of Northern Europe, 371–396. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Mellars, P. & Rheinhardt, G. C. 1978. Patterns of mesolithic landuse in southern England, a geological perspective. In Mellars, P.. (ed.), The Early Post-Glacial Settlement of Northern Europe, 243–293. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Mercer, J. 1968. Stone tools from a washing limit deposit of the higher postglacial transgression. Leah Bay, Isle of Jura. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 100, 1–46.Google Scholar
Mercer, J. 1970. A regression-time stone workers camp, 33ff OD, Lussa River, Isle of Jura. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 103, 1–33.Google Scholar
Mikkelsen, E. 1975. Mesolithic in south eastern Norway. Norwegian Archaeological Review 8, 19–35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mitchell, G. F. 1972. Some ultimate Larnian sites at Lake Derravaragh, Co. Westmeath. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 102, 151–159.Google Scholar
Moffett, L., Robinson, N. & Straker, V. 1989. Cereals, fruit and nuts; charred plant remains from Neolithic sites in England and Wales and the Neolithic Economy. In Milles, A. Williams, D. & Gardner, N. (eds), The Beginnings of Agriculture, 243–261. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S496.Google Scholar
Monk, M. A. & Pals, J. P. 1985. Charred plant remains. In Woodman, P. C. (ed.), Excavations at Mount Sandel, 79–81. Belfast: HMSO, Northern Ireland Archaeological Monograph 2.Google Scholar
Morrison, A. 1980. Early Man in Britain and Ireland. London: Croom Helm.Google Scholar
Munson, P. J. (ed.). 1984. Experiments and Observations of Aboriginal Wild Plant Utilization in Eastern North America. Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society Prehistory Research Series 6(2).Google Scholar
Newell, R. R. 1973. The postglacial adaptations of indigenous population of the north-west European plain. In Kozlowski, S. K. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 399–440. Warsaw: University Press.Google Scholar
Newell, R. R., Constandse-Westerman, T. & Meikejohn, C. 1979. The skeletal remains of mesolithic man in western Europe. Journal of Human Evolution 81, 1–225.Google Scholar
Newey, W. W. 1967. Pollen analyses from southeast Scotland. Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh 40, 424–434.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Niesiotowska-Sreniowska, E. 1990. Mokracz — a Mesolithic site in central Poland: organisation and disturbance. In Vermeersch, P. M. & van Peer, P. (eds), Contributions to the Mesolithic in Europe, 305–316. Leuven: University Press.Google Scholar
Nunez, M. 1990. On the food resources available to man in stone age Finland. Finskt Museum 97, 24–54.Google Scholar
O'Shea, J. & Zvelebil, M. 1984. Oleneostrovski Mogilnik: Reconstructing the social and economic organisation of prehistoric foragers in Northern Russia. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 3, 1–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
O'Connell, M., Mitchell, F., Readman, P. W., Doherty, T. J. & Murray, D. A. 1987. Palaeoecological investigations towards the reconstruction of the post-glacial environment at Lough Doo, County Mayo, Ireland. Journal of Quaternary Science 2, 149–164.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
O'Connell, M., Molloy, K. & Bowler, M. 1988. Postglacial landscape evolution in Connemara, western Ireland with particular reference to woodland history. In Birks, H. H., Birks, J.B. Kaland, P., & Moe, D., (eds), The Cultural Landscape — Past, Present and Future, 267–188. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Oshibkina, S. V. 1989. The material culture of the Veretie type sites in the region to the east of the Lake Onega. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 402–413. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Pennington, W. 1975. The effects of Neolithic Man on the environment in north-west England: the use of absolute pollen diagrams. In Evans, J. G. Limbrey, S. & Cleere, H., (eds), The Effect of Man on the Landscape: the Highland Zone. London: Council of British Archaeology Research Report 11, 74–86.Google Scholar
Pennington, W., Haworth, E. Y., Bonny, A. P. & Lishman, J. P. 1972. Lake sediments in Northern Scotland. Transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B, 47, 191–294.Google Scholar
Pigott, C. D. & Pigott, M. E. 1963. Late glacial and postglacial deposits at Malham, Yorkshire. New Phytologist 62, 317–344.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pilcher, J. R. & Smith, A. G. 1979. Palaeoecological investigations at Ballynagilly, a Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement in Co. Tyrone, Northern Ireland. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B286, 345–369.Google Scholar
Powell, T. G. E., Oldfield, F. & Corcoran, J. X. W. P. 1971. Excavations in Zone VII at Storrs Moss, Lancashire, England, 1965–67. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 37, 112–137.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Price, T. D. 1978. Mesolithic subsistence — settlement systems in the Netherlands. In Mellars, P. (ed.), The Early Post-Glacial Settlement of Northern Europe, 81–113. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Price, T. D. 1987. The mesolithic of western Europe. Journal of World Prehistory 1, 225–305.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Price, T. D. 1989. The reconstruction of Mesolithic diets. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 48–59. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Printz, B. 1987. Mesolithic Adaptations on the Lower Danube, Vlasac and the Iron Gates Gorge. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S3 30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Radley, J., Tallis, J. H. & Switsur, V. R. 1974. The excavation of three narrow-blade Mesolithic sites in the southern Pennines. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 40, 1–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rankine, W. M. & Dimbleby, G. W. 1960. Further excavations at a Mesolithic site at Oakhanger, Selbourne, Hants. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 26, 246–262.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Reed, C. (ed.). 1977. Origins of Agriculture. The Hague: Mouton.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Renfrew, J. 1973. Palaeoethnobotany. London: Methuen.Google Scholar
Rimantiené, R. 1979. Šventoji. Vilnius: Mosklas.Google Scholar
Rimantiené, R. 1992. Neolithic hunter-gatherers at Šventoji in Lithuania. Antiquity 66, 367–376.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rindos, D. 1984. The Origins of Agriculture, an Evolutionary Perspective. New York: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Rindos, D. 1989. Darwinism and its role in the explanation of domestication. In Harris, D.R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 27–39. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Rowell, T. K. & Turner, J. 1985. Litho-, humic and pollen stratigraphy at Quick Moss, Northumberland. Journal of Ecology 73, 11–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rowley-Conwy, P. & Zvelebil, M. 1989. Saving it for later: storage by prehistoric hunter-gatherers in Europe. In Halstead, P. & O'Shea, J. (eds), Bad Year Economics, 40–56. Cambridge: University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rowley-Conwy, P. 1983. Sedentary hunters, the Ertebølle example. In Bailey, G. (ed.), Hunter Gatherer Economy in Prehistory, 111–126. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Rowley-Conwy, P. 1986. Between cave painters and crop planters: aspects of the temperate European Mesolithic. In Zvelebil, M. (ed.), Hunters in Transition, 5–17. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Rozoy, J.-G. 1978. Les Derniers Chasseurs. Bulletin de la Societé Archaeologique Champenoise, special Issue.Google Scholar
Rozoy, J.-G. 1989. The revolution of the bowmen in Europe. In Bonsall, C., (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 13–28. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Ryan, M. 1984. The archaeological excavations at Lough Boora, Boughal Townland, Co. Offaly. In Cooke, J. (ed.), Proceedings of the Seventh International Peat Congress vol. 1, 407–412. Dublin.Google Scholar
Salmi, M. 1963. On the distribution of Corylus . Bulletin Comm. Geoi. Finland, 207, 1–67.Google Scholar
Scaife, R. G. 1982. Late Devensian and early Flandrian vegetational changes in southern England. In Bell, M. & Limbrey, S. (eds), Archaeological Aspects of Woodland Ecology, 57–74. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S146.Google Scholar
Scaife, S. & Crowther, D. R. 1990. Humber Perspectives. Hull: University Press.Google Scholar
Schwabedissen, H. 1981. Ertebølle/Ellerbeck — Mesolithikum oder Neolithikum in Europa? In Gramsch, B. (ed.), Mesolithikum in Europa. 2. Internationales Symposium Postsdam, 3 bis 8 April 1978 Bericht, 129–142. (Veroffentlichungen des Museums fur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Potsdam, 14/15). Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften.Google Scholar
Seagrief, S. C. 1959. Pollen diagrams from southern England: Wareham, Dorset and Nursling, Hants. New Phytologist 58, 316–325.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Seagrief, S. C. 1960. Pollen diagrams from southern England: Cranes Moor, Hampshire. New Phytologist 59, 73–93.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Searight, S. 1990. Mesolithic activity at Cam Southern Raised Beach, Isle of Jura. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 120, 7–16.Google Scholar
Shipek, F. C. 1989. An example of intensive plant husbandry: the Kumeyaay of southern California. In Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 159–168. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Silberbauer, G. B. 1981. Hunter and Habitat in the Central Kalahari Desert. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Sillen, A., Sealy, J., Thorpe, J. L., Horwitz, L. K., & Merwe, N. G. van der, 1989. Trace element and isotope research in progress, implications for Near Eastern archaeology. In Hershkovitz, I. (ed.), People and Culture in Change, 321–334. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 00.Google Scholar
Simmons, I. G. 1964. Pollen diagrams from Dartmoor. New Phytologist 63, 165–180.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Simmons, I. G. 1969. Evidence for vegetational changes associated with Mesolithic in Britain. In Ucko, P. J. & Dimbleby, G. W. (eds), The Domestication and Exploitation of Plants and Animals, 111–119. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Simmons, I. G. 1975. Towards an ecology of Mesolithic man in the uplands of Great Britain. Journal of Archaeological Science 2, 1–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Simmons, I. G. 1979. Late Mesolithic societies and the environment of the uplands of England and Wales. Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology, London 16, 111–129.Google Scholar
Simmons, I. G. 1993. Vegetation change during the Mesolithic in the British Isles: some amplifications. In Chambers, F. M. (ed.), Climatic Change and Human Impact on the Landscape, 109–118. London: Chapman & Hale.Google Scholar
Simmons, I.G., Dimbleby, G. W. & Grigson, C. 1981. The Mesolithic. In Simmons, I. G. & Tooley, M. J. (eds), The Environment in British Prehistory, 82–124. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Simmons, I. G. & Innes, J. B. 1985. Late Mesolithic landuse and its impact in the English uplands. Biogeographical Monographs 2, 7–17.Google Scholar
Simmons, I. G. & Innes, J. B. 1987. Mid-Holocene adaptations and Mesolithic forest disturbance in northern England. Journal of Archaeological Science 14, 385–403.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Simmons, I. G., Turner, J. & Innes, J.B. 1989. An application of fine-resolution pollen analysis to later Mesolithic peats of an English upland. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Britain, 206–217. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Smith, A. G. 1970: The influence of Mesolithic and Neolithic man on British vegetation: a discussion. In Walker, D. & West, R. G. (eds), Studies in the Vegetational History of the British Isles, 81–96. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Smith, A. G. 1975. Neolithic and Bronze age landscape changes in north western Ireland. In Evans, J. G. Limbrey, S. & Cleere, H. (eds), The Effect of Man on the Landscape: The Highland Zone, 64–74. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 11.Google Scholar
Smith, A. G. 1981. Palynology of a Mesolithic—Neolithic site in Co. Antrim N. Ireland. Proceedings of the Fourth International Palynological Conference, Lucknow 3, 248–257.Google Scholar
Smith, A.G., White, A., Cloutman, E.W. & Morgan, L. A. 1989. Mesolithic and Neolithic activity and environmental impact on the south-west fen edge in Cambridgeshire. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 55, 207–249.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Smith, C. 1989. British antler mattocks. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 272–283. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Smith, C. 1992. Late Stone Age Hunters of the British Isles. London: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Smith, P., Bar-Yosef, O. & Sillen, A. 1984. Archaeological and skeletal evidence for dietary change during the late Pleistocene/Early Holocene in the Levant. In Cohen, M. N. & Armelagos, G. J. (eds), Palaeopathology at the Origins of Agriculture, 101–130. Orlando: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Speth, J. D. 1989. Early hominid hunting and scavenging: the role of meat as an energy source. Journal of Human Evolution 18, 329–344.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Speth, J. D. 1990. Seasonality, resource stress and food sharing in so called egalitarian societies. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 9, 148–188.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Speth, J. D. 1991. Protein selection and avoidance strategies of contemporary and ancestral foragers: unresolved issues. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B34, 265–270.Google Scholar
Speth, J. D. & Speilman, K. A. 1983. Energy source, protein metabolism and hunter-gathering strategies. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 2, 1–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Srejovic, D. 1969. Lepenski Vir. Belgrade: Srpska Knjizevna Zadruga.Google Scholar
Sturludottir, S. A. &: Turner, J. 1985. The elm decline at Pawlaw Mire: an anthropogenic interpretation. New Phytologist 99, 323–329.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tarli, S.M., Santina, D. Francalacci, P. & Repetto, E. 1989. Reconstruction of Mesolithic diet using dental microwear and trance element analysis. The case of Grotta dell Uzzo (Sicily). In Hershkovitz, I. (ed.), People and Culture in Change, 283–320. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S508.Google Scholar
Tauber, H. 1981. C13 evidence for dietary habits of prehistoric man in Denmark. Nature 292, 332–333.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Telegin, D. Y. 1986. Dereivka. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S287.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Testart, A. 1982. Les Chasseurs-Cueillers ou l'Origine des Inégalités. Paris: Societé d'Ethnographie.Google Scholar
Thomas, K. D. 1989. Vegetation of the British Chalklands in the Flandrian period: a response to Bush. Journal of Archaeological Science 16, 549–553.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Timofeev, V. I. 1981. Izdeliya iz kosti i roga neoliticheskoi stojanki. Zedmar (Serovo) D. Ksia 165, 115–118.Google Scholar
Tobolski, K. 1986. Introduction to the postglacial history of vegetation in western Pomerania. In Malinowski, T. (ed.), Problems of Stone Age in Pomerania, 69–86. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.Google Scholar
Tooley, M. J. 1978. Sea-Level Changes: North-West England During the Flandrian Stage. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Toth, N., Clark, D. & Ligabue, G. 1992. The last stone age makers. Scientific American 259, 66–71.Google Scholar
Tringham, R. 1971. Hunters, Fishers and Farmers of Eastern Europe 6000–3000 BC. London: Hutchinson.Google Scholar
Troels-Smith, R. 1959. The Muldbjerg Dwelling Place: An Early Neolithic Archaeological Site in the Aamosen Bog, West-Zealand, Denmark. Washington: Annual Report Smithsonian Institute.Google Scholar
Turbon, D. 1989. Epipalaeolithic remains from the northeast Iberian Peninsula. In Herskovitz, I. (ed.), People and Culture in Change, 495–504. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports S508.Google Scholar
Ucko, P. & Dimbleby, G. W. (eds). 1969. The Domestication and Exploitation of Plants and Animals. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Ungarn-Hamilton, R. 1989. The Epipalaeolithic southern Levant and the origins of cultivation. Current Anthropology 30(1), 88–103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Valoch, K. 1989. The Mesolithic site of Smolin, south Moravia. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 461–470. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Vankina, L. V. 1970. Torfyanikovaya Stoyanka Sarnate. Riga: Zinatne.Google Scholar
Vaquer, J., Geddes, D., Barbaza, M. & Erroux, J. 1982. Mesolithic plant exploitation at the Balma Abeurador. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 5(1), 1–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vaquer, J., Geddes, D. & Barbaza, M. 1986. Intensive food gathering or proto-agriculture in Southern French Epipalaeolithic: research at the Balma Aberador (Felines-Minervois, Herault). Oxford Journal of Archaeology 5(1), 1–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vaughan, D. 1987. The plant microfossils. In. Balaam, N. D., Levitan, B. & Straker, V. (eds), Studies in Palaeoecology and Environment in South-West England, 233–238. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 181.Google Scholar
Veermeersch, P., Munaut, A. & Paulissen, E. 1974. Fouilles d'un site du Tardenoisien Final a Opglabbeek-Ruiterskuil (Limbourg, Beige). Jahrbuch für Urforschung des Eiszeitalters und der Steinzeit 25, 85–104.Google Scholar
Vernet, J. L. & Thiebault, S. 1987. An approach to north-western Mediterranean recent prehistoric vegetation and ecologic implications. Journal of Biogeography 14, 117–127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vincent, J. 1979. On the sexual division of labour population and the origins of agriculture. Current Anthropology 20(2), 422–425.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Voytek, B. A. & Tringham, R. 1989. Rethinking the Mesolithic: the case of south-east Europe. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 492–499. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Vuorela, I. 1975. Pollen analysis as a means of tracing settlement history in south west Finland. Acta Botanica Fennica 104, 1–48.Google Scholar
Vuorela, I. 1986. Palynological and historical evidence of slash-and-burn cultivation in south Finland. In Behre, K. E. (ed.), Anthropogenic Indicators in Pollen Diagrams, 53–64. Rotterdam.: Balkema.Google Scholar
Vuorela, I. & Aalto, M. 1982. Paleobotanical investigations at a Neolithic dwelling site in southern Finland, with special reference to Trapa natans. Annales Botanici Fennici 19, 81–92 Google Scholar
Walker, D. 1956. A site at Stump Cross, Grassington, Yorkshire, and the age of the Pennine microlithic industry. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 22, 23–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Walker, D. 1966 The late Quaternary history of the Cumberland lowland. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B251, 1–211.Google Scholar
Walker, M. J. C. 1975. A pollen diagram from the pass of Drumochter, central Grampian Highlands, Scotland. Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh 41, 335–343.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Walker, M. J. C. & Lowe, J.J. Postglacial environmental history of Rannoch Moor, Scotland, I: three pollen diagrams from the Kinghouse area. Journal of Biogeography 4, 335–351.Google Scholar
Watson, P. J. 1989. Early plant cultivation in the eastern woodlands of North America. In. Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 555–571. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Welinder, S. 1977. The Mesolithic Stone Age of Eastern Middle Sweden. Antikvariskt arkiv 65. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International.Google Scholar
Welinder, S. 1978. The concept of ecology in Mesolithic research. In Mellars, P. (ed), The Early Post-Glacial Settlement of Northern Europe, 11–26. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Welinder, S. 1983a: The ecology of long term change. In Acta Archaeologica Lundensia. Ser. in 8 min. 9.Google Scholar
Welinder, S. 1983b. Ecosystems change at the Neolithic transition. Norwegian Archaeological Review 16, 99–105.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Welinder, S. 1989. Mesolithic forest clearance in Scandinavia. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 362–366. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Whittle, A. 1985. Neolithic Europe: a Survey. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Wickham-Jones, C. R. 1989. Recent work on the island of Rhum, Scotland. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 156–163. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Wigforss, J. 1993. Some Swedish Mesolithic Settlements with Preserved Faunal Remains — Site Topography and Economy. Unpublished paper delivered at the Man and Sea in the Mesolithic conference, June 1993, Denmark.Google Scholar
Williams, C. T. 1985. Mesolithic Exploration Patterns in the Central Pennines. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 139.Google Scholar
Williams, E. 1989. Dating the introduction of food production into Britain and Ireland. Antiquity 63, 510–521.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Williams, N. M. & Hunn, E. S. (eds). 1982. Resource Managers: North America and Australian Hunter-Gatherers. Boulder: Westview Press.Google Scholar
Wiltshire, P. E. J. & Edwards, K.J. 1993. Mesolithic, early Neolithic and later prehistoric impacts on vegetation at a riverside site in Derbyshire, England. In Chambers, F. M. (ed.), Climatic Change and Human Impact on the Landscape, 157–168. London: Chapman & Hale.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. 1978. The Mesolithic in Ireland. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 58.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. 1985. Excavations at Mount Sandel 1973–77. Belfast: HMSO, Northern Ireland Archaeological Monograph 2.Google Scholar
Woodman, P. 1987. Excavations at Cass Ny Hawin, a Manx Mesolithic site, and the position of the Manx microlithic industries. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 53, 1–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wright, K. 1991. The origin and development of ground stone assemblages in late Pleistocene Southwest Asia. Paléorient 17(1), 19–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wymer, J.J. 1977. Gazetteer of Mesolithic Sites in England and Wales. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 20.Google Scholar
Wyss, R. 1980. Das Mittelspeinzeitliche Hirsch-Jaegerlager von Schoetz 7 in Wauwilermoos. Zurich: Archeologicsche Forschungen, Schweizerisches, Landes Museum.Google Scholar
Wyszomirska, B. 1986. The Nymölla project. A middle Neolithic settlement and burial complex in Nymölla, north east Scania. Meddelanden Från Lunds Universitets Historiska Museum 1985–1986, 115–138.Google Scholar
Wyszomirska, B. 1988. Ekonomisk Stabilitet vid Kusten. Lund: Acta Archaeologica Lundendsia Series in 8, 17.Google Scholar
Yen, D. E. 1989. The domestication of environment. In Harris, D. R. & Hillman, G. C. (eds), Foraging and Farming, 53–75. London: Unwin Hyman.Google Scholar
Zagorska, I. & Zagorskis, F. 1989. The bone and antler inventory from Zvejnieki II, Latvian SSR. In Bonsall, C. (ed.), The Mesolithic in Europe, 414–423. Edinburgh: John Donald.Google Scholar
Ziesaire, P. 1986. Identification et cadre chrono-culturel du Mesolithique Ancien: Le gisement de plein — air D'Altwies-Haed, Luxembourg. Memoirs de la Societé Agriculture, Lettres, Sciences et Arts de la Haute Saône 2, 31–50 Google Scholar
Zohary, D. & Hopf, M. (eds). 1988. Domestication of Plants in the Old World. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Zvelebil, M. 1981. From Forager to Farmer in the Boreal Zone: Reconstructing Economic Patterns Through Catchment Analysis in Prehistoric Finland. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S115.Google Scholar
Zvelebil, M. (ed.). 1986, Hunters in Transition. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Zvelebil, M. 1987. Wetland settlements in eastern Europe. In Coles, J. M. & Lawson, A. (eds), European Wetlands in Prehistory, 94–116. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar