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The Melk Salbenkrämerspiel: An Unpublished Middle High German Mercator Play
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2020
Extract
The Salbenkrämerspiel (Mercator Play) occupies a place of unique importance in the history and development of the secular drama in German literature. From almost the beginning of Western drama as it slowly emerged from the Easter Mass, through the Latin Festival Plays of the thirteenth century, to the complete secularization and nationalization of this play in the Fastnachtspiele of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the development of the Salbenkrämerspiel has been the subject of special investigation by many eminent scholars.
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- Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1948
References
1 The editors wish to express their thanks for the many courtesies extended to them by the Yale, Harvard, Columbia, and New York Public Libraries. Mr. Bühler is particularly grateful to Dr. Edith Porada for her thoughtful interest and many valuable suggestions.
2 The enormous literature on the mediæval German stage is listed by Maximilian J. Rudwin, A Historical ana Bibliographical Survey of the German Religious Drama (Pittsburgh, 1924). For the Latin drama, see Karl Young's monumental The Drama of the Medieval Church (Oxford, 1933), especially i, 401 ff. and Chapter xiv (the plays of Origny, Klosterneuburg, Benediktbeuern, and Tours). Particularly useful for the study of the present text are: Conrad Dürre, Die Mercatorszene im lateinisch-liturgischen, altdeutscken und altfranzösischen religiösen Drama (Göttingen, 1915); Richard Heinzel, Abhandlungen zum altdeutschen Drama (Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, Phil.-hist. Klasse. Sitzungs-berichte, cxxxiv [1896], esp. pp. 55–66); Hans Rueff, Das rheinische Osterspiel (Gesell-schaft der Wissenschaften, Göttingen. Abhandlungen. Phil.-hist. Klasse. N.F., xviii, n. 1); F. Mencik and E. Schröder, “Eine Wiener Rubinus-Rolle,” Zeitschr.f.dt. Altertum, LI, 263–273; Rudolf Höpfner, Untersuchungen zu dem Innsbrucker, Berliner und Wiener Osterspiel (Germanistische Abhandlungen xlv); Ludwig Wirth, Die Oster- und Passions-spiele bis zum XVI. Jahrhundert (Halle, 1889), pp. 168–185). Two comparatively recent works are absolutely indispensable: Eduard Hartl, Das Drama des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1937, 2 vols.) and Alfred Bäschlin, Die altdeutschen Salbenkrämerspiele (Mulhouse, 1929, with pertinent bibliography).
3 Listed so by Sir Paul Harvey, The Oxford Companion to English Literature (Oxford, 1940), p. 501. The identity of the third Mary is open to question; she is often called Mary Salome. Compare James Hastings, A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels (New York, 1924) under “Brethren of the Lord” [i, 232–237], “Mary the mother of James the Little and Joses” [II, 139] and “Salome” [ii, 551].
4 So by Bäschlin, op. cit. The text is printed by O. Zingerle, Sterzinger Spiele (Wiener Neudrucke, ix, Wien, 1886) ; this play is Fastnachtspiel no. 4 and will be cited as IV. The Alsfelder Passionsspiel and the Frankfurter Dirigierrolle are here treated as one play, since the former is only an expanded version of the latter and the Dirigierrolle (as its name suggests) merely outlines the scenes.
5 Hartl, ii, 6. Cf. also Young, I, 435–436.
6 This play lacks only sections 1 and 6 of the K-Szene; cf. Bäschlin, pp. 14–17. 7 Cp. also Hartl's statement (ii, 130) to the effect “dass der Bearbeiter, wenn auch nicht gerade glänzend, Latein verstand.”
8 The editions of the various plays are listed by Bäschlin and his sigla have been used throughout for the sake of convenience. For the Wiener, Erlauer and Innsbrucker plays, however, the new texts printed by Hartl (vol. ii) have been used and the line-numberings are those of Hartl's texts. Hartl's notes to Wi O appear in Lebendiges Erbe. Festschrift für Ernst Reclam (Leipzig, 1936), pp. 20–61.
9 Cf. II. 92, 190, 241, 380, 537, etc.; not corrected are II. 243, 293, 458, etc.
10 E.g. II. 141, 149, 250, 266, 300, 321, 355, 513, etc.
11 E.g. II. 3–6, 421, 432, 576 and 593.
12 E.g. line 59.
13 E.g. II. 227, 240, 435, 457, 526, etc.
14 Op. cit., p. 100.
15 Op. cit., p. 58: “In der That scheint manches darauf hinzuweisen, dass die Quack-salberszenen unserer geistlichen Spiele einmal eine selbständige Existenz geführt haben.”
16 Of the Erlauer Play, Heinzel (p. 58) remarks that it can readily be designated “als ein besonderes Spiel.” He emphasizes the importance of Raber's Ypocras ( IV) on p. 60.
17 The Trier Play (Hartl, ii, 297) also has the heading “Ludus de node paschae.”
18 Most Easter plays, no matter how ribald in character, open upon a serious note. Hartl (ii, 193) observes: “In der Mitte des Osterspiels hat man die heitere Einlage gern geduldet, aber der Anfang und besonders das Ende mussten ernst gehalten sein, wenn nicht jede Berechtigung schwinden sollte, das Ganze noch ein Osterspiel zu nennen.” The present play ends with the Prima Maria singing the stanzas which serve to introduce the Trier Easter play (Hartl, ii, 48).
19 A very common motive; compare the Satirical Description of his Lady, incorrectly attributed to Lydgate and printed by James Halliwell, Minor Poems of Lydgate, Percy Society ii London, 1840), no. 34, and the similar one perhaps by Hoccleve and printed among his minor poems (EETS, ES, lxi, p. xxxviii).
20 In J, Rubinus has to be called four times; cf. Bäschlin, p. 35.
21 Op. cit., ii, 132, referring to J; see also his notes (ii, 201) regarding “Wortwitz” and “Wortverdrehung.”
22 The editors are obliged to the technical skill of Mark D. Brewer in restoring the obliterated stamp to legibility. The stamp, however, differs entirely from those found in the Yale Gutenberg Bible, formerly at Melk.
23 The manuscript not seem to appear in Catalogue codicum manu scriptorum qui in Bibliotheca Monasterii Mellicensis O.S.B. servantur (1889; vol. i only published). It is apparently taken from one of those miscellaneous volumes described by E. Ph. Goldschmidt, Medieval Texts and their First Appearance in Print (London, Bibl. Society, 1943, pp. 93–95).
24 Deutsche Schrifttafeln des IX. bis XVI. Jahrhunderts (München and Leipzig, 1910–30), v. This is a manuscript of Hugo von Trimberg, Der Renner (Cgm. 307).
24 Cf. R. Froning, op. cit., “Nachrichten über Aufführungen geistlicber Spiele in Frankfurt,” pp. 535–546.
25 The Frankfurter Dirigierrolle (ed. R. Froning, op. cit., pp. 340–374) was written between 1350 and 1384, and the Passion play (ibid., pp. 375–546) in the year 1493.
25 The Frankfurter Dirigierrolle contains only the initial words of passages and only a few words in German. Nevertheless, even in these few words there is a remarkable similarity with identical words in Melk, e.g., swig 5, uch 11, stet uf 13, kunde ich 22, frunt myn 60, iz 79, richer kunig 84, min geist 323, sagit an 334, dun wir 345, gedan 368, leyder 376, ir sullet uwer fochte lan 387, uffenbar 427 etc. The Passion play, however, with its 4408 lines of German text shows, despite the omission of the Mercator and resurrection scenes, all the characteristics of the Melk play. A few indicative words can be given: ich focht 3131, widder 3235, plegen 800, dach (NHG dock) 3726, ader 3814, isz (NHG es) 3019, dogenliche 419, tufels, 734, lude 22, hait 3, wolde 4, brengen 580, sal 3531, Eya 3452, phij (NHG pfui) 2558 etc.
27 The Mercator scene consists of only twenty-three lines (II. 355–378); it nevertheless contains all the important persons of the play, viz. mercatores, medicus, uxor and the three Marys.
28 Cf. R. Froning, op. cit., p. 328.
29 Religious plays were performed e.g. in Friedberg (1465, 1482), Butzbach (1417, 1495), and Marburg (1452, 1454, 1459, 1493, 1495, 1499); cf. . Zimmermann, “Das Alsfelder Passionsspiel und die Wetterauer Spielgruppe,” Archiv für hessische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, N.F., vi, 12, 13.
*Textual variants appear at the end.
1 Bäschlin (referred to as BA in the notes), p. 16 observes that mercator is the usual form in the earlier plays, while medicus is a later development.
2 The Latin text has been badly garbled by the copyist; it is impossible to say how much of this is his own fault or what errors are those of his predecessor(s). These lines in Erl 119–124 read as follows:
Nuper veni de studio
scio, quod tota regio
mihi coequalem
nescit, nec habet talem.
hoc loquor sine fraude
sed tamen ficta laude.
As Hartl (ii, 198) correctly states, this is “eine lateinische Vagantenstrophe, in der das Marktschreierische mit einem Körnchen Aufrichtigkeit gemischt ist.” For versification and accent see ibid., 191. In Wi O, the Latin text is wanting, but it must have been in the source, as BA (p. 20) proves.
3 See note 18 above. In the present play, there is no indication that any soberer beginning ever formed an introduction to this text.
4 Cf. W. Arndt, Die Personennamen der deutschen Schauspiele des Mittelatters (Breslau, 1904), p. 25; compare IV, 19–20. Hartl (ii, 198) points out that this is the oldest form of the self introduction in these plays.
Ich pin neulich chömen von Pareis
auf erznei hab ich alien fleis (Erl 125–126; cf. Wi O 508–509; Rh 531–532).
5 An example of “inkhorn terms” and found in practically all the Mercator plays. BA, p. 29, suggests that the Werbeszene (hiring of Rubinus) originally followed the Nuper veni-introduction.
6 Cf. J 548 ff.; RR 42 ff.; etc.
Erl 135–138: ich bin ein chnäblein stolz
vnd lauff da her von Drisholz.
ich kan chauffen und [ver]chauffen
und von markcht zu markcht lauffen (cf. RR 26–29).
8 J 546 and Wi O 530: Herre, wy duncket uch vm mich?
9 This passage is practically identical with Erl 153–162 and J 682–691, though in the latter play it is spoken by Pusterbalk; see also RR, 16–25. For the names compare Arndt, op. cit., and BA 31–32.
Note 9a in page 40 J 687: vnd erswinge er ir geveder.
10 BA (p. 23) points out that in most plays the Länderaufzählung is attached to and follows the Ypocras song; comparable lists are printed in BA. See also the English Play of the Sacrament, printed in Transactions of the Philological Society (1861), 101–152.
11 “Die südöstliche Tradition, Erl III, Rub. R und mit ihr Innsbr. (nach Höpfner S. 135) kennt das ferne Brabant nicht und schreibt Prolant (kontaminiert aus Brabant+Polant),” Rueff, op. cit., p. 122. Oddly enough Brabant seems to occur as Prauant in the next line of the text.
Dennoch wayss ich ein lantt,
Doch ward er durich dy zend geprant (RR 125–126; so Erl. 568–569; cf. Z IV, 32)
Nu sage, liber Rubeyn,
was ist das Ion deyn? (Wi O 554–555; cf. Erl 163–164)
Wy mag gesin din lon so groz?
Nu bistu doch vnder der huben bloz! (J 574–575; cf. Erl 171–172)
Ich bin vnder der huben nyrgent so kal,
ich habe in dem nacke kulpechte har! (J 576–577; cf. Hartl's note, p. 306)
Wer do hot eyn hor adir czwei,
der wirt rauch alz eyn ganssei. (Wi O 586–587; cp. IV, 291 and Hartl, i, 93)
J 579–582: So gronet daz graz
vnd loubit der stog
vnd czickelt der bock,
so gebe ich dir durch luftgen eyn rock
See also Hartl's note and compare Erl 235–244, which Hartl (ii, 202) believes to be a parody of a Minnelied.
Erl 93–96: Weicht, fr herren all,
das mein herr icht vall!
Mein herr ist ein zarnig man:
er trät ein eisneineu průch an.
Cp. also RR 3 and J 611–616.
19 Cf. ', p. 24: “Das Ypocraslied fehlt in Wi O und Erl, den beiden Spielen, welche dafür... als einzige die Nuper veni-tradition kennen.” Both these songs appear to have come from the popular Vagantenlyrik. See J 623–626, Rh 531–534, Alsf. 7483–7484 “de gratia bovina,” IV, 7 and 219, RR 57–60 “de gratia wavina,” and Mastičkář, 27–30; cf. Rueff, op. cit., p. 121. 20 The following lines are an enlargement of l. 109, not found elsewhere. 21 In Erl 354–357, the Medicus asks where his wife is and sends Rubinus for her. Rubinus says (360–362) : “und dunkcht mich auch nit wol getan, das ir sei allain habt lassen stan under diser sammung.” The Medica speaks to Rubinus, who quickly silences her derogatory remarks about her husband: “Frau, lass di red bestan:
Du solt mit mir zu meinem herren gan (Erl 408–409).
22 These lines are unique in this text of the Salbenkrämerspiel. Hartl (ii, 202) designates such lines as “ein komischer Ableger eines Minneliedes,” as also is the use of “wigant.” This song is repeated later as Rubinus leads the mercatrix off the stage (l. 577 ff.).
23 For ironic praise of this sort, see Hartl i, 92. There is a short satirical description of the mercatrix in Wi O, 600–607; cp. also Erl 249–252 and 413–419, Lüben 37 ff., BB 123–130; cf. note 19 of introduction.
RR 108–109 : Ja, herr, sy hot habt vil ze schaffen
Mit schillern vnd ait [phaffen]
Note 24a in page 43 Wi O 602: kessilvar ist ouch ir hor wol 25 Wi O 585: Alz eyne kw dy kalbin sal
28 In Erl 425–426 and Lüben 148–149 ( ', p. 38), as here, Rubinus reminds the mercator to greet his wife in proper fashion.
27 For the oxymoron kolin weys cf. ', p. 93, and Erlau's cholweissen hant (l. 429). There is a comparable passage for these lines in Sterzinger play vi “Doctor Knoflach.”
28 These repetitious introductions indicate, as Hartl remarks for J (ii, 127), that at least two different openings were borrowed for this play. In Erl, Rubin shows the medical implements of his master (466–497) and Pusterbalk proclaims the medica's talents at her request (502–525).
29 This passage is based on the same source as J 650 “Dy blinden macht er sprechen”; for parallel passages cf. ', p. 22.
30 Sterzinger vi, 51–52:
Er kan gar guete erczney
er ist pesser den ander drey; cf. also xxiv, 95–96
31 Lüben 36–37:
Ruben, lauff aus in dy lant
und thue meynen namen bekant
32 BA (p. 39) calls this the “sekundäre Werbeszene.” Pusterbalk appears in J, Erl and IV, also in Lüben and in the two Bohemian plays (Mastičkář, printed by Gebauer in Listy filologické a paedagogickê, vii, 90–121, and the fragment published by Patera in asopis eskêho Museum, lxiii, 131 ff.). In RR, the character is called Marcel. No such role occurs in Wi O, while J has an additional role for Lasterbalk.
32a J 658–663 :
Rubin, warte dir vm eynen knecht
der dir czu dinste fuge recht.
Rubin dicit: Nu horet al gemeyne,
beide groz vnd kleyne:
kan mir ymant gewissen eynen knecht
der mir czu dinste were recht?
33 Cp. J 583–585; and Z IV (ll. 117–120) :
So will ich dier mit ainer kreyden
zbo hosn von papier schneyden
vnd main an dy wandt
dy da sein von tribetant.
Note 33a in page 46 See also Erl 311–318.
34 In J (572–573) a similar demand is made by Rubin: Herre, funff schillinge, daz ist myn gedinge.
35 Erl 588-589: Das tůn ich so zehant alz ein stolzer weigant 36 Note the specific use of “kauffman” here and compare J 635–636: Vns ist komen in dy lant eyn arczt wit bekant See also Erl 562–563: Ez ist ein maister chomen in di lant
Puchsindasgras ist er genant On the other hand, the Latin term is Mercator in J and Medicus in Erl. Usually the mercator's fame and reputation are stressed (cf. Rh 535–536 and Play of the Sacrament, op. cit., ll. 89–94); see, however, Fastnachtspiel 6 (Adelbert von Keller, Fastnachtspiele aus dem fünfzehnten Jahrhundert, Bibl. des litt. Vereins in Stuttgart, xxviii-xxx and XLVI) : Maister Viviam is er genant In diesen landen unbekant. (xxviii, 59, ll. 4–5) 37 Erl 343–344: Herr, zu erznei chan ich also vil alz ein pokch zu vederspil Hartl's note (p. 312) states that Pusterpalk says: “Zur Arzneikunst tauge ich ebenso wie ein Bock zum Jagdfalken.”
J 652–653 : Her kan czu erstige alzo vil
alzo eyn esel czu seytenspil
Compare the “Asinarius vel Diadema” in Anz.f. Kunde der teutschen Vorzeit, viii, 551–560, and the German lines in col. 561.
38 For these fabulous drugs, cf. J 786 ff. and 976 ff.; Hartl refers to such as “Lügen-mürchen” (i, 94). See also BA 92.
Rubin, stampes du dy worcze?
Rubin dicit:
Neyn, herre, ich stampphe essels fûrcze. (J 816–817; cf. Erl 704–705)
So nem abe dy hulssen
vnd wirff sy vnder dy aldin wib,
daz [sy] lassen ir pulssen! (J 818–819; cf. Erl 708–709, and BA 34).
41 J 820–821:
Seht, ir alden czygen,
(da mit sy uch genegen)
42 Erl 710–711:
Set hin, ir alten taschen,
das euch der grint werd gewaschen!
Durch der dreier tempeltreten.
welher teufl hat se her gepeten? (Erl 905–906; cf. J 1039–1040)
In Wi Wi (1. 19) Hartl prints “flattertaschin.” Both Erl and J have “tempeltreten,” and J also has “kapeltreten”; cp. Hartl's notes to J 552 and 1035.
44 The usual stage directions read:
Angeli cantant Silete or
Silete, silete, silete!
Silentium habete! (Wi O, 171–172)
Hartl (i, 72) observes that these were dramatic devices to quiet the audience and to usher in new scenes. See also ll. 420 and 594.
45 In J (894–905) the Schalkstreit takes place only after the Mercator has summoned Rubin four times and the Three Marys are already on stage. These lines compare closely with those in J and Erl 553–559; see also Lüben 87–101, BB 20–25 and RR 134–141.
Scholde man alle schelke vz der stat jagen,
ir müst eyn myle vor hen drabe. (J 902–903; cf. RR 138–139) Solde man alle schelke steyne,
iz mochte manic kint sinen vater weyne. (BB 23–24; cf. J 900–901)
Vnd solt man dy stat mit schelken vmb planck[en],
man nem dy zw den ersten schrancken. (RR 136–137; cf. Erl 557–559)
Scholde man dy stat mit schelken vmmure,
man seczt uch czu eyner torsule. (J 904–905)
47 This couplet may be found in Lüben 21–22 and 75–76; Erl 543–544; RR 81–82; IV 199–200; Mast. 83 ff.; etc.
Herre, ich was vnder jenen aldin weibin
vnd wolde en den harnsteyn sneiden. (Wi O 644–645; cf. J 886–887 and RR 83–84)
Ich lege hy under einer bank
do leide ich grozin gestang
von den iungin unde von den aldin (Lüben 165–167)
In Erl (670–685) there is a rather similar passage but it is spoken by Pusterpalk; see also Sterzinger play vi, 125–127.
50 Pixides is the term used in the liturgies; cf. BA 8.
So ist das dy andir
dy brochte ich von Flandern. (Wi O 578–579; cp. Erl 600–601 and 837–838, J 792–793, Sterzing xxi, 55–56 and xxiv, 185–186)
Pschtreicht ain sein kopf ain mall oder zbai,
er wirt als rauch wie ain gans ay. (Z IV 290–291; see ll. 73–74 and note 16 above, Sterzing xxiv, 400 and 613–614, RR 211 ff., Wi O 586–587, Erl 604–605 and BA p. 26).
So ist das dy dritte,
dy brochte ich von Egipten (Wi O 580–581; cf. J 794–795 and RR 182–183)
54 “schmalcz von ainer mucken” is noted by IV (229) and J (831; cp. also Hartl's notes, p. 309, and i, 94); RR 178 mentions “Mückenpluett vnd miligswaiss,” BA 27–28 claims these fantastic drugs are only “volkstümliche Scherze,” but a more sombre note is in Macbeth, iv, 1. About animal drugs of the Old Egyptians, such as lizard's blood, swine's teeth, putrid meat, stinking fat, moisture from pigs' ears, milk, goose grease, asses' hoofs, animal fats from various sources, excreta of various animals, including donkeys' and even flies', cf. C. H. Lawall, The Curious Lore of Drugs and Medicines (1927), p. 7, who says: “The influence of this group persisted for more than three thousand years, as may be seen by referring to many pharmacopoeias of the 16th and 17th centuries.” Usually six or seven salves are displayed, so Erl and Rh. In the Muri Easter play (Hartl ii, 285, 98) there are also only “drie buhsen.” See also the Lügenpredigt (ed. J. Boite, Zeitschrift f. dt. Allertum, xxxvi, 151, ll. 55–65).
55 Erl 655 and 695: fleugenfüss und mukkenmarchk.
56 Similarly J 806–807 (kobebenkoren), Rh 663–664 (cabeben korn), RR 188–189 (kupersskorn), and Erl 645–646 (zisperchorn). Cp. BA p. 26 and Sterzing xxi, 51 ff. and xxiv, 197 ff.
57 Z - IV 296–297:
Die pestreich damit irn nabl
So wagstz ir zu als ein ofn gabl.
58 The Antiqua Vetula episode occurs in no other German Salbenkrämerspiel. In Erl 512–521 it is suggested that the “alte maid” should see the Medica, but the character is not introduced. A Vetula, whose husband is tired of her, appears in Sterzing vi, 191 et seq.
59 These stanzas are Hartl's (ii, 6) “Gruppe B: 3 Wegstrophen in Zehnsilblern.” See also Young, i, 285 and 677 ff. Printed with music from the Wolfenbüttler play (Wo) by Otto Schönemann, Der Sündenfall und Marienklage (Hanover, 1855), pp. 151 ff. These stanzas often serve to introduce the play (J 507 et seq. and Erl 7 et seq., with a German translation). At this point in the play, J (838) has Hartl's “Wegstrophen A” (ii, 5), found at the end of the present play; Erl (717), on the other hand, repeats the first two stanzas of Group (with a different translation) while the third stanza is the second one of Group A. In Wi O, which omits the Latin texts, these stanzas are naturally not found.
60 The Latin “ricmi” read as follows:
Omnipotens pater altissime,
angelorum rector mitissime,
quid faciemus nos miserrimae?
heu, quantus est noster dolor!
61 Ibid.,
Amisimus enim solatium,
Ihesum Christum, Mariae filium.
ipse erat nostra redemptio.
heu quantus est noster dolor!
62 Ibid.,
Sed eamus unguentum emere
cum quo bene possumus ungere
corpus domini sacratum.
heu, quantus est noster dolor!
63 This line is usually sung by the Three Marys as the refrain for stanza 2 of Group C, for which see below.
64 J 811 : Herre, da ist iarmarkt hüte.
65 Wi O 532–533 :
Ich kan den aldin weybin
dy bewtil abe sneidin.
66 As in Erl (cf. Hartl's comment, ii, 203), Rubinus greets the Marys “mit äusserst derben und gemeinen Worten.” In BB 97 one finds “Deus salsire,” of which the editor, Wilhelm Seelmann (Zeitschrift f. dt. Altertum, LXIII, 266) remarks: “verdrehtes Latein, wie es auch in anderen Osterspielen begegnet, fur deus solvere jubeat).” Compare Erl 779–783 (Rubin to the Marys):
‘Meus calvo fier,‘
sprach ein och [s] zu einem stir.
got gruss euch, ir frauen al vir.
oder sind eur drei?
ich sich, sam mir in di augen geschissen sei! (cf. J 920–923).
and (Mercator seeking servant)
got gruss uch, ir hirn, vbir al,
alz sprach der wolf vnd kuckte in den genssestal (J 540–541).
See also BA, p. 93. This seems to be an echo of “Keim 1,” otherwise lacking in this play.
67 This is “Keim” 2:
Wilkome, levé iungelîn
God de beter al dîn ding,
Westu jennigen man,
De uns to arsedige raden kan? (Wo, p. 153)
Practically identical lines occur in J 843–848 and Erl 794–799. This is apparently based on the Latin “corpus Jesu ungere volumus” (Hartl, ii, 6).
68 Erl 1117–1118:
dem wolt wir zu disen stunden
salben sein tiff wunden
69 “Keim” 3 :
Get mir noch, ich gen uch vor,
Vnd tret mir noch vff myn spor. (J 936–937; cf. Rh 975–976).
70 For the history and other occurrences of these Latin stanzas, see Hartl ii, 309 and BA, p. 10 ff. They form the first two stanzas in Hartl's “Gruppe C: 3 Kaufstrophen in Zehnsilblern.” Note that in J all Latin stanzas are spoken without interruption by translations, and that this play and the Bohemian Mastičkář agree in having only the first two stanzas. The earliest German translation is found in the mid fourteenth-century Frankfurter Dirigierrolle (R. Froning, Das deutsche Drama des Mittelalters [Dt. National-Litteratur, ed. J. Kürschner, xiv], Stuttgart, 1891, ii, 340 ff.), this also being the probable date of the Bohemian play. There is no German rendering of the first stanza in J.
des gehe wir vnd kewffin salben
do methe wir em allenthalben
bestreichin seyne wunden
nu czu desin stunden! (Wi O 634–637).
Apart from the slips produced by the scribe's insufficient knowledge of Latin, these lines are the same as those found in J and Erl. In the Wolfenbüttler (ed. cit., p. 152) and in the Benediktbeurer (Hartl, ii, 39) plays the third line of the second stanza reads: “dic pretium pro quanta dederis.” BA (p. 12) states that this stanza is usually sung by “Maria Jacobi.” The Kaufszene does not appear in Z - IV.
71 Wo, p. 153:
Sage uns, cramer, leve vrunt,
is dy van arsedige icht kunt,
edder hestu jennige salve gût,
dâr na so steit uns de mût?
Practically the identical Unes, the equivalent of “Keim” 4, are found in J 968–971. In Erl 829–848, there is a long reply by the Medicus.
72 This is “Keim” 5:
Ja, ich, vrowe, salich wîf,
ik hân vorsloten mînen lif,
noch arsedige mennich iâr
dat gy soken, dat steit dâr. (Wo p. 153)
The lines in J are again quite similar. For line 2, compare BA 20 ff. In order to introduce a comic element, some plays specify the number of years the Mercator studied medicine, e.g. “vier und virczig jor” Wi O 510; “woll hundert jar” Z IV 221; “wol tausent jar” Erl 127.
73 Wo, p. 152: Secunda dicit:
Sage uns, vil gude man,
Wu schulle we dîne salve hân?
74 These lines are the equivalent of “Keim” 7 and “Keim” 8. Tertia persona dicit:
Meister, daz dir got holt sy!
hy sint guter bezanczen dry
dar vm gib vns dy masse!
daz dich got lebe lasse!
Mercator dicit:
Ir frawen, ir kouft ane schelden,
vwir besanczen wil ich uch abe gelden:
nemt dy worcze dar vmbe:
dy ist besser wen andere funffe! (J 993–1000)
Compare Wo (p. 154) and Wi O (690–695). Note the use of bezant in some of the plays; it is questionable whether this refers to the gold coin originally struck at Byzantium and circulating throughout Europe from the ninth century on or to the silver coin also current in the fifteenth century (cf. J. Zedler, Universal-Lexicon, Halle und Leipzig, 1732–50, iv, 2066, Byzantius). Pfennige are mentioned (or implied) by the plays of Muri (Hartl, ii, 285), Eger (G. Milchsack, Lit. Verein in Stuttgart, clvi) and Hall (J. E. Wackernell, Altdeutsche Passionsspiele aus Tirol, Graz, 1897, p. 331 ff.).
75 J 1001–1004:
We, daz iz uch wert czu onheile!
wy macht ir vns so wolveyle,
daz vns kost so manche marck?
wolt ir dar vm wesen karck?
75 Wi O 704–705:
Ir frawen, lot dy buchsen stan!
ir sullet sy nicht von danne trayn!
In the Haller (ed. cit.) and Alsfelder (Froning, op. cit.). Passion plays as well as in the Frankfurter Dirigierrolle (ed. cit.), the Uxor Mercatoris appeals to her husband on behalf of the Marys.
77 Wi O 726–729:
Mercator Sweiget, fraw, adir ich gebe euch eynen puff!
Mercatrix Dorte geth der monde uf!
Mercator Sweyget, ich gebe euch eynen slag!
Mercatrix Czolch, do her hy lag!
Not in J or Erl, though in the latter Rubinus explains that the Medicus is beating his wife.
78 Wi O 718–719:
Sweiget, frawe, vnd lot ewer swanczyn!
zo Breslaw uf dem tume beckit man gute mosanczyn.
79 J 1005–1006:
Facculdey! malaventure!
ach, du alde vngehure!
Erl 895–896: Va cum do a la mal aventeur! ir seit ungeheur!
This passage does not occur in Wi O. For the latter couplet, compare E. Martin's review of Kummer's edition of Erl (Anz. f. dt. Alterthum, viii, 310-312). In J 1030–1031, the Ancilla says to Rubinus:
wy tarstu reden icht
mynem herren czu vnart?
Note 79a in page 59 Rueff (op. cit., pp. 120–121) notes that this passage occurs in plays from the earliest Frankfurter play (Dirigierrolle 376) to Raber ( IV 374 ff.). It is found in J (1017–1020), Erl (917–920), Wi O (736–745), Alsf. (7604–7607) and Keller, Fastnachtspiele, no. 57, p. 511. Compare BA, pp. 18–19, and Hartl's notes (Reclam-Festschrift, pp. 47, 48). Note also that in J, Wi O and Erl, the Uxor addresses her husband in the second person singular (familiar) while here the formal plural number is employed, though not consistently (see just above) ; this seems certain evidence that the dramatist used more than one source.
80 In Erl (928), Rubinus suggests that his master lie down. The several plays all have different conclusions. In Wi O, the Mercator and Rubin go away together; in Erl, Rubin runs off with the Medica but her husband seems most perturbed about losing his servant, while Pusterbalk (somewhat sacrilegiously) blesses the audience; and in J, the wife departs with Rubin and the Mercator consoles himself with the Ancilla.
81 Rubinus here addresses his mistress in the formal manner, though earlier in the play (ll. 126 ff.) he saluted her with “du” which he again uses below. The Mercatrix employs the familiar form throughout in talking to Rubinus.
ess hot myn herre myn frauwe geslagen
mit der fusst uff den kragen. (Alsf. 7616–7617; cf. J 1051 ff. and Erl 903 ff.)
83 These lines do not occur in Wi O or J.
Erl 955–960: Nu gebt mir her eur hant:
ich wil euch furn in ein lant,
da get di gans gepraten
und mit pheffer wol weraten,
si trät das messer in dem snabel
und das wurzl in dern zagl.
See Hartl (i, 94–95) and the Lügenpredigt, ed. cit., ll. 69–74.
84 Erl 961–966:
Rubein, lieber půl,
Nu fůr mich nicht in di schůl!
der schůlmaister ist ein gräuleich man,
er lert mich des ich nie wegan :
chum ich in das schůlhaus,
ich chum nimmer wider maid her auz!
Compare J 1067–1070 and remarks by Höpfner, p. 133 and Hartl, I, 95. In Erl 967–980, the Medica then delivers a speech in which she exclaims that she has made a good exchange in getting a young man to replace her old husband.
85 Not in Wi O or J, though the former uses the first two lines elsewhere (201–202).
Waffen, herr, waffen!
wie han ich das verslaffen!
hiet ich den slaf vermiten,
so wär mir mein weib von hin nicht geriten. (Erl 987–990)
86 It is likely that the original text from which the scribe was copying had something which seemed (to the scribe) to be “ub' ” rather than “nb”'. He rather unintelligently expanded this to “vber.” These are Hartl's “Wegstrophen in Fünfzehnsilblern” (ii, 5) and also occur in the Engelberg (ii, 17), Benediktbeurn (ii, 40) and Trier (ii, 48) plays. Schönemann, p. 149, prints the music; see also Young, i, 378 and note 3. For the importance of a solemn ending see note 18 of Introduction. These verses read as follows:
Heu nobis internas mentes
quanti puisant gemitus
pro nostro consolatore,
quo privamur miserae,
quem crudelis Judaeorum
morti dedit populus.