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The Temple of Hadrian at Cyzicus and Roman attitudes to exceptional construction

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Janet DeLaine
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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 70 , November 2002 , pp. 205 - 230
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2002

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References

1 Orations 27. For an English translation and notes see P. Aelius, Aristides, The Complete Works. Volume II. Orations XVII–LIII (translated by Behr, C.A.) (Leiden, 1981), 98–106, 379–82Google Scholar. The relevant passages are reproduced in the Appendix, no. 1.

2 Wroth, W., Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Mysia (London, 1892), 47Google Scholar, no. 218 and pl. 12.14. Only the substructures and isolated fragments of ornament survive today; see A. Schulz and E. Winter, ‘Historisch-archäologische Untersuchungen zum Hadrianstempel von Kyzikos’, in Schwertheim, E. (ed.), Mysische Studien (Asia Minor Studien 1) (Bonn, 1990), 33–82Google Scholar.

3 Behr, Aristides, Orations XVII–LIII (above, n. 1), 379 n. 1.

4 Cass. Dio 70.4.1; Anth. Pal. 9.656; Malalas 11.279.8.

5 For the different monuments included at various time in the list of the ‘Seven Wonders’ (originally the ‘Seven Sights’) and the late date of the modern canon, see P. A. Clayton and Price, M. J., The Seven Wonders of the Ancient World (London, 1988), esp. pp. 1–12 and 158–65Google Scholar.

6 Praise: Strab. 17.791; Diod. Sic. 33.28b.2; Pliny, , HN 36.18Google Scholar; Joseph. 5/4.10.5, 5.4.3; as one of the wonders: A Treatise on the Seven Wonders of the World Fashioned by the Hand of Men, attributed to Bede of Jarrow. The fifth-century Anth. Pal. 9.656, however, already coupled it with the standard wonders of the pyramids and the Colossus of Rhodes.

7 For these exceptionally large temples, see Coulton, J.J., Greek Architects at Work. Problems of Structure and Design (London, 1977), 74–86Google Scholar on colossal Greek temples, and Hurwit, J.M., The Art and Culture of Early Greece, 1100–480 BC (Ithaca/London, 1985), 179–86Google Scholar on the influence of Egypt.

8 Pyramids: Hdt. 2.124–7; Samos: Hdt. 3.60.

9 See Brown, B.R., ‘Novelty, ingenuity, self-aggrandizement, ostentation, extravagance, gigantism and kitsch in the art of Alexander the Great and his successors’, in Barasch, M., Sandier, L. Freeman and Egan, P. (eds), Art the Ape of Nature: Studies in Honour of H.W. Janson (New York, 1981), 1–13Google Scholar.

10 A point clearly made by Cornell, T.J., The Beginnings of Rome. Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000–264 BC) (London/New York, 1995), 96Google Scholar.

11 Mart, . Spect. 1.2–6Google Scholar. See Weinreich, O., Studien zu Martial. Literarhistorische und Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen (Stuttgart, 1928), 9–20Google Scholar, for this and the recurrence of the Seven Wonders in Martial and later Latin epigrams.

12 Cf. Ekschmitt, W., Die Sieben Weltwunder. Ihre Erbauung, Zerstörung und Wiederentdeckung (Mainz, 1984), 9Google Scholar.

13 For a critical edition of Cyriac of Ancona's account of the Temple and his sketches of the remains, see Bodnar, E.W. and Mitchell, C. (eds), Cyriacus of Ancona's Journeys in the Propontis and the Northern Aegean 1444–1445 (Philadelphia, 1976), 27–31Google Scholar and figs 1–6; and on the remains and reconstruction of the original plan see Schulz and Winter, ‘Untersuchungen zum Hadrians-tempel’ (above, n. 2).

14 The height of the columns is reconstructed from their c. 2.1 m lower diameter, assuming the standard proportion of lower diametenheight for Roman Corinthian columns of 1:10, although something less than this is also possible. See Wilson-Jones, M., Principles of Roman Architecture (New Haven/London, 2000), 143–53Google Scholar and table 1.

15 For the temple and its dimensions, see Schulz, B. and Winnefeld, H., Baalbek: die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Untersuchungen in den Jahren 1898–1905 I (Berlin/Leipzig, 1921), 50–64Google Scholar.

16 See Adam, J.-P., ‘À propos du Trilithon de Baalbek’, Syria 54 (1977), 31–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 52. Will, E., ‘Du trilithon de Baalbek et d'autres appareils colossaux’, in Mélanges ojferts à K. Michalowski (Warsaw, 1965), 725–9Google Scholar, saw this as a specifically eastern tradition rather than a Roman one, but the giant monolithic columns of Rome suggest that the two are not mutually exclusive.

17 Aristides, , Orations 27.20Google Scholar, cf. Diod. Sic. 2.10.

18 Diod. Sic. 17.95.1 (see Appendix no. 2); cf. Curtius 9.3.19; Plut. Vit. Alex. 62. 4; Arr. Anab. 5. 29.1.

19 Excerpta Valesiana 96: ‘While living he had a tomb built for him from squared stone, a work of wondrous size (mirae magnitudinis opus); and he sought out a mighty stone (saxum ingentem) to put on top’. On the building see R. Heidenreich and H. Johannes, Das Grabmal Theodorichs zu Ravenna (Wiesbaden, 1971), and for the problem of the monolithic cupola Korres, M., ‘Wie kann der Kuppelstein auf den Mauerring? Die einzigartige Bauweise des Grabmals Theodorichs des Grossen zu Ravenna und das Bewegen schwerer Lasten’, Mitteilungen den Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Romische Abteilung 107 (1994), 219–58Google Scholar, and Santillo, R., ‘Il 'saxum ingentem' a Ravenna a copertura del Mausoleo di Teodorico’, Opuscula Romana 20 (1996), 105–33Google Scholar. Krautheimer, R., Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture (Harmondsworth, 1965), 192Google Scholar, rather missed the point when he explained this as ‘a residue of the Germanic tradition’.

20 Strab. 3.5.6.

21 Trophy of Pompey: Castellvi, G., Nolla, J. M. and Rodá, I., ‘La indentificación de los trofeos de Pompeyo en el Pirineo’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 8 (1995), 5–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Trophy of Augustus: Formigé, J., Le Tropheé des Alpes (La Turbie) (Supplement to Gallia 2) (Paris, 1949)Google Scholar.

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25 Diod. Sic. 4.78.

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27 See Claridge, A., ‘Hadrian's Column of Trajan’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 6 (1993), 5–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 9–10.

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34 Quintus Curtius Rufus 5.1.35; cf., from a rather different perspective, Sen, . Dial. 11.1.1Google Scholar, where the Seven Wonders stand for the longest-lived monuments possibly made by man.

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38 Pliny, , HN 36.24.113–15Google Scholar.

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41 The account contains man y echoes of Pliny the Elder's chapters on obelisks (HN 36.14.64–72).

42 D.M. Bailey, ‘Honorific columns, cranes, and the Tuna epitaph’, in Bailey, D.M. (ed.), Archaeological Research in Roman Egypt. Proceedings of the 17th Classical Colloquium of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum (Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 19) (Ann Arbor, 1996), 155–68, esp. p. 157Google Scholar.

43 For the obelisk base, see Bruns, G., Der Obelisk und seine Basis auf dem Hippodrom zu Konstantinopel (Istanbuler Forschungen 7) (Istanbul, 1935)Google Scholar; and, most recently, Kiilerich, B., The Obelisk Base in Constantinople: Court Art and Imperial Ideology (Acta ad Archaeologia et Artium Historiam Pertinentia, Series altera 8° 11) (Rome, 1998), esp. pp. 26–7 and 69–72Google Scholar.

44 CIG 8612. See Appendix no. 3 for a translation.

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47 Rodriguez-Almeida, E., ‘Marziale in marmo’, Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome. Antiquite 106 (1) (1994), 197–217CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 215–17, dating it to the late first to second centuries AD. Coarelli, F., ‘Gli anfiteatri a Roma prima del Colosseo’, in Regina, A. La (ed.), Sangue e arena (Milan, 2001), 43–7Google Scholar, esp. p. 47, gave a date not later than Augustus and identified the building with Caesar's amphitheatre of 46 BC, but without sufficient argument.

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53 As do, for example, MacDonald, W.M., The Architecture of the Roman Empire I: an Introduction (New Haven, 1982), 126Google Scholar; Anderson, J.C. Jr, Roman Architecture and Society (Baltimore/London, 1997), 52–5Google Scholar.

54 See Marchis, ‘Machina est medium’ (above, n. 48). I do not agree with Anderson, Roman Architecture and Society (above, n. 53), 53, that ‘nothing much need be made of the omission of the word architectus… [as] Tacitus probably felt n o need to use the obvious label …’, since Tacitus is well-known for his manipulation of the colour of a passage by his careful choice of words (cf. Löfstedt, E., ‘On the style of Tacitus’, Journal of Roman Studies 38 (1948), 1–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mendell, C.W., Tacitus, the Man and his Work (London/New Haven, 1957), 94Google Scholar; Mellor, R., Tacitus (London, 1993), 113–36)Google Scholar.

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57 Amm. Marc. 16.10.15.

58 Procop., Aed. 1.1.27, 39, 50Google Scholar.

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65 For discussion see Vitruvius, , De Architectura (edited by Gros, P.; translation and commentary by Corso, A. and Romano, E.) (Turin, 1997), 171–3Google Scholar.

66 For example, Cic., Off. 1.151Google Scholar. See Burford, A., Craftsmen in Greek and Roman Society (London, 1972), 29–30Google Scholar for a wider discussion.

67 Vitr., De Arch. 2.1.6Google Scholar.

68 Cf. Zanker, P., The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor, 1988), 101–56Google Scholar.

69 Verg., Aen. 1.421–38Google Scholar, see Appendix no. 5 for translation.

70 Discussed by J.P. Ada m and P. Varene, ‘Une peinture romaine représantant une scène de chantier’, Revue Archéologique (1980), 213–38, esp. pp. 216–17. For the Esquiline freize, see now Capelli, R., ‘Il fregio dipinto dell'Esquilino e la propaganda augustea del mito delle origini’, in La Regina, A. (ed.), Museo Nazionale Romano. Palazzo Massimo alle terme (Milan, 1998), 51–8Google Scholar.

71 For the frieze, see G. Carettoni, ‘Il fregio figurato della Basilica Emilia’, Rivista dell'Istituto Nazionale di Architettura e di Storia dell'Arte (1961), 5–78, esp. pp. 16–21; Kranzle, P., Die Zeitliche und Ikonographische Stellung des Frieze der Basilika Aemilia (Hamburg, 1991)Google Scholar; Arya, D.A., ‘Il ratto delle Sabine e la guerra romano-sabina. Il fregio della Basilica Paulli (Aemilia)’, in Carandini, A. and Cappelli, R. (eds), Roma. Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città (Milan, 2000), 303–19, esp. pp. 312–14Google Scholar.

72 Cf. Petrone, G., ‘Locus amoenus/locus horridus: due modi di pensare la natura’, in Uglione, R. (ed.), L'uomo antico e la natura. Atti del convegno nazionale di studi, Torino 28–29–30 aprile 1997 (Turin, 1998), 177–95, esp. p. 179Google Scholar.

73 Gros, P., L'architecture romaine du debut du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. à la fin du Haut-Empire. I. Les monuments publics (Paris, 1996), 26–54, esp. pp. 35–42Google Scholar.

74 Polyb. 6.31.10.

75 For example, the extended building and clearance scenes X1/29–XX/46, with the first Dacian prisoner brought in at 43, and cf. XXXIX/99–XL/102, LII/129–31, LX/145–LXI/148, LXVIII/173–LXIX/175, CXXVII/344–CXXX/349. See Lepper and Frere, Trajan's Column (above, n. 33).

76 Coulston, J.C.N., ‘The architecture and construction scenes on Trajan's Column’, in Henig, M. (ed.), Architecture and Architectural Sculpture in the Roman Empire (Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph 29) (Oxford, 1990), 39–50, esp. p. 44Google Scholar, although Coulston put this down simply to ‘artistic convention’.

77 Cf. Mazzolani, L. Storoni, The Idea of the City in Roman Thought. From Wall City to Spiritual Commonwealth (translated by O'Donnell, S.) (London, 1970), 175–6Google Scholar.

78 See Aristides, , Orations 26.80–3Google Scholar, for frontier walls that ‘gleam with more brilliance than bronze’ and are ‘worth seeing’ (Behr, above n. 1, 90–1), and cf. on Hadrian's Wall, Bidwell, P., ‘The exterior decoration of Roman buildings in Britain’, in Johnson, P. and Haynes, I. (eds), Architecture in Roman Britain (Council for British Archaeology Research Report 94) (York, 1996), 19–29, esp. p. 22Google Scholar.

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81 Vitr., De Arch. 6.8.9Google Scholar, and cf., for example, Cic., Q Rosc. 24.5Google Scholar, Verr. 2.2.112; Livy 1.54.1, 1.57.1, 42.3.2; Asc. Scaur. 16; Frontin., Aq. 13.2Google Scholar; Tac., Ann. 11.1Google Scholar, Hist. 3.34.

82 Plut., Vit. Per. 12.3–6Google Scholar.

83 Amelung, W., ‘Plutarch, Perikles 12–14’, Historia 34 (1985), 47–63Google Scholar; Stadter, P.A., A Commentary on Plutarch's Pericles (Chapel Hill/London, 1989), 144, 153–4Google Scholar.

84 Cf. Brunt, P., ‘Free labour and public works at Rome’, Journal of Roman Studies 70 (1980), 81–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and DeLaine, Baths of Caracalla (above, n. 26), 197–201, for the Severan period.

85 See for example the comments by Joseph., BJ. 7.58–9Google Scholar on the speed with which the Temple of Peace was completed, and Pliny, Pan. 51 on the speed with which new porticoes and shrines were rising.

86 Novara, : CIL V 6513Google Scholar and DeLaine, J., ‘Benefactions and urban renewal: bath buildings in Roman Italy’, in DeLaine, J. and Johnson, D. (eds), Roman Baths and Bathing. I. Bathing and Society (Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 37) (Portsmouth (RI), 1999), 65–72, esp. pp. 72–3 for a discussion of its significanceGoogle Scholar.

87 These ideas were inspired by an unpublished paper given by Andrew Burnett at the Second Roman Archaeology Conference at Nottingham in April 1997, and see Price, M.J. and Trell, B.L., Coins and their Cities. Architecture on the Ancient Coins of Greece, Rome and Palestine (London, 1977), 53–8Google Scholar for the history of the practice. Coins of Trajan's Column were minted before completion of the structure: see Claridge, ‘Hadrian's Column of Trajan’ (above, n. 27), 13–15, and Hill, P.V., The Monuments of Ancient Rome as Coin Types (London, 1989), 57–8Google Scholar.

88 Arist. Eth. Nic. 4. 2.

89 Aqueducts: Frontin., Aq. 13.2Google Scholar (on the Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus), Hal., Dion.Ant. Rom. 3.67.5Google Scholar; Capitolium: Tac., Hist. 3.72, 4.53Google Scholar; Baths of Caracalla: S.H.A., Sev. 21.11Google Scholar.

90 Cic. Mur. 76 (odit populus Romanus privatam luxuriant, publicam magnificentiam diligit), quoted by Quint., Inst. 9.3.8Google Scholar2, and cf. Veil. Pat. 1.11.5, 2.1.2. For use in a negative sense see Tac., Hist. 2.5Google Scholar (‘His magnificentia and wealth and the way in which all else superseded the way of life of a private citizen elevated Mucianus …’); Ann. 3.55 (‘Formerly noble families of wealth or outstanding distinction met their downfall through a passion for magnificentia’); Ann. 14.52 (‘… even in the pleasantness and magnificentia of his gardens he [Seneca] almost surpassed the princeps’); Ann. 15.48 (‘… he [Piso] indulged in levity, magnificentia and at times in luxus’).

91 Pliny, , HN 36.113–20Google Scholar.

92 Pliny, , HN 36.24.114–15Google Scholar, cf. 36.2.5–6.

93 Beagon, M., Roman Nature. The Thought of Pliny the Elder (Oxford, 1992), 41–2Google Scholar, and cf. Marchetti, S. Citroni, ‘luvare mortalem. L'ideale programmatico della Naturalis Historia di Plinio nei rapporti con il moralismo stoico-diatribico’, Atene e Roma 27 (1982), 124–48, esp. p. 125Google Scholar.

94 Pliny, , HN 36.1.1–2 and 36.24.123–5Google Scholar. Both the quarrying and the engineering projects involve levelling and cutting away or through mountains.

95 See E. Romano, ‘Dal de officiis a Vitruvio, da Vitruvio a Orazio: il dibattito sul lusso edilizio’, in Le Projet de Vitruve. Objet, destinataires et reception du de architectura (Collection de l'École française de Rome 192) (Rome, 1994), 63–73, esp. pp. 63–6Google Scholar.

96 Hor., Carm. 2.18.17–22, 3.1.33–7Google Scholar and cf. Pearcy, T., ‘Horace's architectural imagery’, Latomus 36 (1977), 772–81Google Scholar; Sen. Ep. 90. 7–9; Pliny, , HN 4.10Google Scholar. In general see Fedeli, P., ‘L'uomo e la natura nel mondo romano’, in Uglione, R. (ed.), L'uomo antico e la natura. Atti del convegno nazionale di studi, Torino 28–29–30 Aprile 1997 (Turin, 1998), 105–25, esp. pp. 113–16Google Scholar.

97 For detailed discussions, see Dodds, The Ancient Concept of Progress (above, n. 63), Edelstein, L., The Idea of Progress in Classical Antiquity (Baltimore, 1967)Google Scholar, and Blundell, S., The Origins of Civilisation in Greek and Roman Thought (Beckenham, 1986)Google Scholar.

98 Vitr., De Arch. 2.1Google Scholar.

99 Lucr. 5.1412–15. See Blundell, The Origins of Civilisation in Greek and Roman Thought(above, n. 97), 176–98.

100 Cic., Nat. D. 2.99.147–52Google Scholar.

101 Sen. Ep. 90 (see Appendix no. 6) and Q Nat 3.27–30; cf. Chrys., DioOr. 6.25Google Scholar where Prometheus is rightly punished for introducing man to the arts of civilization.

102 On decor in Vitruvius, see L. Callebat, ‘Rhétorique et architecture dans le ‘de architectura”, in Le Projet de Vitruve. Objet, destinataires et réception du de architectura (Collection de l'École française de Rome 192) (Rome, 1994), 31–46Google Scholar and, in relation to design, Wilson-Jones, Principles of Roman Architecture (above, n. 14), 43–4, 83–4, 136–8.

103 Vitruvius: Geertman, H., ‘Teoria e attualita della progettistica architettonica di Vitruvio’, in Le Projet de Vitruve. Objet, destinataires et réception du de architectura (Collection de l'École française de Rome 192) (Rome, 1994), 7–30, esp. pp. 21–6Google Scholar; Gros, P., ‘L'auctoritas chez Vitruve. Contribution a l'étude de la sémantique des ordres dans le de architecture’, in Munus non ingratum: Proceedings of the International Symposium on Vitruvius' De architectura and Hellenistic and Republican Architecture (Bolletin Antike Beschavung Supplement 2) (Leiden, 1989), 126–33Google Scholar. Pliny: Citroni Marchetti, ‘luvare mortalem (above, n. 93), 125–6.

104 Cf. Quint., Inst. 10.2.27Google Scholar, 9.4.44; Cic., De Or. 3.178Google Scholar.

105 Translation after Behr, C.A., Aristides, P. Aelius, The Complete Works. Volume II. Orations XVII–LIII (Leiden, 1981), 98–106Google Scholar.

106 Adapted from Diodorus of Sicily, Loeb edition translated by C.H. Oldfather (Cambridge/London, 1946–63).

107 Iversen, E., Obelisks in Exile. II. The Obelisks of Istanbul and England (Copenhagen, 1972), 12–13Google Scholar for the translation used here.

108 Adapted from Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, translated by Rowland, I.D. (Cambridge, 1999), 34–5Google Scholar.

109 Adapted from Virgil, , The Aeneid, translated by Knight, W.F. Jackson (London, second edition, 1958), 40–1Google Scholar.

110 Adapted from Seneca, , Epistles 66–92, Loeb edition translated by Gummere, R.M. (Cambridge/London, 1920)Google Scholar.