The present edited volume tackles the blurry, but prominent, concepts of ‘sustainability’ and ‘sustainable development’ in the Arctic. These concepts, which gained presence on the world stage particularly after the 1987 report by the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) and subsequently the 1992 Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, have become some of the most integral elements of Arctic research and governance. But what do we actually mean when we talk of ‘sustainability in the north’? This is what the authors of the 28 chapters have set out to critically examine. Based on papers presented at the 2014 International Conference of Arctic Social Sciences (ICASS) in Prince George, Canada, the editors and authors make abundantly clear that there is not just one ‘north’ and not just one understanding of ‘sustainability’. Instead, depending on time and space, cultural background and social setting, the terms are charged differently. Given the blurry understanding of what ‘sustainability’ means, this, as is argued, is indeed the reason for it to be ‘such an interesting and politically potent concept’ (p. 14). In order to better understand that this blurry concept means in the Arctic, the content of the short chapters are geographically located in a many different locations all over the circumpolar north—the reason for which, the editors explain, simply lies in shedding light on a diverse region such as the Arctic.
Thematically, the book is subdivided into three parts: Conceptualizing and measuring Arctic sustainability, Challenges in sustainability, and Advancing sustainability. Given the vast number of contributions to this book, it is not possible to tackle each and every single chapter individually. Generally speaking, however, as with the geographical scope the book, there is also a large number of different topics that in one way or the other shed light on how differently ‘sustainability’ or ‘sustainable development’ are generated in the north. The red thread throughout the book is the focus on the people(s) of the Arctic—indigenous, non-indigenous, as well as outsiders coming to the Arctic. The terms ‘sustainability’ and ‘sustainable development’ are thus clearly linked with the social and human dimensions while the book does not tackle any natural or earth sciences. One may, of course, criticise the editors for not having included chapters on at least the interplay between the natural and social sciences, but I personally, as a social scientist, felt deeply rewarded by having read the book. The reason is simple: many of the topics covered are topics that have, at least to my knowledge, found rather little reflection in the Arctic social sciences. A chapter that I found particularly intriguing, for example, is that of Rémy Rouillard on the adaptation of the bodies of ‘oil nomads’ in the Russian north. Rouillard tackles a whole new dimension on sustainability—namely that of the outsider's body in the harsh Arctic natural and economic environment.
In fact, many of the chapters deal with the socio-economic conditions in the Russian north. This is a particularly laudable element of this volume, especially since it also allows for comparative reading of the different chapters. What I mean is, for example, the topical parallel between Wilson's and Ringholm's chapters. While the former deals with the interaction between local communities and oil companies in Russia's Komi Republic, the latter approaches the same issue in Norway's Finnmark. The reader is therefore able to gain insight into two Arctic regions which face the interest of oil companies, but with significantly different outcomes. In Komi Republic, there appears to be distrust between the local population and the regional branch of Lukoil, especially since the 1994 oil spill, despite the company's official policy of consultation of the local population. In Finnmark, on the contrary, the Italian Eni Norway and four municipalities affected by the development of the Goliat oilfield have established a climate of trust between one another—however, also out of strategic motivations.
But not only empirical elements are tackled under the umbrella of ‘sustainability’, also theoretical ones. Particularly noteworthy in this respect are Rasmus and Ulturgasheva's chapter on peer observation of research, meaning collaborative anthropological research, as well as Gordon's chapter on community-based participatory research. Both chapters aim to counter the ‘traditional’ fly-in, fly-out type of research and emphasise the need for community inclusion. Indeed, I had up to this point not come across the concept of peer observation of research, which essentially frames the linking of observations and experiences of two or more researchers of the same social situation. The concept appears to be a necessary approach to ‘diversify’ and thus legitimise anthropological observations and findings.
The present volume is an impressive one. Particularly since the chapters make the reader fully understand that there is simply not one type of sustainability in the Arctic, but that there are many. Hence the title of the book is very well chosen. One might criticise the short scope of the chapters which in some provides merely a snapshot of the topic addressed. Nevertheless, if the chapters were longer, neither the geographical nor topical scope would have been covered. In this sense the book is an extremely rich source of inspiration for further research and for further reading. I am fully convinced that particularly for social scientists dealing with Arctic issues Northern sustainabilities is recommendable, but also for policy-makers and natural scientists the complexity of northern societies within modern market economies and within current and developing Arctic discourse becomes apparent upon study of this book.