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The Latins of Argos and Nauplia: 1311–1394

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Anthony Luttrell
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During the fourteenth century the Latins' hold on those fragments of the great empire of Romania which they had acquired after the overthrow of the Byzantine emperor in 1204 became increasingly precarious. In the Morea, as the Peloponnese was then known, the foremost Frankish houses, the Villehardouin, the Courtenay, the de la Roche and others, were extinguished. The French magnates faced hostility not only from the Greeks and Turks, but also from the Catalans and the Italianate elements to whom their lands passed through conquest, marriage or princely favour. A turning point in this process was the slaughter of many male members of the old Frankish aristocracy by the Catalan companies and their Turkish allies in a great battle near Thebes in 1311, at which Gautier de Brienne, who had succeeded his kinsman Guy de la Roche as Duke of Athens and Neopatras in 1309, was killed. Gautier's duchies were occupied by the Catalans, who were acting independently of the Aragonese King of Sicily, though they subsequently rendered a vague formal allegiance to a line of Siculo-Aragonese dukes. The Catalans did not take Corinth, which lay on the isthmus separating the Duchy of Athens from the Morea, and the Brienne family retained effective possession of its lands beyond Corinth, around Argos and Nauplia, which continued to form part of the Principality of Achaea.

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Research Article
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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 34 , November 1966 , pp. 34 - 55
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Copyright © British School at Rome 1966

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References

1 For general background and extensive bibliographies, Setton, K., Catalan Domination of Athens: 1311–1388 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948)Google Scholar; Longnon, J., L'empire latin de Constantinople et la principauté de Morée (Paris, 1949)Google Scholar; Cambridge Medieval History, iv, part 1 (revised: Cambridge, 1966)Google Scholar. Too much of what has been accepted in many standard works derives from Hopf, K., Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters bis auf die neuere Zeit, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1867–1868)Google Scholar [ = Hopf, i-ii], which is unreliable and hard to control, especially since it is partly based on the Angevin documents in the Archivio di Stato, Naples [=Naples], which were destroyed in 1943. The undocumented and inaccurate genealogies in Hopf, K., Chroniques gréco-romanes inédites ou peu connues (Berlin, 1873)Google Scholar [=Hopf, CGR], are largely derived from his earlier work. The present study is based as far as possible on the original texts; it ignores many secondary works and attempts no systematic indication of the numerous past errors, but since so little material relating to fourteenth-century Greece survives considerable detail has been included. Inevitably, more material on the present topic remains to be exploited, especially among the sources of French and Italian history, and above all among material which does survive at Naples. The archives of the Counts of Conversano apparently contain nothing relevant to the present study: Monti, G., Nuovi studi angioini (Trani, 1937), 375Google Scholar.

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3 Texts of 1321 (not 1320) in A. du Chesne, Histoire de la maison de Chastillon sur Marne (Paris, 1621), preuves, 212–214. Jeanne de Châtillon died only in January 1355 (not 1354: epitaph in Vigner, 261).

4 Hopf, i, 424, and many others date the marriage to 1325, but Caggese, R., Roberto I d'Angiò e i suoi tempi, 2 vols. (Florence, 1922–1930), ii, 304, 335, n. 2Google Scholar, citing Naples, Reg. Ang. 221, f. 133–133 v; 239, f. 60–61 v, shows Gautier married by May 1321.

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7 Hopf, i, 426, citing Naples, Reg.Ang. 282 (1330 C), f. 173.

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12 Villani, Matteo, Cronica, ed. Dragomanni, F., i (Florence, 1846), 223–224, 246–247Google Scholar; Naples documents cited in Guerrieri, G., Gualtieri VI di Brienne, duca di Atene e conte di Lecce (Naples, 1896), 40, 68–70Google Scholar.

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16 Text in Paoli, C., ‘Delia signoria di Gualtieri duca d'Atene in Firenze,’ Giornale storico degli archivi toscani, vi (1862), 253–263Google Scholar.

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18 Libra de los fechos, 150.

19 Infra, 49, 52–53. In 1339 Petrus de Prothimo was granted a papal dispensation to marry Bonami, daughter of Symon Forese of Negroponte: text in F. Gregorovius—Lampros, S., Historia tes poleos Athenon kata tous mesous aionas, 3 vols. (Athens, 1904–1906), iii, 66–67Google Scholar.

20 Gille de la Plainche, Bailli of Achaea, sealed the will of Gautier's father at Zeitoun on 10 March 1311: text quoted in Hopf, CGR, 537.

21 Unknown to Eubel, C., Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, i (Münster, 1913), 105–106Google Scholar.

22 Text in Recueil des historiens des croisades: lois, ii (Paris, 1843), 386Google Scholar.

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24 Diplomatari, doc. 171 (ca. 1338).

25 Diplomatari, doc. 110.

26 Lemerle, 122.

27 Caggese, ii, 339, nn. 6–7, citing Naples, Reg. Ang. 289, f. 62; 293, f. 182 v, 188 v, 205.

28 Zakythinos, D., Le despotat grec de Morée, 2 vols. (Paris, 1932Google Scholar: Athens, 1953); Topping, P., ‘Le régime agraire dans le Péloponnèse latin au XIVe siëcle,’ L'Hellénisme contemporain, II ser., x (1956)Google Scholar; J. Longnon, ‘La vie rurale dans la Grèce franque,’ Journal des Savants (for 1965).

29 Thiriet, F., Régestes des délibérations du Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, 3 vols. (Paris, 1958–1961)Google Scholar [=Régestes], iii, no. 2865; the chroniclers reported over 30,000 enslaved (Zakythinos, i, 157).

30 Texts in Diplomatari, 407 note; C. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs à l'histoire de la Grèce au moyen âge, 9 vols. (Paris, 1880–1890), ii, 18–20, 123–124.

31 Régestes, iii, nos. 2598, 2694, 2866, 2888, 3093 (mid fifteentfi-century documents).

32 Misti, xxxvi, f. 56.

33 The comercle des fustaines at Argos in 1347 (Hopf, , CGR, xxix, 537Google Scholar).

34 A document of 1451 reported: in el castello de Termissi, se trova le piu notabile saline che sia in tuto Levante, de lequal se poria cavar un pozo d'oro… (Régestes, iii, no. 2866); on salt exports in 1384, infra, 45.

35 Gerola, G., ‘Le fortificazioni di Napoli di Romania,’ Annuario delta Regia Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle missioni italiane in Oriente, xiii–xiv (1930–1931)Google Scholar; Andrews, K., Castles of the Morea (Princeton, 1953), 90–115Google Scholar, with photographs and plans.

36 Du Chesne, 354.

37 Epitaph in Matthieu, E., Histoire de la ville d'Enghien (Mons, 1876/1878), 68Google Scholar; Hopf, CGR, 474, wrongly gives 1358.

38 According to a document cited in O. Vredms, Genealogia comitum Flandriae, ii (Bruges, 1643), 258.

39 All this appears in Chronographia regum francorum, ed. Moranvilé, H., ii (Pans, 1893), 321–322Google Scholar (inaccurately annotated); apparently composed in France soon after 1415, this contains some accurate or partly accurate information about the Enghien in Greece and gives Guy's wife as a daughter of the ‘Lord of Arkadia’ (possibly Érard le Maure). Vredius, ii, 263, gives her as a Greek named Bonne or Maria (cf. infra, 55, n. 159).

40 Texts and discussion infra, 52–55; cf. texts in Topping, P., Feudal Institutions as revealed in the Assizes of Romania (Philadelphia, 1949), 34, 41, 48, 52, 65, 145CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Text infra, 51.

42 Luttrell, 138–139; exactly how and when Tocco acquired Leucadia and Vonitza is still unclear.

43 Text in Léonard, E.-G., Histoire de Jeanne Ire, reine de Naples, comtesse de Provence: 1343–1382, iii (Monaco-Paris, 1936), 607–608Google Scholar.

44 Diplomatari, doc. 238.

45 Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Urbain V: 1362–1370, ed. Lecacheux, P., fasc. 1 (Paris, 1902), nos. 245, 247, 620.Google Scholar

46 Matthieu 77; Setton, K., in Speculum, xxviii (1953), 682–683, n. 116Google Scholar; Loenertz (1955), 118–120, 156. Diplomatari, docs. 312, 314–315, belong to 1364; Sefton shows that Hopf, i, 453, and others, including recently d'Olwer, L. Nicolau, La duqùessa d'Atenes i els ‘documents misteriosos’ (Barcelona, 1958), 59–62Google Scholaret passim, contain serious chronological and other confusions on these points.

47 Chronographia regum francorum, ii, 320–324; Matthieu, 78–92; Quicke, F., Les Pays-Bos à la veille de la periode bourguignonne: 1356–1384 (Paris-Brussels, 1947), 86–101Google Scholar, with references to sources.

48 Archivio di Stato, Venice; Libri Commemoriali [ = Commemoriali], vii, f. 92; reply in Gregorovius Lampros, iii, 366–367.

49 Commemoriali, v., f. 143.

50 Infra, 53.

51 Libro de los fechos, 152–155, but many details await elaboration; the date of 4 March 1370 is given in Hopf, ii, 9, citing Naples, Arche Angiov. K.m. 31, n. 18; D.m. 31, n. 83; Fasc. Ang. BBB, f. 71; DDD f. 76, 78.

52 According to Libro de los fechos, 155, Louis became bailli some time after the conclusion of peace (i.e. after 4 March 1370 ?), and was replaced after his campaign against Athens, apparently late in 1371.

53 Text in Santeramo, S., Codice Diplomatico Barlettano, iii (Barletta, 1957), 21–22Google Scholar.

54 Diplomatari, docs. 317 (correct date 1371), 320.

55 Libro de los fechos, 155, without precise date, but the invasion presumably took place after the appeal answered from Venice in February 1371.

56 Diplomatari, docs. 331–332; cf. Loenertz (1955), 132, 183–184.

57 Diplomatari, docs. 336–337; there is no evidence that the congress took place.

58 Morea, D.—Muciaccia, F., Le pergamene di Conversano (Trani, 1942), doc. 140Google Scholar.

59 Cutolo, A., Maria d'Enghien (Naples, 1922), 19Google Scholar.

60 Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Grégoire XI (1370–1378) relatives à la France, ed. Mirot, L. et al. (Paris, 1937–1957), no. 3372Google Scholar.

61 Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 229, f. 290–290 v.

62 Cutolo, 20.

63 Setton, 65–68, 78; text of 1360, infra, 51.

64 Text infra, 53.

65 Luttrell, A., ‘The Principality of Achaea in 1377,’ Byzantinische Zeitschrift, lvii (1964), 340–341Google Scholar (correcting Hopf). The confused and unreliable passages from Theodore Zygomalas and Dorotheos of Monemvasia who wrote long after the events (texts in Hopf, CGR, 236–239) are here ignored. According to Dorotheos, Marie was Guy's wife (!) and the Venetians bribed two citizens of Nauplia, Kamateros and Kaloethes, to arrange her marriage to a Barbaro!

66 Misti, xxxvi, f. 23 v, 56.

67 Loenertz, R.-J., ‘Hospitaliers et Navarrais en Grèce, 1376–1383: regestes et documents,’ Orientalia Christiana Periodica, xxii (1956), 330–336Google Scholar; Luttrell, A., ‘Interessi fiorentini nell'economia e nella politica dei Cavalieri Ospedalieri di Rodi nel trecento,’ Annali delta Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa: lettere, storia e filosofia, II ser., xxviii (1959), 322–324Google Scholar. When Thebes fell is uncertain; the evidence is discussed by Setton, K., in Cambridge Medieval History, iv, part 1, 420, n. 1, rejecting a date in 1378Google Scholar.

68 On 8 May 1381 Pedro IV of Aragon, from distant Zaragoza, wrote: quod dictus Johannes, tres anni afluxerunt, fuit el adhuc detinetur captus in posse comitis de Conversa … (Diplomatari, doc. 714). This gives 1378; Loenertz (1955), 136, dates Joan's capture to 1377, and mistakenly describes Louis as Angevin bailli. No more is known of Joan de Lluria. Louis' movements are obscure. On 20 November 1378 the pope, at Fondi, granted him a supplication: Hanquet, K., Documents relatifs au Grand Schisme, iGoogle Scholar = Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, viii (Rome, 1924), 188Google Scholar. An inscription formerly at Conversano read, Hoc opus fieri fecit Lodovicus de Enchineo Comes Cupersani. Anno Domini 1380: Bolognini, G., Storia di Conversano (Bari, 1935), 91, n. 5Google Scholar.

69 Hopf, i–ii, passim; Borsari, S., Il dominio veneziano a Creta nel XIII secolo (Naples, 1963), 21, n. 37, 23, n. 52, 77, n. 56, 81–82, 90, 102–103, 153–154Google Scholar; Thiriet, F., La Romanie vénitienne au moyen âge (Paris, 1959), 162–163, 274–276, 296, 330–333Google Scholar; Régestes, i, nos. 32, 34, 64, 118, 147, 172, 197, 286, 322, 446, 555.

70 References in Setton, 30–34.

71 de Mas-Latrie, L., Histoire de l'île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan, ii–iii (Paris, 1852–1855), ii, 363, 372–373Google Scholar; iii, 817; Hill, G., A History of Cyprus, ii (Cambridge, 1948), 328, n. 1, 423, n. 3, 427, n. 2Google Scholar; Luzzatto, G., Studi di storia economica veneziana (Padua, 1954), 118–123, 135–136, 281 (but Luzzatto, 119, 121, confuses Marie d'Enghien with Marie de Bourbon)Google Scholar; Lane, F., in Nuova rivista storica, xlix (1965), 71–75Google Scholar.

The Cornaro deserve further study.

72 Infra, 47.

73 Misti, xxxvi, f. 23 v, 56.

74 Mas-Latrie, ii, 378–381; Hill, ii, 428–429; Luzzatto, 122, 281.

75 Infra, 49.

76 Misti, xxxvii, f. 25 v; xxxviii, f. 14 v.

77 Archivio di Stato, Venice; Notatorio del Colegio, ii, f. 24.

78 Diplomatari, docs. 574, 592.

79 Régestes, i, nos. 736, 742.

80 Text in Jarry, E., ‘Instructions secrètes pour l'adoption de Louis Ier d'Anjou par Jeanne de Naples: Janvier 1380,’ Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, lxvii (1906), 248Google Scholar.

81 Loenertz (1956), 335, 339–341.

82 Text in Valois, N., La France et le grand schisme d'Occident, ii (Paris, 1896), 64, n. 6Google Scholar (Pierre wrongly given as Nicolas).

83 Naples, Reg. Ang. 358, f. 40 v; 359, f. 262 v, 281 v, cited in Cutolo 22, 27–29.

84 Misti xxxvii, f. 122.

85 Matthieu, 95–101.

86 Text cited in Vredius, ii, 261; cf. Chronographia regum francorum, iii (1897), 69Google Scholar.

87 Text in Valois, ii, 79, n. 4.

88 Hopf, ii, 47–49; le Roulx, J. Delaville, Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes jusqu'd la mort de Philibert de Naillac: 1310–1421 (Paris, 1913), 220–224 (both with errors)Google Scholar.

89 In May 1386 the Hospitallers' treasurer at Avignon paid eight francs ‘pour envoier en brabant par devers frere henry de saincteron et autres commandeurs du paiz pour faire faire informacion si comme par monsser le maistre me rut expressement mande de ceulx qui sont vraix heretiers du duchesme dathenes’ (Royal Malta Library, Valletta; Archives of the Order of St. John, codex 48, f. 124 v). Henri de Saint Trudon was Preceptor of Avalterre in Brabant (Delaville le Roulx, 193, 206, n. 7).

90 Chronographia regum francorum, iii, 38; her name was Marguerite (Vredius, ii, 260).

91 Cutolo, 32 et passim.

92 Naples, Reg. Ang. 361, f. 1; 365, f. 35, cited by Barone, N., in Archivio storico per le province napoletane, xii (1887), 499, 501Google Scholar; Matthieu, 101, without evidence, gives 1390; Hopf, i, 453, gives 17 March 1394.

93 Morea—Muciaccia, xviii–xxiii; docs. 151–152, 156. In these documents Margherita, Jean and Pierre are not styled as Dukes of Athens; nor were Pierre's descendants (Vigner, 621–622 et passim; Matthieu, 102–125 et passim). Vigner and subsequent authors contain numerous errors and confusions regarding the Enghien genealogy, but an undocumented seventeenth-century heraldic work (Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples; Ms. Brancacciana II A 7, f. 176) concords exactly with the details established in this paper.

94 Diplomatari, docs. 622, 643.

95 Text in Gregorovius—Lampros, iii, 146–152.

96 Misti, xlii, f. 129 v; xliii, f. 34. According to Chronographia regum francorum, ii, 322, Engelbert went to Venice and sold Argos, Nauplia and ‘Thebes’ pro magna pecuniarum summa!

97 Epitaph in Matthieu, 69 (Hopf, i, 453, wrongly gives 1392); Vredius, ii, 265, names Engelbert's descendants.

98 Loenertz, R.-J., ‘Pour l'histoire du Péloponèse au XIVe siècle,’ Études byzantines, i (1943), 167–170Google Scholar.

99 Archivio di Stato, Venice; Secreta Consilii Rogatorum [=Rogatorum], E. f. 46 v.

100 Texts in Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum: 1300–1450, ed. Thomas, G.—Predelli, R., ii (Venice, 1899), 211–215Google Scholar.

101 Text in Buchon, J., Recherches historiques sur la principauté française de Morée, ii (Paris, 1845), 433Google Scholar. Apparently Marie married Pasquale Zane of Venice and died before 28 January 1393 (Hopf, ii, 50).

102 Rogatorum E, f. 46 (22 December 1388); Misti, xl, f. 151 (26 January), 162–163 (18 February) [the text printed by E. Gerland from Hopf's notes is seriously unreliable]; xli, f. 9 v (31 May), 19v–20, 20 v (22 June 1389). Cf. Régestes, nos. 745, 748, 753, 757.

103 Cessi, R., ‘Venezia e l'acquisto di Nauplia ed Argo,’ Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s. xxx (1915)Google Scholar; Zakythinos, i, 130–143; Loenertz (1943), 168–185; Setton, 190–193; Régestes, i, nos. 753–865. This affair requires further study.

104 Misti, xli, f. 52 v; Régestes, i, nos. 792, 800.

105 Misti, xli, f. 76.

106 Texts in Sathas, ii, 2–3, 18–20.

107 Misti, xli, f. 20 v, 32 v. A letter of 15 December 1379 had listed Jacomo among those in Greece to whom Lorenzo Acciaiuoli was advised to write (text in Gregorovius—Lampros, iii, 129–132).

108 Misti, xli, f. 35.

109 Régestes, i, nos. 748, 761, 784, 792, 831, 861, 865, 886, 904–905, 936, 950, 967; ii–iii, passim. The numerous documents at Venice (cf. texts in Sathas, passim) would permit a much more detailed study of conditions in the Argolid during the period after 1394.

110 Borsari, S., ‘L’espansione economica fiorentina nell'Oriente cristiano sino alla metà del Trecento,’ Rivista storica italiana, lxx (1958)Google Scholar.

111 Brucker, G., ‘The Medici in the Fourteenth Century,’ Speculum, xxxii (1957), 13–14Google Scholaret passim.

112 Giovanni Villani, iv, 7, 28, 31, 45. Presumably it was only a coincidence that between 1314 and 1316 Gauder and his mother borrowed considerable sums from, and pawned lands in Apulia to Pierre Miège (also known as Petro Medico or Petrus Mezi seu Medici) of Toulon, galley owner and money-lender at Marseille and Naples: details in Caggese, i, 217, n. 7, 240, n. 3; n, 178, n. 5, 328, n. 1, 331; Histoire du Commerce de Marseille, ed. Rambert, G., ii (Paris, 1951), 29–31, 36Google Scholar, n. 1, 151, n. 2.

113 Poncelet, 14, 26 et passim. Niccolò Acciaiuoli may have been referring to Piero de' Medici in writing, on 14 March 1356: … e Piero riavera la sua terra plu tosto che non pensa (text in Léonard, in, 589–590).

114 This document survives in a sixteenth-century copy (executed by Janus Lascaris and attested by Alexius Celadonius, Bishop of Molfetta (not Amalfi) 1508–1517) from the Medici archives. It is now in Archivio di Stato, Florence; Carte orientali e greche, busta 2: text in Gregorovius—Lampros, ii, 738–740. Two drawings on the parchment, clumsily reproduced in Miller, W., Historia tes Phrangokratias en Helladi: 1204–1566, trans. Lampros, S., ii (Athens, 1909/1910), 10Google Scholar purport to show the bailli's ‘seal and counter-seal (antiboulla)’ mentioned in the text. One drawing depicts the Brienne seal with the inscription: GAVLTIER DVC DE ATHENES CONTE DE BRENE ET DE LICCE SEIGNOR DE FIORA(N)CE 1342. The second drawings shows a seal with the Medici arms inscribed: PIERRE DE MEDICIS DE ATHENIS BAIVLVS ET GNAL. CAP. DE ARGOS ET DE NEAPOLI DE ROMA; the date 1342 also appears, though not as part of the inscription on the seal but beneath the drawing. The document does not mention Gautier, who was dead by 1357; the drawings look suspect; and the date 1342 suggests that the inscriptions are at least partly unreliable. It seems unwise to conclude (as i n Gregorovius—Lampros, ii, 232, n. 2, 670–671, and elsewhere) that Piero was already bailli in 1342. Professor Peter Topping of Cincinnati University most generously supplied information and advice on this question, as on many others.

115 Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence; Carteggio Acciaiuoli, Cassetta II A, lettera 101, partly quoted in Léonard, E.-G., ‘La nomination de Giovanni Acciaiuoli à l'archeveché de Patras: 1360,’ in Mélanges offerts a M. Nicholas lorga (Paris, 1933), 523, n. 4Google Scholar.

116 Brucker, 9, 25 et passim; de Roover, R., The Rise and Decline of the Medici Bank: 1397–1494 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), 385Google Scholar. Professor Brucker most kindly searched his notes for more information on these Medici, as did Professor F. Gaupp of Southwestern University (Texas).

117 Litta, P., Famiglie celebri italiane, fasc. xvii (Milan, 1827–1830), tavola IIIGoogle Scholar.

118 Cf. Topping, ‘Régime agraire,’ 290–291; Luttrell, ‘Interessi fiorentini,’ 324; Dipolomatari, doc. 622.

119 Litta, fasc. xvii, tavole XVII, XIX.

120 Text infra, 54. Hopf, ii, 20, gives Piero as a son of Lapo delle brache, which seems quite unfounded (cf. Brucker, 24).

121 Diplomatari, doc. 600.

122 References in Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant (London, 1908), 338, 510, 553–554Google Scholar.

123 The Foucherolles' history derives, only with considerable uncertainty, from the two documents printed here. These survive only in modern copies which, whether the originals were in Latin, French or Italian, are clearly corrupted, confused and unreliable; so are Hopf's interpretations of them (i, 390, 424; ii, 19–20; CGR, 472–473).

124 Livre de la conqueste de la princée de l' Amorée, ed. Longnon, J. (Pans, 1911) 44, 71, 208, 379Google Scholar.

125 Libro de los fechos, 30, 87, anachromstically stating that Jacques was granted Veligourt in 1209.

126 Génois, J. de Saint, Droits primitifs des anciennes terres et seigneuries du pays et comté de Haynaut, i (Paris, 1782), 215Google Scholar (as cited in Hopf, i, 369).

127 Hopf, i, 391, without evidence, regards this as certain.

128 Text in Riccio, C. Minieri, Saggio di codice diplomatico, supplemento, part ii (Naples, 1883), 75–77Google Scholar (date corrected in Hopf, i, 408, n. 13). Hopf, CGR, 502, gives Martino as Lord of Veligosti and Damala in 1324, but as marrying Jacqueline in 1327! Hopf, i, 413, supposes that Martino helped defend the Argolid after 1311, but the 1318 text (Diplomatari, doc. 102) only shows, without specifying where, that the Catalans had captured his brother Niccolò.

129 This genealogy derives from the 1376 text; Hopf's version (CGR, 472) is hopelessly confused.

130 Libro de los fechos, 31, anachronistically stating that the Foucherolles acquired them in 1209; the other versions of the Chronicle of the Morea make no mention of this (Livre de la conqueste, 44, n. 2, 45, n. 5).

131 Text in Regestum clementis Papae V, vi (Rome, 1887), no. 6776Google Scholar.

132 Diplomatari, doc. 110. Bulls of 14 January 1314 mention an unnamed captain of Argos (ibid., docs. 63–66); Hopf, CGR, 472, without evidence, gives Gautier as captain from 1311 until 1324.

133 Supra, 37. A Ferry de Foucherolles was Marshal of the Hospital at Rhodes from 1330 to 1335, and later Prior of Champagne; Gérard de Foucherolles held preceptories at Châlon, Metz and Beaune, became Hospitaller of the Hospital, and in 1400 was empowered to treat with the Despot Theodore in the Morea (Delaville le Roulx, 278).

134 Infra, 55, n. 159.

135 Luttrell, ‘Principality of Achaea,’ 344.

136 1516 portolan in Sathas, i, endpiece. Hopf (i, 424; CGR, 472) places Tzoya in the Argolid and gives Nicolas de Foucherolles as Baron of Tzoya in 1324!

137 Supra, 48–49. Hopf, ii, 20, wrongly states that Jacomo died in 1376, and that Niccolò died in 1382 leaving a son Jacomo, Lord of Tzoya!

138 Modern copy from a codex entitled Famiglia Cornera in Archivio di Stato, Venice; Miscellania codici I, Storia veneta no. 149 (olim Brera, Milan, Ms. I, 58), f. 66 (punctuation as in Ms.); printed, inaccurately, in Hopf, CGR, 240.

139 ibid., f. 66–66 v (punctuation as in Ms.); printed, inaccurately, in Hopf, CGR, 240–242 (only significant errors noted here).

140 Reading et Lise de Laurento, Hopf, ii, 19–20, deduces a first husband for Lise named Laurento or Lorient! Laurento remains a puzzle.

141 Or fontieres(?); Hopf forestieretis.

142 This obscure passage might mean that Guy had re-invested Jacomo with certain lands but that others (fossieres – Foucherolles ?) could only pass through his wife to their son Niccolò.

143 =sentenza ?

144 Piero de' Medici (supra, 50–51).

145 Possibly Gerardo de Laburda (supra, 49); Hopf, ii, 20 gives Peter!

146 Possibly messer Janni Misido and Nicola alamangno who held castles in the Morea in 137 (Luttrell, ‘Principality of Achaea,’ 344).

147 Possibly Galeazzo Nani, Venetian consul at Clarenza in 1356 (Régestes, i, no. 282).

148 Or Cavaz(?); Hopf Catello, but Hopf, ii, 20, gives Marco and Niccolò Cavaza. Johannes Cavaza was castellan of Nauplia castle in 1400 (Sathas, ii, 13–14).

149 Sic. Hopf Petro Castelli, but Hopf, ii, 20, gives Aporito Catello. Niccolò and Aporico Catello were inhabitants of Nauplia in 1400 (Sathas, ii, 14).

150 I.e. Jacomo d e Tzoy a is son-in-law (figliolo) of Nicolas de Foucherolles.

151 Sic. Hopf altrui, unde.

152 I.e. on 15 February 1376 Guy's court judged, against Niccolò, that Jacomo should be invested as his wife's heir.

153 Sic.

154 Read 1309: Gautier only reached Greece and became duke in 1309 (Setton, 6–7).

155 I.e. the lands passed from Renaud de Veligourt alias de la Roche (Rinaldo di Valgonato or delle Porte) to his son-in-law (figliolo) Jean de Foucherolles, to Jean's son François (given as Renaud's figliolo!), to François' son Nicolas, and to Nicolas' daughter; in 1309 Gautier de Brienne confirmed them, in François' presence, to Nicolas. Niccolò de Tzoya obviously argued that the rule of primogeniture should continue so that he inherit from his mother, who was the daughter of Nicolas.

156 Nicolo di Caves and Nurdo di Carghi remain unidentified.

157 Possibly the casal de la Regranice held by Jacques de Veligourt in 1276 (supra, 52).

158 Possibly Kastri (Hermione) on the Argolid coast near Thermision (Sathas, i, endpiece; Andrews, 249 and pl. xxvii).

159 This most obscure passage conceivably means that—in accordance with a privilege granted at Argos in April 1328 (though this date is suspect) to a Guillaume (Gulielmo) de Foucherolles, son of Nicolas and Captain (Conte) and Seigneur (Signor) of Argos and Nauplia, and to his descendants—Nicolas de Foucherolles' lands were to pass to Niccolò de Tzoya as they had passed to Niccolò's mother (who was Nicolas's daughter), her brother Guillaume presumably having died before his sister without an heir; alternatively, though the text says qui naque del Signor Nicolo, the Gulielmo was possibly Nicolas' brother Gautier who was Captain of Argos in 1319. Hopf reads una nostra Sorella Antonia(!) signor Gulielmo Conte consolo(!) d'Argues,… Hopf then invents (ii, 19–20; CGR, 472) two other daughters for Nicolas, an Antonia (al!) de Foucherolles, wife of a Guillaume, Count of Plancy, and a Bona de Foucherolles-Zoia, the wife of Guy d'Enghien, making Antonia Guy's sister-in-law (nostra Sorella) and Jacomo de Tzoya his brother-in-law! But the Anthonace de Plancy of 1347 (supra, 37) was presumably a man; the Sorella and much else await explanation.