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Venice and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes in the Fourteenth Century*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

A. T. Luttrell
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Extract

In Gentile Bellini's painting of a Venetian festa a knight of the Order of St. John stands alone in the Piazza of San Marco. He is dressed in a black cloak adorned with the eight-pointed cross of the Hospitallers and is attended by a single page. The ecclesiastical and lay dignitaries of the Republic file solemnly past; but he has no part in the ceremony and his posture suggests an awareness that the presence of the Order was resented. For two centuries both Venice and the Hospitallers were among the foremost opponents of the Turks in the Mediterranean, but a deep antipathy existed between them. Allies by force of circumstance, their attitudes towards the infidels were in strong contrast and united action often became impossible. On the one side, were traditional elements in Venetian policy, the pre-eminence of trading interests, independence of the church and an opportunist exploitation of crusading ideals; on the other, the Hospitallers' alliance with Venice's greatest rival, Genoa.

The Hospital's Priory of Venice was founded in the twelfth century and by the fourteenth included houses in many parts of Emilia and the Romagna, mostly outside Venetian territory.

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Research Article
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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 26 , November 1958 , pp. 195 - 212
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Copyright © British School at Rome 1958

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References

1 ‘La processione in Piazza San Marco,’ in the Accademia at Venice, was painted in 1494.

2 Sommi-Picenardi, G., ‘Del Gran Priorato dell'Ordine Gerosolimitano in Venezia,’ in Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s. vii (1892)Google Scholar; Schermerhorn, E. W., ‘Notes on the Commanderies of the Grand Priory of Venice,’ in Archivum Melitense, ix (1934)Google Scholar.

3 Delaville, Rhodes, p. 40, n. 2.

4 This is clear from the documents both of the Republic and of the Order. Those of the Priory of Venice are now preserved in the Priory of the Order at Venice, but they contain little of interest for the general history of the Order in this period. The registers of the Masters from Rhodes (libri bullarum) each contains a section devoted to the Priory; there are registers for the years 1346 (a fragment), 1347, 1351, 1358, 1365, 1374, 1381–1386, 1389–1396, 1399 et seq. (Malta, cod. 316 et seq.). The archives of the Order are described in Roulx, J. Delaville le, Cartulaire général de l'Ordre des Hospitallers de S. Jean de Jérusalem, i (Paris, 1894), pp. xiv–xxvii, cxx–cxxvGoogle Scholar.

5 For the Priors see Sommi-Picenardi, Del Gran Priorato, pp. 104, 142–145; Delaville, Rhodes, passim; below, p. 209. Two Levantine Venetians, Marino and Perulli Sanuto, sons of the Duke of the Archipelago, were received as ‘confratres’ or lay members of the Order on 17 April 1347 (Malta, cod. 317, f. 232) but did not enter the Order as stated by Hopf, K., Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters bis auf die neuere Zeit, iGoogle Scholar ( = Ersch, J. S.—Gruber, J. G., Allgemeine Enc. der Wissen schaften und Künste, lxxxv; Leipzig, 1867), p. 463Google Scholar, and de Mas-Latrie, L., ‘Les dues de l'Archipel ou des Cyclades,’ in Miscellania della R. Diputazione veneta sopra gli studi di storia patria, iv (Venice, 1887), p. 6Google Scholar. Other important Venetians accepted as ‘confratres’ were Marco Gradenigo, probably from Crete, in 1351, and Marino Pisano in 1358 (Malta, Cod. 318, f. 155 v; 316, f. 233).

6 An old law preventing citizens from accepting offices or commands in lands not subject to the Republic was reasserted on 27 Nov. 1356 (Archivio di Stato di Venezia; Deliberazione del Maggior Consiglio; Novella, f. 60).

7 Ludolph von Suchem's description of the Holy Land and of the way thither, trans., Stewart, A. (London, 1895), p. 34Google Scholar.

8 Heyd, G., Storia del commercio del Levante nel Media Evo (Turin, 1913), pp. 321–322Google Scholar.

9 Ἱστορικὰ κρητικὰ ἔϒϒραΦα: Θεσπίσματα τῆϛ Βενετικῆϛ Γερονσίαϛ, 1281–1385, i, ed. S. Theotokis ( = Acta et decreta Consilii Rogatorum Venetiarum res Creticas illustrantia, 1281–1385; Athens, 1936), p. 21 (30 Oct. 1302).

10 Dip. Ven. Lev., i, pp. 12–16 (4 Oct. 1302), 16–19 (confirmation of 7 Mar. 1303); Venice was to retain Zia, Seriphos, Santorin and Amorgos.

11 Archivio di Stato di Venezia; Deliberazione del Maggior Consiglio, Capricornus; f. 122 (9 July 1306).

12 Giomo, Misti, p. 27.

13 Delaville le Roulx, J., Les Hospitallers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre, 1100–1310 (Paris, 1904), pp. 273–279Google Scholar.

14 Giomo, Misti, p. 58.

15 Archivio di Stato di Venezia; Deliberazione del Maggior Consiglio, presbiter; f. 4 (8 Jan. 1309).

16 Archivio di Stato di Venezia: Lettere di Collegio rectius Minor Consiglio, 1308–1310; f. 69 (7 Feb. 1310). For Venetian activities in these islands see Hopf, K., ‘Veneto-Byzantinische Analekten,’ in Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien; Philosophisch-historische Classe, xxxii (1860)Google Scholar, passim; but Hopf is scarcely justified in using the above evidence to maintain (p. 480) that Venice tried in every way to prevent the Hospitallers acquiring Rhodes.

17 Lettere di Collegio, f. 63–64v (29 Nov. 1309), 67v (14 Jan. 1310), 69–69v (7 Feb. 1310).

18 Lettere di Collegio, f. 83–83v (13 May 1310).

19 Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 3–5.

20 Jona, C., ‘Genova e Rodi agli albori del Renascimento,’ in Atti della società ligure di storia patria, lxiv (1935)Google Scholar. Iorga, N., ‘Rhodes sous les Hospitaliers,’ in Revue historique du Sud-est européen, viii (1931), pp. 79–80Google Scholar even suggested that the Genoese played so important a part in the conquest of Rhodes that it became, in effect, their colony.

21 Lettere di Collegio, f. 83–83v (13 May 1310); cf. Giomo, Misti, p. 128.

22 This theory, advanced in Iorga, Rhodes, passim, finds further confirmation in works and documents cited below.

23 The economic and political aspects of this subject have been kept clearly separate, since the evidence provides no more than a general outline of economic relations between Venice and Rhodes and there is no statistical framework which can be related to particular political events.

24 Commemoriali, i, pp. 211, 109.

25 Giomo, Misti, p. 70 (1325–1326); Misti, xxvi, f. 34 (1350); xxxiii, f. 83–84v (1370); xxxv, f. 118v (1376); and below, passim.

26 Misti, xxxiv, f. 27v (1372), 66 (1373); xxxix, f. 90 (1385).

27 Delaville, , Orient, ii, p. 97Google Scholar.

28 Docs, of 1319–1320 (Dip. Ven. Lev., i, pp. 126–127); 1325–1326 (Giomo, Misti, p. 136); 1388 (Noiret, Crète, p. 20); 1403 (Delaville, , Orient, ii, p. 132Google Scholar).

29 Commemoriali, iii, p. 117; further notices of a consul in 1395 (Misti, xliii, f. 52v–53); 1403 (Iorga, N., Notes et extraits pour servir à l'histoire des croisades au XVe siècle, i–ii (Paris, 1899), i, p. 108Google Scholar); 1407 (Noiret, Crète, p. 181).

30 Misti, xxxv, f. 110v.

31 Iorga, , Notes et extraits, ii, p. 79, n. 2Google Scholar.

32 Heyd, Commercio, pp. 558–64.

33 Delaville, Rhodes, p. 140; below, p. 207.

34 Commemoriali, iii, p. 51.

35 Giomo, Misti, p. 131 (1331–1332); Misti, xvii, f. 52v (1336); xxxvi, f. 52v (1378).

36 Sommi-Picenardi, Del Gran Priorato, pp. 108–109.

37 Delaville, , Orient, i, p. 412Google Scholar; ii, pp. 3–6, 97.

38 Listine o odnosajih izmedju juznoga slavenstva i mletacke republike, ed. S. Ljubic ( = Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium, ii–iv; Zagreb, 1870–1874), ii, p. 253 (1345).

39 Commemoriali, i, pp. 120–121 (1312); 143–144 (1314).

40 Malta, cod. 316, f. 227v–228 233v, 234–234v (1358); cod. 320v, f. 41–42 (1374). The Priory of Venice repaid money to the Bardi of Florence in 1339 and paid money to the Alberti of Florence in 1374 (Arch, del Priorato di Venezia, in filze 101).

41 Misti, xli, f. 32v (1389); xlii, f. 22 (1391); xliii, f. 78v (1395).

42 See A. T. Luttrell, ‘Actividades económicas de los Hospitalarios de Rodas en el Mediterráneo occidental durante el siglo XIV,’ due to appear shortly in Actas del VI Congreso de la Historia de la Corona de Aragón (held at Cagliari in 1957).

43 Malta, cod. 48, f. 96, 200v–201; cod. 322, f. 312v–313 (1383–1384).

44 Misti, xxxv, f. 110v (1376).

45 Heyd, Commercio, pp. 1269–1271.

46 Misti, xxxi, f. 57 v (1364); xxxvi, f. 2 (1377); xxvii, f. 6 (1354), 38v (1355).

47 Heers, J., ‘Il commercio nel Mediterraneo alla fine del secolo XIV e nei primi anni del XV,’ in Archivio storico italiano, cxiii (1955), p. 168Google Scholar.

48 Acta Cand., 18 July 1359.

49 Misti, xxxiv, f. 104 (1374); xxxvii, f. 97v (1382).

50 Acta Cand., 28 Dec. 1332; 14 May 1333.

51 Malta, cod. 48, f. 200–200v.

52 Amongst those freed between 1347 and 1352 were Giorgio de Negroponte, Micali de Athena, Cristodolo de lo Sicamino, Nicola Grossero de Saloniqua and Giorgio de Dispotato (Malta, cod. 317, f. 226v, 239v, 241v; cod. 318, f. 213, 219).

53 Dip. Ven. Lev., i, pp. 125–127.

54 Misti, xlii, f. 23v.

55 Acta Cand., 19 Sept., 6 Oct. 1334; cf. below, pp. 204–5.

56 Iorga, , Notes et extraits, i, p. 107Google Scholar.

57 Cons. Cand., f. 28.

58 Dip. Or. Cat., p. 271; cf. Noiret, Crète, p. 166 (1406).

59 Archivio di Stato di Venezia; Deliberazione del Maggior Consiglio; Novella; f. 163 (22 July 1375).

60 Noiret, Crète, pp. 225, 230 (1414).

61 Misti, xxxi, f. 61 (7 May 1364), on this occasion the wine was sent by rebels during the great revolt in Crete; below, p. 201.

62 Malta, cod. 316, f. 336–336v.

63 Licences, which often include the number and even the names of the sailors on the ship, in Acta Cand.; this ten-month period (Busta, 10, parte II bis; not in index) is exceptional, for the documents are ill-preserved and difficult to use statistically. Candian notarial documents should provide more information about Rhodes; see Abrate, M., ‘Creta, colonia veneziana nei secoli XIII–XV,’ in Economiae storia, iv (1957)Google Scholar.

64 Cons. Cand., f. 20–20v.

65 Cons. Cand., f. 21v, 32v; possibly the decree of 1347 referred to in 1354 (see above, p. 200); cf. Régestes, no. 207 (15 Jan. 1348).

66 Misti, xxv, f. 43v–44; a shortened text of this decree in Gerland, E., Das Archiv des Herzogs von Kandia (Strassburg, 1899), p. 57Google Scholar.

67 Luttrell, Actividades económicas, passim.

68 Delaville, Rhodes, p. 3, however, claimed that Venice was glad to acquire a neighbour who would police the waters of the Levant.

69 Hopf, K., ‘Di alcune dinastie latine nella Grecia,’ in Archivio veneto, xxxi (1886), pp. 162–163Google Scholar, but without an exact date or reliable source.

70 Commemoriali, i, pp. 120–121 (1312), 127 (1313), 143–144 (1314); Giomo, Misti, pp. 128 (1314–1315?), 133 (1317).

71 The affair of Pantaleone Michele; see Commoriali, i, pp. 140, 145; Giomo, Misti, pp. 10, 133.

72 Commemoriali, i, pp. 140, 145, 149, 158; Giomo Misti, pp. 28, 58, 128; cf. Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 3–4. Iorga, Rhodes, p. 80 suggests that the Genoese inspired the attack on these islands. According to Hopf, Analekten, pp. 463, 466 (using unreliable sources) the exiled Venetian revolutionary, Niccolò Quirini, took refuge at Rhodes in 1310 and his son Giovanni joined him there before setting out to reconquer his family's island of Stamphalia.

73 Giomo, Misti, pp. 30, 33, 134, 157 (1319–1320); Commemoriali, i, pp. 256–260(1324).

74 Giomo, Misti, pp. 70 (1325?), 131 (1331).

75 Above, p. 200.

76 Dip. Or. Cat., pp. 175–176.

77 Antonio Morosini, Cronica veneta, part i (Biblioteca Marciana, Venice; coll. 8331), f. 86.

78 Giovanni Giacopo Caroldo, Historie venete dal principio della città fino all'anno 1382 (Biblioteca Marciana, Venice; coll. 8639), f. 209, 210.

79 Delaville, Rhodes, p. 112.

80 Commemoriali, ii, pp. 227, 264, 277, 293–294.

81 Caroldo, Historie venete, f. 405, 423v.

82 Commemoriali, iii, p. 290.

83 Lemerle, P., L'émirat d'Aydin, Byzance et l'Occident; recherches sur ‘la geste d'Umar Pacha’ (Paris, 1957), pp. 30Google Scholar, n. 3, 54–61, 90–100 et passim; an excellent up-to-date account documented in detail from Western and Eastern sources. It is impossible to deal with Turkish and Byzantine affairs here.

84 Misti, xvii, f. 60v (6 June 1336).

85 Delaville, , Orient, i, pp. 101–102Google Scholar.

86 Lemerle, Aydin, pp. 102–179 (for Benedict XII), 181–190 (for Smyrna).

87 Gay, J., Le Pape Clément VI et les affaires d'Orient, 1342–1352 (Paris, 1904), p. 35Google Scholar.

88 Lemerle, Aydin, p. 187, n. 3.

89 Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 95–96.

90 Gay, Clément VI, pp. 74, n. 3, 88, n. 1, 106.

91 Delaville, Rhodes, p. 107, n. 3.

92 Above, p. 201.

93 Ljubic, , Listine, iii, p. 4Google Scholar.

94 Lemerle, Aydin, pp. 202, 226–232; Gay, Clément VI, pp. 86–93.

95 Lemerle, Aydin, pp. 193–202, 226–229, 232, n. 6, et passim.

96 Thiriet, F., ‘Sui dissidi sorti tra il Comune di Venezia e i suoi feudatori di Creta nel trecento,’ in Archivio storico italiano, cxiv (1956), pp. 705–706Google Scholar.

97 Misti, xxv, f. 27v–28 (20 June 1349), f. 60v–61 (27 and 30 Oct. 1349).

98 Lemerle, Aydin, p. 233.

99 Misti, xxvi, f. 8–9 (18 Mar. 1350), 30v–31 (20 June 1350), 35 (8 July 1350).

100 Lemerle, Aydin, pp. 233–235; Caroldo, Historie venete, f. 203v mentions the instructions to the Captain.

101 Malta, cod. 318, f. 13v (30 Apr. 1351).

102 Heyd, Commercio, p. 561, n. 5.

103 Cons. Cand., f. 70v (13 Oct. 1352), 75–75v (5 April 1353), 83 (9 Apr. 1355), 88 (4 Feb. 1356).

104 Misti, xxvii, f. 56v (30 Jan. 1356).

105 Halecki, O., Un Empereur de Byzance à Rome; vingt ans de travail pour l'union des églises et pour la défence de l'Empire d'Orient, 1355–1375 (Warsaw, 1930)Google Scholar; Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 125–126; for the safe conduct see Commemoriali, ii, p. 218.

106 Rinaldi, O., Annales ecclesiastici, vi (Lucca, 1750), p. 634Google Scholar.

107 Misti, xxvii, f. 58v (15 Feb. 1356).

108 Dip. Ven. Lev., ii, pp. 26–28.

109 Acta Cand., 4 Aug. 1356.

110 Misti, xxvii, f. 97v.

111 Iorga, N., Philippe de Mézières (1327–1405) et la croisade au XIV e siècle (Paris, 1896), pp. 100–101Google Scholar; this work is still useful.

112 Halecki, Byzance, p. 64.

113 Misti, xxvii, f. 116 (28 Mar. 1357); xxviii, f. 10 (29 July 1357).

114 Régestes, no. 327 (30 Apr. 1358).

115 Smet, J., The Life of Saint Peter Thomas by Philippe de Mézières (Rome, 1954), pp. 84–86, 206–211Google Scholar, et passim. It was probably in 1359 that a combined Venetian, Greek and Rhodian fleet defeated a Turkish fleet near Megara; see Loenertz, R.-J., ‘Athènes et Néopatras: régestes et notices pour servir à l'histoire des duchés Catalans, 1311–1394,’ in Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, xxv (1955), addenda, pp. 430–431Google Scholar, but Setton, K., Catalan domination of Athens, 1311–1388 (Cambridge Mass., 1948), p. 60Google Scholar places it in 1364.

116 Thiriet, Creta, p. 708, n. 24; cf. Régestes, no. 330 (14 June 1358).

117 Cons. Cand., f. 142 (31 Aug. 1360).

118 Hill, G., A History oj Cyprus, ii (Cambridge, 1948), pp. 321–323Google Scholar.

119 Venetian protests of 22 May 1364, 17 Oct. 1365 in Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Liber secretorum Collegii, 1363–1366, f. 94v, 171 (kindly communicated by M. Robert Naura); cf. p. 9, n. 10. For Gradenigo see Raphayni de Caresinis, Chronica (in Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, n.s. xii, part ii; Bologna, 1922), p. 15. Another Cretan exile was well received in Rhodes in 1332 (Theotokis, Θεσπίσματα, i, p. 110).1

120 Thiriet, F., ‘Una proposta di lega antiturca tra Venezia, Genova e Bisanzio nel 1363,’ in Archivio storico italiano, cxiii (1955)Google Scholar.

121 Hill, , Cyprus, ii, pp. 327–360Google Scholar; Smet, Peter Thomas, pp. 102–141.

122 Halecki, Byzance, pp. 74–77, 89–162; and for Gregory's plans, pp. 250, 264–265, 292–297, 300, 316–318, et passim.

123 Misti, xxxiv, f. 93v–94; cf. Régestes, no. 533.

124 Caroldo, Historie venete, f. 384–384v; cf. Halecki, Byzance, pp. 319–323.

125 Misti, xxxvi, f. 5v.

126 Lluch, A. Rubió i, ‘La Greciá catalana des de la mort de Frederic III fins a la invasió navarresa, 1377–1379,’ in Anuari de l'Institut d'estudis catalans, vi, part i (1915–1920), pp. 182–184Google Scholar.

127 Giomo, Misti, p. 11.

128 The acquisition of Karystos was being discussed in Venice on 22 Jan. 1348 (Régestes, no. 208), and when, in mid-Aug. 1349, news arrived that the Order was planning to acquire it from Bonifacio, son of Alfons Fadrique of Aragon, in exchange for lands in Sicily, the Venetians decided to negotiate for it themselves (text of the letter from Negroponte, dated Aug. 1349, in Dip. Or. Cat., pp. 251–252; does, of 13 and 18 Aug. in Misti, xxv, f. 42, 44v, and cf. Régestes, no. 229). On 14 Mar. 1350 they made their protest to the Order (Régestes, no. 238). By 21 Apr. 1351 the seem to have provisionally arranged the purchase (Misti, xxvi, f. 55v) and on 28 Apr. were sending an envoy to complete the transaction in Sicily (text in Dip. Ven. Lev., ii, pp. 13–14). The contents of these documents were made known by Hopf, K. in his ‘Geschichtlicher Uberblick über die Schicksale von Karystos auf Euboea in dem Zeitraume von 1205–1470,’ in Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien: Philosophisch historische Classe, xi (1853), pp. 579–581Google Scholar and his Geschichte Griechenlands, i, p. 452, but have since been ignored by historians. The Order's tenure of Karystos is proved by two documents: by 28 July 1351 news had reached Venice that Bonifacio was unable to complete the sale since the Hospitallers held the castle, probably on a lease (Misti, xxvi, f. 64v), while on 5 July 1351 a Hospitaller was sent to the preceptory of Carasto (Malta, cod. 318, f. 210v). No more is heard of the Order at Karystos and it seems unlikely that it held it for long; its sale to Venice was confirmed at Messina on 13 Sept. 1351 (text in Dip. Ven. Lev., ii, pp. 12–16) but Venice was still negotiating for it in 1359 and only acquired it years later. For the history of Karystos at this time see Loenertz, Athènes et Néopatras, pp. 174–182.

129 Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 131–133, for the facts, his interpretation of which is pure supposition.

130 Luttrell, Actividades económicas, passim.

131 Commemoriali, iii, pp. 129–131.

132 The interpretation by Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 189, 201, 247 and by others of this expedition as being directed by the ambitions of Juan Fernández de Heredia is based on the chronicle of J. Bosio, which is hopelessly inaccurate at this point and has led later historians into a tangle of mistakes. Loenertz, R.-J., ‘Hospitaliers et Navarrais en Grèce 1376–1383; régestes et documents’, in Orientalia Christiana renodica, xxii (1956)Google Scholar corrects many of these, but the subject needs reinterpreting on the lines suggested here. Bosio's story that the Hospitallers were invited by a Venetian admiral to join him in an attack on the Morea is most improbable; cf. Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 202–203.

133 Halecki, O., ‘Rome et Byzance au temps du Grand Schisme d'Occident,’ in Collectanea Theologica (Lwów), xviii (1937), pp. 489–490Google Scholar, et passim.

134 Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 213, 250, n. 1. Di Giovanni was nominated on the 15 Nov. 1381 (Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Vat., 297, f. 103–104) and succeeded by Simone Visdomini di Montecchio from Parma, 1391–1398 (Sommi-Picenardi, Del Gran Priorato, pp. 145–146). The Roman Pope, Boniface IX, provided Niccolò Orsini to the Priory on 29 Sept. 1399 (Archivio del Priorato di Venezia, in filze 101).

135 Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 248–253.

136 Malta, cod. 281, f. 74–74v (31 Aug. 1385).

137 Misti, xl, f. 7 (13 Oct. 1385).

138 Above, p. 199.

139 Delaville, , Orient, i, pp. 356–357, 365–368Google Scholar; for Venetian hopes of acquiring assistance from the Order see Régestes, no. 813 (26 Apr. 1392); Misti, xliii, f. 143 (20 July 1396); Régestes, no. 949 (7 Sept. 1398); Misti, xliv, f. 107v–108 (19 July 1399).

140 Régestes, nos. 583 (7 Sept. 1376), 715 (24 Sept. 1388).

141 Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 219–233; Cessi, R., ‘Amedeo di Acaia e la revendicazione dei domini sabaudi in Oriente,’ in Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s. lxxiii (1919), pp. 5–9Google Scholar.

142 Hill, , Cyprus, ii, pp. 433, n. 4, 439–440Google Scholar.

143 Charanis, P., ‘An important short chronicle of the fourteenth century,’ in Byzantion, xiii (1938), pp. 356–357Google Scholar; Loenertz, R.-J., ‘Manuel Paléologue et Démétrius Cydonés,’ in Echos d'Orient, xxxvii (1938), p. 114, n.5Google Scholar. In Oct. 1392 some Hospitallers had lately been in Constantinople (Iorga, , Notes et extraits, i, p. 51Google Scholar).

144 Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 233–234.

145 Ljubic, , Listine, iv, p. 378Google Scholar.

146 Venice was ready to treat with the Turks from Mar. 1376 onwards (Régestes, nos. 575–576 et passim). In general see Silberschmidt, M., Das orientalische Problem zur Zeit der Entstehung destürkischen Reiches (Leipzig, 1923)Google Scholar, passim: R. Cessi, Amedeo di Acaia, passim and his ‘Venezia e l'acquisto di Nauplia ed Argo,’ in Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s. lix (1915)Google Scholar; Setton, Athens, pp. 190–194, 199–203.

147 Delaville, , Orient, i, pp. 211–299Google Scholar.

148 Loenertz, R.-J., ‘Pour l'historie du Péloponèse au XIV e siècle, 1382–1404,’ in Études byzantines, i (1943), pp. 186–196Google Scholar.

149 Iorga, , Notes et extraits, i, pp. 106–109 (1403)Google Scholar; Theodore apparently received Venetian assistance in repurchasing the Despotate in 1404 (Malta, cod. 333, f. 115–115v).

150 Delaville, , Orient, i, pp. 356–357, 365–379, 384–385, 411–426, 475–461, 488Google Scholaret passim; Delaville, Rhodes, pp. 271–304; Régestes, no. 949 (7 Sept. 1398); for other quarrels see Noiret, Crète, pp. 127–128.

151 Thiriet, F., ‘Venise et l'occupation de Ténédos au XIVe siècle,’ in Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire, lxv (1953), p. 242Google Scholar.

152 Frater Felicis Fabri Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae, Arabiae et Egypti peregrinationem, ed. Hassler, C. D., iii (Stuttgart, 1849), p. 258Google Scholar.