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Augustinian networks and the Chicago music theory manuscript

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 April 2013

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Abstract

The manuscript Chicago, Newberry Library 54.1, copied in Pavia in 1391 by an English friar, has been the object of attention of scholars for some time now. Because of the presence of Senleches's song La harpe de melodie (famously notated in the shape of a harp), and of the earliest known dated copy of the Tractatus figurarum (which reflects late fourteenth-century developments in the notation of complex rhythms), the Chicago manuscript has often been cited in support of the historiographical hypothesis which sees the Visconti court of Pavia–Milan as the main centre of production of Ars subtilior repertory in Italy. In the absence of records on the scribe ‘G de Anglia’ and the context in which he worked, it has been almost inevitable thus far to associate the compilation of the manuscript with the Visconti court and the city university (founded and supported by the Visconti). A recently identified document, however, provides some clues to the identity of the scribe of Chicago 54.1, who can now be identified as an Augustinian Hermit. This is confirmed by various elements in the manuscript that also indicate Augustinian connections, placing the compilation of the manuscript in the context of the Augustinian house of Pavia. These elements help to shift the focus of attention to other cultural contexts that may have played a role in the compilation of the manuscript, and invite a reassessment of the hitherto assumed connections with the Visconti court and secular university.

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Research Article
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Plainsong & Medieval Music , Volume 22 , Issue 1 , April 2013 , pp. 65 - 85
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013

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References

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12 For example, it has been suggested that the visit to Milan of Louis d'Orléans (husband of Gian Galeazzo's daughter Valentina) in 1391 may have been the occasion for the composition of the song; Huck, Oliver, Die Musik des Frühen Trecento (Hildesheim and New York, 2005), 300Google Scholar.

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16 Strohm, ‘Filipotto da Caserta’, 72. New Grove 2 has separate entries for ‘Caserta, Philippus de’ (by Gilbert Reaney, see note 7) and ‘Andreas, Magister Phillipotus’ (by David Fallows, vol. 1, 623).

17 Di Bacco, ‘Original and Borrowed’, 363.

18 Ibid., 350.

19 Strohm, The Rise of European Music, 58, 292. The main source for the university's early history is Maiocchi, Rodolfo, Codice diplomatico dell'Università di Pavia 1361–1450, 2 vols. (Pavia, 1905–13)Google Scholar.

20 Marchi, Lucia, ‘Music and University Culture in Fourteenth-Century Pavia: The Manuscript Chicago, Newberry Library, ms Case 54.1’, Acta Musicologica, 80 (2008), 143–64Google Scholar.

21 Archivio di Stato di Milano (ASM), Fondo di Religione, Pavia (S. Agostino Gesù, Agostiniani), 5790: Fondi, Comuni O-S (Cart. A13). A summary of this document is found in Maiocchi, Rodolfo and Casacca, Nazareno, eds., Codex Diplomaticus OESA Papiae, 5 vols. (Pavia, 1905–15), 5:357–8Google Scholar (with the classmark ‘Archivio di Stato di Milano, Agostiniani nel Gesù, 45/167’, corresponding to the older classmarks of the Inventario di Sala 55 of the archive, drawn up in or around 1916). The presence of a ‘William de Anglia’ in Pavia in 1392 is also mentioned in Roth, Francis, ‘Sources for a History of the English Austin Friars’, Augustiniana, 11 (1961), 465–572, at 508Google Scholar.

22 Dale, Shanon, ‘A House Divided: San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia and the Politics of Pope John XXII’, Journal of Medieval History, 27 (2001), 55–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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26 Castelfranchi, ‘Il persorso della miniatura’, 314–15. See also Algeri, Giuliana, ‘Il De consolatione philosophiae della Biblioteca Malatestiana e la miniatura a Pavia alla fine del Trecento’, in Libraria Domini. I manoscritti della Biblioteca Malatestiana: testi e decorazioni, ed. Lollini, Fabrizio and Lucchi, Piero (Bologna, 1995), 323–37Google Scholar.

27 Hackett, Michael B., ‘San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, Pavia’, in Augustine in Iconography. History and Legend, ed. Schnaubelt, Joseph C. and Van Fleteren, Frederick (New York, 1999), 199–219Google Scholar; Bourdua, Louise, ‘Entombing the Founder St Augustine of Hippo’, in Art and the Augustinian Order in Early Renaissance Italy, ed. Bourdua, Louise and Dunlop, Anne (Aldershot, 2007), 29–49Google Scholar.

28 The literature on medieval universities and mendicant studia is massive; more recent studies include de Ridder-Symoens, Hilde, ed., A History of the University in Europe 1: Universities in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1992)Google Scholar; Begley, Ronald B. and Koterski, Joseph W., eds., Medieval Education (New York, 2005)Google Scholar; Studio e Studia: le scuole degli ordini mendicanti tra XIII e XIV secolo. Atti del XXIX convegno internazionale, Assisi, 11–13 ottobre 2001 (Spoleto, 2002). On Italian mendicant studia, see also Grendler, Paul F., The Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore and London, 2002), esp. 353–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 In the period between 1387 and 1393, sixteen Italian Augustinians are documented in England, the majority of them in Oxford. The other foreign friars were twenty-eight Germans, seven French, three Spaniards, one Portuguese and two whose nationality is not specified. In the same period seven out of the nine English Augustinians who were assigned to studia abroad, were sent to Italy (to the studia in Florence, Padua, Bologna, Lucca, Pavia and Venice); see Roth, Francis, ‘A History of the English Austin Friars’, Augustiniana, 17 (1967), 84–166, 126Google Scholar.

30 Roth, Francis, ‘Sources for a History of the English Austin Friars’, Augustiniana, 9 (1959), 109–294, at 248Google Scholar; Maiocchi and Casacca, Codex Diplomaticus OESA, 5:312.

31 For a discussion of the Augustinian academic system, see especially Roth, Francis, ‘A History of the English Austin Friars’, Augustiniana, 12 (1962), 402–42Google Scholar.

32 For example, a ‘William Byrcheley’, another Augustinian, was granted permission on 3 February 1389 to go on pilgrimage to Rome and Pavia together with other English friars (Maiocchi and Casacca, Codex Diplomaticus OESA, 4:309). He must be the same William Byrkeley known to have gained the magisterium theologiae in Oxford by 1396 (Harvey, John H., ‘Richard II and York’, in The Reign of Richard II: Essays on Honour of May McKisack, ed. Du Boulay, Francis R.H. and Barron, Caroline M. (London, 1971), 202–17 (esp. 209)Google Scholar; also Emden, Alfred B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1957–59)Google Scholar, 3:2153). I am rejecting the possibility that he could be the Guillelmus of the document of 1 February mainly because the date of his magisterium theologiae seems too early.

33 Johannes Torkesey, Declaratio trianguli et scuti, ed. Gilles, André and Reaney, Gilbert, CSM 12/c ([Rome], 1966), 58–61Google Scholar.

34 For a discussion of the gradus theory as developed in the Ars Nova theory and its subsequent expansion, see especially Regule Roberti de Handlo and Summa Magistri Johannis Hanboys, ed. Lefferts, Peter, Greek and Latin Music Theory 7 (Lincoln, NE, 1991), 48–58Google Scholar.

35 See especially Lefferts, ed., Regule, 55–6; Gilles and Reaney, eds., Declaratio trianguli, 5–11.

36 Von Fischer, ‘Eine wiederaufgefundene Theoretikerhandschrift’, 26; Lefferts, ed., Regule, 57. The diagram is also described (but not represented) in a treatise included in a much later source, the manuscript London, British Library, Lansdowne 763, probably compiled between 1430 and 1450. For an edition of the Breviarium, see Ms. Oxford, Bodley 842 (Willelmus): Breviarium regulare musicae, ed. Reaney, Gilbert, CSM 12/a ([Rome], 1962), 15–31Google Scholar.

37 The inventory, copied in a manuscript now in Trinity College Library, Dublin, was first edited in James, Montague R., ‘The Catalogue of the Library of the Augustinian Friars at York’, in Fasciculus Joanni Willis Clark Dicatus (Cambridge, 1909), 2–96Google Scholar. A more recent edition is in Humphreys, Kenneth W., The Friars’ Libraries, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues (London, 1990), xxiv–xxxv, 11–154Google Scholar.

38 Recent scholarship has suggested that Erghome was also the author of the verses, but this question is still open to debate. See Meyvaert, Paul, ‘John Erghome and the Vaticinium Roberti Bridlington’, Speculum, 41 (1966), 656–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Curley, Michael J., ‘The Cloak of Anonymity and the Prophecy of John of Bridlington’, Modern Philology, 77 (1979–80), 361–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rigg, Arthur G., ‘John of Bridlington's Prophecy: A New Look’, Speculum, 63 (1988), 596–613CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 As was customary at times such as the Schism, when the papal court never resided for long periods in the same place but was itinerant for most of the time, each religious order took as a ‘headquarters’ of its studium curiae the studium of the city where the court was. The prior general nominated Erghome senior regent in order to allow the master regent of Sant'Agostino Maggiore to continue to act as such during the residence of the order's studium curiae there. Roth, ‘Sources’, 227–8. See also Creytens, Raymond, ‘Le “studium romanae curiae” et le maître du Sacré Palais’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 12 (1942), 5–83Google Scholar.

40 He was not master regent in the Curia after December 1385, since on the 6th of that month the prior general appointed the former regent of the Naples monastery, Antonio of Sant'Elpidio, to that office. For an outline of Erghome's biography, see especially Gwynn, Aubrey, The English Austin Friars in the Time of Wyclif (Oxford, 1940), 137–8Google Scholar; Roth, Francis, The English Austin Friars, vol. 1: History (New York, 1966), 408–13, 535–7Google Scholar; Emden, A Biographical Register, 1:644. Documents mentioning Erghome are in Roth, ‘Sources’, 225–8.

41 Friedman, John B., ed., John de Foxton's Liber cosmographiae (1408): An Edition and Codicological Study (Leiden, New York, Copenhagen, 1988), esp. xvii–xxixGoogle Scholar.

42 James, ‘The Catalogue of the Library’, 11–13 (item no 490).

43 Humphreys, The Friars’ Libraries, 80.

44 Also known as ‘battle of numbers’ and ‘ludus philosophorum’, this game (which had mainly a didactic purpose) was based on the Boethian theory of proportions; the aim was to arrange a ‘harmony’ (a proportion) that, according to an increasing level of difficulty, could be a geometrical, an arithmetical or a musical one. The most recent contribution on this topic, with comprehensive bibliography, is Moyer, Ann, The Philosopher's Game: Rithmomachia in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (Ann Arbor, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45 Humphreys, The Friars’ Libraries, 150.

46 James identified this book with the manuscript that is now Oxford, St John's College, 150, containing Guido's Micrologus, Regulae rhythmicae, Prologus in antiphonarium, Epistola ad Michaelem, and Ps.-Odo Dialogus de musica. Besides this, a small number of manuscripts have been identified with certainty as once belonging to Erghome's library; a list is in Humphreys, The Friars’ Libraries, xxx–xxxiii.

47 Snyder, John L., ‘A Road not Taken: Theinred of Dover's Theory of Species’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 115 (1990), 145–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Snyder, John L., Theinred of Dover's De legitimis ordinibus pentachordorum et tetrachordorum: A Critical Text and Translation (Ottawa, 2006)Google Scholar.

48 For an inventory see Meyer, Christian and Phillips, Nancy, eds., The Theory of Music. Manuscripts from the Carolingian era up to c. 1500 in Great Britain and in the United States of America, Répertoire international des sources musicales, Ser. B.III, vol. 4 (Munich, 1992; RISM B.III/4), 110–15Google Scholar; RISM B.III/6, 405. (In the RISM entry, the manuscript is said erroneously to have been donated by Erghome to the Minorites of York, not the Augustinians.)

49 This composition has recently been shown by Peter Lefferts to be a ‘musical puzzle’ providing a practical demonstration of the possibilities offered by sophisticated mensural and tonal systems (and the expansion of musica ficta), reflecting theoretical concerns current particularly in England and northern France around the middle of the fourteenth century; Lefferts, Peter M., ‘A Riddle and a Song: Playing with Signs in a Fourteenth-Century Ballade’, Early Music History, 26 (2007), 121–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 Questions of date and provenance of Bodley 842 are discussed in Snyder, ‘A Road not Taken’, 148 and fn. 8.

51 Reaney, Gilbert, ‘The Breviarium regulare musice of MS Oxford, Bodley 842’, Musica Disciplina, 11 (1957), 31–7Google Scholar

52 Lefferts, ‘A Riddle and a Song’. It is very interesting to find the poem ‘Ut pateat evidenter’, without musical setting, in an Italian music theory manuscript compiled in southern Italy, probably Naples, c.1400. The manuscript is today divided between the two collections St Paul im Lavanttal, Stiftsbibliothek (Archiv des Benediktinerstiftes), MS 135.1, and Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barb. lat. 307. The text is associated with the ‘Tabula monochordi’ by the otherwise unknown Nicolaus de Luduno (Lyon?), which, within a staff system of twenty-four lines and twenty-four spaces, presents a gamut including the seven diatonic notes together with non-diatonic ones (six flats and five sharps); see Gushee, Lawrence, ‘The Tabula Monochordi of Magister Nicolaus de Luduno’, in Essays on Medieval Music in Honor of David G. Hughes, ed. Boone, Graeme M. (Cambridge MA, 1995), 117–52Google Scholar; and Lefferts, ‘A Riddle and a Song’, esp. 135–8. The enigmatic language of ‘Ut pateat evidenter’ may well have pleased Erghome's taste for riddles and enigmas; if Bodley 842 was his, the poem may have been one of the reasons for his interest in the volume. It is very tempting to speculate an association between Erghome and the circulation of the poem in southern Italy, given Erghome's sojourn in the Naples monastery in 1385 (supposing that the poem had an independent circulation and was only later associated with the Tabula monochordi). However, there are other signs of contacts between Italian and English music theory in the St Paul/Rome manuscript (particularly in the Liber de musica of Iohannes Vetulus de Anagnia and the anonymous treatise Omnis ars sive doctrina), which certainly were the consequence of more complex patterns of transmission. See Lefferts, Peter M., ‘An Anonymous Treatise of the Theory of Frater Robertus de Brunham’, in Quellen und Studien zur Musiktheorie des Mittelalters, ed. Bernhard, Michael, vol. 3 (Munich, 2001), 217–51Google Scholar.

53 Kurt von Fischer (‘Eine wiederaufgefundene Theoretikerhandschrift’, 29–30) suggested that Willelmus might be identical with ‘G de Anglia’ because of the presence of the Triangle in Chicago 54.1 and the coincidence between the name of the former and the initial of the latter – a suggestion rejected by Reaney, Gilbert (‘Willelmus’, New Grove 2, 27:402–3)Google Scholar. As things stand, there is no evidence either to confirm or refute von Fischer's hypothesis, and I prefer not to go further into this speculation.

54 See Vivarelli, Carla, ‘“Di una pretesa scuola napoletana”: Sowing the Seeds of the Ars Nova at the Court of Robert of Anjou’, Journal of Musicology, 24 (2007), 272–96 (esp. 289–92)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Vivarelli also cites a letter of John XXII appointing an Augustinian Petrus de Sancto Dionysio as lector Sententiarum at the University of Paris in 1332.

55 Gilles Rico, ‘Music in the Arts Faculty of Paris in the Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries’, D.Phil. diss., University of Oxford (2005), 234; see ibid. also for references to documents that mention an Augustinian friar of the same name in the faculty of theology in Paris in c.1305–30. For the motet, see Günther, Ursula, ed., The Motets of the Manuscripts Chantilly Musee Condé 564 (olim 1047) and Modena, Biblioteca estense a.M.5.24 (olim lat 568), Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 39 ([Rome], 1965), xliii–xlv, 40–5Google Scholar.

56 See Lefferts, Rules, 54–55; Gilbert Reaney, ed., Tractatus de figuris sive de notis, CSM 12/b, 40–51. For Petrus's reworking see Michels, Johannes de Muris Notitia, 147–59.

57 Lefferts, ‘An Anonymous Treatise’, 234–6.

58 Ibid., 233, 238.

59 The other two manuscripts are Siena, Biblioteca Comunale, L.V.30 (late fifteenth century); and Washington, Library of Congress, ML 171 J 6 Case, compiled between 1465 and 1477 in Venice by Benedictine monk Franciscus Preottonibus de Pavia (neither preserves the second section of the treatise on musica practica).

60 Marchi, ‘Music and University Culture’, 158.

61 Two German Augustinians, Henri Becheem and Simon of Grimma, are known to have decorated books for the Malatesta rulers of Rimini; Roth, Francis, ‘A History of the English Austin Friars’, Augustiniana, 15 (1965), 567–628 (esp. 569)Google Scholar. Thomas de Clifton, appointed in 1393 to teach logic in the Florentine monastery of Santo Spirito, is also known to have copied several books, apparently under commission; see Weiss, Roberto, ‘An English Augustinian in Florence’, English Miscellany, 9 (1958), 13–22Google Scholar. Other Augustinian friars known to have been engaged with the copying of texts in a semi-professional way are discussed in Lucas, Peter J., ‘John Capgrave O.S.A. (1393–1464), Scribe and “Publisher”’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 5 (1969), 1–35Google Scholar.

62 Peter Lefferts (private communication) sees a shift in layout and scribal hand beginning on fol. 32r. I remain undecided about the possibility that more than one scribe worked on the manuscript. In any event, Professor Lefferts agrees that the arguments supporting the genesis of Chicago 54.1 in the context of the Pavia Augustinians are not affected by considerations about the number of scribes; even if the manuscript was a result of a collaboration, it must have been compiled in the same place and in a short period of time within a network centred around the figure of ‘G de Anglia’.

63 Another famous example of a notation similarly inscribed within a pictorial representation to be found in a music theory collection is the anonymous ballade En la maison Dedalus in the Berkeley manuscript (Berkeley, University of California Music Library, MS 744), dated to 1375; for a recent contribution, with full references, see Florea, Luminita, ‘Virtus scriptoris: Steps toward a Typology of Illustration Borrowing in Music Theory Treatises of the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance’, Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, 6 (2008), 77–95Google Scholar.

64 de Coussemaker, Edmond, ed., Scriptorum de musica medii aevi nova series a Gerbertina altera, 4 vols. (Paris 1864–76; repr. Hildesheim 1963), 3:28–35Google Scholar. A new edition by Karen Desmond has been presented at the 2012 AMS meeting in New Orleans and is now available at www.arsmusicae.org.

65 Nádas and Ziino, The Lucca Codex, 38, 45. See also Plumley, ‘Citation and Allusion’, 336–7.

66 He is in all probability to be identified with the ‘Curradus … de Pistorio’ named in a 1385 document of Santo Spirito in Florence; Long, Michael, ‘Francesco Landini and the Florentine Cultural Elite’, Early Music History, 3 (1983), 83–99, at 98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stone, The Manuscript Modena, 71.

67 Fallows, David, ‘Egidius’, New Grove 2, 7:910–11Google Scholar. See also Hoppin, Richard and Clercx, Suzanne, ‘Notes biographiques sur quelques musiciens français du XIVe siècle’, in Les Colloques de Wégimont II. 1955 (Paris, 1959), 63–92Google Scholar, for the suggestion that Magister Egidius may be the same as Aegidius de Aurelia, named in, and probably the composer of, the motet Alma polis/Axe polis. See also Stone, The Manuscript Modena, 92–3 and fn. 172; Stoessel, ‘The Captive Scribe’, 144.

68 Long, ‘Francesco Landini’, esp. 95–7. See also Fischer, Kurt von, ‘Guilelmus de Francia’, New Grove 2, 10:535Google Scholar; Gallo, F. Alberto, ed., Il codice Squarcialupi (Florence, 1992), vol. 1, esp. 140–1Google Scholar. Long suggested that Johannes de Janua, who is represented in ModA with two works, may also have been an Augustinian Hermit, possibly to be identified with the ‘frater Johannes’ from Genoa named in a 1385 document of the monastery of Santo Spirito in Florence and therefore perhaps a colleague of Conradus de Pistoria. (Stone, The Modena Manuscript, 80–1, however, suggests that the composer may be instead a Johannes de Janua, Doctor of Arts, documented in Pavia between 1375 and 1387.)

69 Long, ‘Francesco Landini’, 95–9.

70 Dyer, Joseph, ‘Speculative “Musica” and the Medieval University of Paris’, Music and Letters, 90 (2009), 177–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Witkowska-Zaremba, Elżibieta, ‘Music between Quadrivium and Ars canendi: Musica speculativa by Johannes de Muris and its Reception in Central and East-Central Europe’, in Cantus Planus: Papers read at the Fourth Meeting, Pécs, Hungary, 3–8 September 1990 (Budapest, 1992), 119–26Google Scholar.

71 A number of recent studies have addressed the question of the formal teaching of musica in medieval universities (with an emphasis on Paris); see, for example, Haas, Max, ‘Les sciences mathématiques (astronomie, géométrie, arithmétique, musique) comme parties de la philosophie’, in L'Enseignement des disciplines à la Faculté des arts (Paris et Oxford, XIIIe-XVe siècles), ed. Weijers, Olga and Holtz, Louis (Turnhout, 1997), 89–108Google Scholar; Weijers, Olga, ‘La place de la musique à la faculté des Arts de Paris’, in La musica nel pensiero medievale, ed. Mauro, Letterio (Ravenna, 2001), 245–62Google Scholar; Gilles Rico, ‘Music in the Arts Faculty of Paris’; Dyer, ‘Speculative “Musica”’. It should also be noted that conjectures about the teaching of music in Pavia have hitherto run parallel with an overestimation of the importance of the arts curriculum at that university. In fact, the arts had a rather marginal role in Pavia and the focus of the university was on the law curriculum; see esp. Zaggia, Massimo, ‘Linee per una storia della cultura in Lombardia’, in Le strade di Ercole: itinerari umanistici e altri percorsi, ed. Rossi, Luca C. (Florence, 2010), 3–126, esp. 29–36Google Scholar.